¹ This contribution is part of the research project “Augustine's Paul through the eyes of Bede: Critical edition, content analysis and reception study of the Venerable Bede's Collectio ex opusculis sancti Augustini in epistulas Pauli apostoli,” supervised by Gert Partoens (KU Leuven, Arts) and Anthony Dupont (KU Leuven, Theology). This project will result in the publication of the editio princeps of Bede's Pauline commentary in the Series Latina of the Corpus Christianorum, which will be buttressed by extensive research on the text's contents and its reception in the Middle Ages. We would like to thank Shari Boodts, Jérémy Delmulle, and Gert Partoens for their valuable remarks and suggestions concerning this article.

² The following description of Bede's Collectio is mainly based on Partoens, G., “The Sources and Manuscript Transmission of the Venerable Bede's Commentary on the Corpus Paulinum; Starting Points for Further Research,” in La trasmissione dei testi patristici latini: problemi e prospettive, ed. Colombi, E., Instrumenta Patristica et Mediaeualia 60 (Turnhout, 2012), 201–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar, where an extensive status quaestionis of the scholarship on Bede's Pauline commentary can be found. See also Fransen, P.-I., “Description de la collection de Bède le Vénérable sur l'Apôtre,” Revue Bénédictine 71 (1961): 22–70 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wilmart, A., “La collection de Bède le Vénérable sur l'Apôtre,” Revue Bénédictine 38 (1926): 16–52 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Delmulle, J., “La Collectio in Apostolum de Bède le Vénérable: Tradition manuscrite, codicologie et critique d'authenticité,” Scriptorium 70 (2016): 199–251 Google Scholar; idem, “Le florilège augustinien de Bède le Vénérable et les discussions tardoantiques sur la grâce, le libre arbitre et la prédestination,” Revue d’études augustiniennes et patristiques 63 (2017): forthcoming.

³ The Collectio contains only a few pseudo-Augustinian fragments (for example, fr. 1, which derives from Quoduultdeus's Aduersus quinque haereses). Furthermore, during its transmission the Collectio received some interpolations. This is the case, for example, for fr. 394: this fragment, the only quotation from De opere monachorum in Bede's works, is found in only one of the Collectio’s witnesses, namely, Monte Cassino 178, and is a later addition (Partoens, “The Sources and Manuscript Transmission,” 242).

⁴ According to Partoens, “The Sources and Manuscript Transmission,” 210–14, the Collectio’s fragments derive from thirty-eight different Augustinian works (some of which Bede only knew indirectly, cf. infra). A few changes, however, should be made to Partoens's list of Augustinian works quoted in the Collectio:

Contra duas epistulas Pelagianorum. Bede identified Coll. fr. 48 and 49 as excerpts from Contra Iulianum [opus imperfectum] (fr. 48 being entitled Ex libro contra Iulianum I and fr. 49 Item ex eodem libro). This attribution has been contested: Florus of Lyon, who inserted Coll. fr. 48–49 into his own Augustinian Pauline commentary, identified them as Ex libro ad Bonifatium papam Vrbis, another title for Contra duas epistulas Pelagianorum. Fransen, “Description de la collection,” 29 n. 3, probably relying on Florus, attributed fr. 49 to C. ep. Pel., stating that Bede's attribution of this fragment was erroneous. Subsequently, D. Hurst, Bede the Venerable: Excerpts from the Works of Saint Augustine on the Letters of the Blessed Apostle Paul, Cistercian Studies Series 183 (Kalamazoo, MI, 1999), 54 and Partoens, “The Sources and Manuscript Transmission,” 215 claimed that not fr. 49 but fr. 48 was extracted from C. ep. Pel. This fragment would then be the only extract from C. ep. Pel. in Bede's Collectio (according to F. Dolbeau, Bede also quotes C. ep. Pel. in Comm. Marc. 4, CCL 120, 645, 1962–64. See Dolbeau, “Bède, lecteur des sermons d'Augustin,” in Augustin et la prédication en Afrique: Recherches sur divers sermons authentiques, apocryphes ou anonymes, Collection des Études Augustiniennes: Série Antiquité 179 [Paris, 2005], 495–523, at 497 n. 10). In fact, Coll. fr. 48 and fr. 49 were correctly attributed to C. Iul. [imp.] by Bede: fr. 48 was excerpted from C. Iul. imp. 1, 94 (CSEL 85/1, p. 107, 11–28; 108, 33; 44–47), fr. 49 from C. Iul. imp. 1, 86 (CSEL 85/1, p. 98, 5–99, 13). The text of fr. 48 does correspond to a passage in C. ep. Pel. 1, 2, 5; 3, 7, but this passage also occurs in C. Iul. imp. 1, 94. Comparison of both loci with fr. 48 reveals that Bede's extract shows more similarities with the text as given in C. Iul. imp. than with the analogous passage in C. ep. Pel.: First, the interjection “et item post modicum” is found only in C. Iul. imp. Second, in C. Iul. imp. the different parts that Bede quotes are grouped together in one paragraph, which is not the case in C. ep. Pel., where the parts quoted by Bede are dispersed over several paragraphs. In this way, Bede's titles for fr. 48 and fr. 49 prove to be correct, and C. ep. Pel. has to be removed from the list of Augustinian works quoted in Bede's Collectio.

De Genesi contra Manichaeos. Partoens considered De Genesi contra Manichaeos as a work that Bede refers to only outside the Collectio (“The Sources and Manuscript Transmission,” 213), despite the fact that a genuine quotation from it can be found in Coll. fr. 141. By consequence, this work should be added to the list of Augustine's writings cited in the Collectio, which brings the total number of quoted Augustinian works in Bede's Pauline commentary again to thirty-eight.

⁵ For Florus's, Rabanus's, and Sedulius's commentaries, see Fransen, P.-I., “Le florilège augustinien de Florus de Lyon,” in Saint Augustin et la Bible, ed. Nauroy, G. and Vannier, M.-A. (Bern, 2008), 313–24Google Scholar; Boodts, S. and Partoens, G., “The Critical Edition of Florus of Lyon's Expositio epistolarum beati Pauli apostoli: State of the Art and New Results,” in Commentaries, Catenae and Biblical Tradition, ed. Houghton, H., Texts and Studies 3.13 (Piscataway, NJ, 2016), 253–76Google Scholar; Boodts, S., “Florus of Lyon's Expositio epistolarum beati Pauli apostoli and the Transmission of Augustine's Sermones ad populum ,” in On Good Authority: Tradition, Compilation and the Construction of Authority in Literature from Antiquity to the Renaissance, ed. Ceulemans, R. and De Leemans, P., LECTIO Studies on the Transmission of Texts and Ideas 2 (Turnhout, 2015), 141–55CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Berarducci, S. Cantelli, Hrabani Mauri opera exegetica: Repertorium fontium, Instrumenta Patristica et Mediaeualia 38–38B (Turnhout, 2006)Google Scholar; De Maeyer, N. and Partoens, G., “A New Identification of the Pauline Commentary in the Manuscript Oxford Bodleian Library Laud. Misc. 106,” Sacris Erudiri 53 (2014): 7–15 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Partoens, “The Sources and Manuscript Transmission,” 207–10; Frede, H. J. and Stanjek, H., eds., Sedulii Scotti Collectaneum in Apostolum, Vetus Latina, die Reste der altlateinischen Bibel; Aus der Geschichte der lateinischen Bibel 31–32 (Freiburg, 1996–97)Google Scholar; Sloan, M. C., The Harmonious Organ of Sedulius Scottus: Introduction to his Collectaneum in Apostolum and Translation of Its Prologue and Commentaries on Galatians and Ephesians, Millennium Studies 39 (Berlin and Boston, 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶ Fransen, P.-I., “Le dossier patristique d'Hélisachar: Le manuscrit Paris, BNF, lat. 11574 et l'une de ses sources,” Revue Bénédictine 111 (2001): 464–82CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷ Rom., 1–2 Cor., Gal., Eph., Philipp., Col., 1–2 Thess., 1–2 Tim., Tit., Hebr. Notice that the Collectio does not contain a section on Paul's letter to Philemon. On the other hand, the commentary does include a section on the epistle to the Hebrews, which was already in Antiquity questioned for its authenticity, among others by Augustine.

⁸ For Bede's library, see Laistner, M. L. W., “The Library of the Venerable Bede,” in Bede, His Life, Times, and Writings: Essays in Commemoration of the Twelfth Centenary of his Death, ed. Thompson, A. Hamilton (Oxford, 1935; repr., 1969), 237–66Google Scholar; Lapidge, M., The Anglo-Saxon Library (Oxford, 2006; repr., 2008), 191–228 Google Scholar. For the Augustinian works quoted in the Collectio, see esp. Partoens, “The Sources and Manuscript Transmission,” 210–15; Dolbeau, “Bède, lecteur des sermons d'Augustin”; Fransen, “Description de la collection.”

⁹ See Lapidge, The Anglo-Saxon Library, 196–204 as well as the indices in the various editions of Bede's works.

¹⁰ Apart from Augustine's writings, Bede had access to the works of, among others, Ambrose, Gregory the Great, Jerome, Isidore, Caesarius of Arles, John Cassian, Cyprian, Orosius, Pelagius, and Paulinus of Nola. See Lapidge, The Anglo-Saxon Library, 191–227.

¹¹ E.g., De ciuitate Dei, Confessiones, De trinitate, De genesi ad litteram, Enarrationes in Psalmos, Contra Iulianum opus imperfectum, Retractationes.

¹² Dolbeau, F., “Le sermonnaire augustinien de Mayence (Mainz, Stadtbibliothek I 9): Analyse et histoire,” Revue Bénédictine 106 (1996): 5–52 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹³ Ed. P. Knöll, CSEL 9/1 (Vienna, 1885). When reference is made to Eugippius's text, this edition is being used.

¹⁴ The CSEL edition lists 348 fragments. Some manuscripts, however, only contain about 338 fragments, while other witnesses offer more than 348 excerpts. See Hofmann, J., “Das Werk des Abtes Eugippius: Zum literarischen Vermächtnis eines spätantiken Augustinus-Kenners an die frühmittelalterliche Kirche des Abendlandes,” Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte 109 (1998): 293–305 Google Scholar, at 299 n. 43.

¹⁵ Fransen, P.-I., “D'Eugippius à Bède le Vénérable, à propos de leurs florilèges augustiniens,” Revue Bénédictine 97 (1987): 187–94CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 187–89. Cf. Fürst, A., “Eugippius,” in The Oxford Guide to the Historical Reception of Augustine, 3 vols., ed. Pollmann, K. (Oxford, 2013), 2:954–59Google Scholar.

¹⁶ Fransen, “D'Eugippius à Bède le Vénérable,” 188.

¹⁷ See, for example, In Sam., CCL 119, p. 10, 53–54; In Cant., CCL 119b, p. 180, 503; Exp. act. apost., CCL 121, p. 3, 9–10. Cf. Dolbeau, “Bède, lecteur des sermons d'Augustin,” 495 n. 1; M. L. W. Laistner, “Bede as a Classical and a Patristic Scholar,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 16 (1933): 69–94; C. Jenkins, “Bede as Exegete and Theologian,” in Bede, His Life, Times, and Writings, 152–200; Ray, R., “Who Did Bede Think He Was?” in Innovation and Tradition in the Writings of The Venerable Bede, ed. DeGregorio, S. (Morgantown, WV, 2006), 11–35 Google Scholar.

¹⁸ Garrison, M., “The Collectanea and Medieval Florilegia,” in Collectanea Pseudo-Bedae, ed. Bayless, M. and Lapidge, M., Scriptores Latini Hiberniae 14 (Dublin, 1998), 42–83 Google Scholar; Martello, F., “Paterio, alter Gregorius, e la redazione del Liber testimoniorum ,” in Gregorio Magno e le origini dell'Europa; Atti del Convegno internazionale Firenze, 13–17 maggio 2006 sotto la direzione di Claudio Leonardi, ed. Leonardi, C., Millennio Medievale 100, Strumenti e studie n. s. 37 (Florence, 2014), 397–423 Google Scholar; Boodts, S., “The Reception of Augustine in a Ninth-Century Commentary on Romans (Paris, BNF, lat. 11574),” in Felici curiositate: Studies in Latin Literature and Textual Criticism from Antiquity to the Twentieth Century in Honour of Rita Beyers, ed. Guldentops, G., Laes, C., and Partoens, G., Instrumenta Patristica et Mediaeualia 72 (Turnhout, 2017), 437–57CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁹ Ray, R., “Bede,” in Dictionary of Biblical Interpretation, ed. Hayes, J. H. (Nashville, 1999), 115–16Google Scholar; Karsten, M., Beda Venerabilis, in epistulam Iacobi expositio, Fontes Christiani 40 (Freiburg, 2000), 29–37 Google Scholar; Brown, G. H., A Companion to Bede, Anglo-Saxon Studies 12 (Woodbridge, Suffolk and Rochester, NY, 2009; repr., 2010), 33–42 Google Scholar; S. DeGregorio, “Introduction: The New Bede,” in Innovation and Tradition in the Writings of The Venerable Bede, 1–10.

²⁰ Recent publications on Bede's biblical commentaries as well as on his theological and exegetical thinking show that the Collectio remains almost completely unstudied. See Brown, A Companion to Bede; Thacker, A., Bede and Augustine of Hippo: History and Figure in Sacred Text (Newcastle upon Tyne, 2005)Google Scholar and Kleist, A. J., Striving with Grace: Views of Free Will in Anglo-Saxon England (Toronto, Buffalo, and London, 2008)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Likewise, Bede and the Collectio do not, or only superficially, figure in studies on the early medieval reception of Augustine's thinking or in studies on early medieval and/or Anglo-Saxon (Pauline) exegesis. See Matz, B. J., “Augustine, the Carolingians, and Double Predestination,” in Grace for Grace, the Debates after Augustine and Pelagius, ed. Hwang, A. Y., Matz, B. J., and Casiday, A. (Washington, DC, 2014), 235–70Google Scholar; Heil, J., Kompilation oder Konstruktion? Die Juden in den Pauluskommentaren des 9. Jahrhunderts (Hannover, 1998)Google Scholar and Heuchan, V., “The Apostle Paul in Anglo-Saxon England: All Things to All Men,” in A Companion to St. Paul in the Middle Ages, ed. Cartwright, S. R., Brill's Companions to the Christian Tradition: A Series of Handbooks and Reference Works on the Intellectual and Religious Life of Europe, 500–1800 39 (Leiden and Boston, 2013), 425–47Google Scholar. Those few studies that consider the Collectio, refer to the work very summarily and sometimes misrepresent its contents by stating, for instance, that it largely consists of a recapitulation of Eugippius's Excerpta “with additions of his [Bede's] own” (Heuchan, “The Apostle Paul,” 428). The relevant articles on Bede and (Augustinian) florilegia in the Oxford Guide to the Historical Reception of Augustine deal with the Collectio very briefly and superficially: G. H. Brown, “Bede, the Venerable,” in The Oxford Guide to the Historical Reception of Augustine, 2:642–44; J. C. Thompson, “The Medieval Manuscript Tradition of Augustine's Works: An Overview from 400 to 1200,” in ibid, 1:51–58. The Collectio is transmitted in twelve manuscripts, all of continental origin: Rouen, Bibl. Mun. 147 (A 437) (IX); Florence, Bibl. Med. Laur. San Marco 648 (IX–XI); Cologne, Dombibl. 104 (IX^1–2/4); Schaffhausen, Ministerialbibl. 64 (XII^1/2); Schaffhausen, Ministerialbibl. 65 (XII); Orléans, Bibl. Mun. 81 (78) (IX^1/3); Orléans, Bibl. Mun. 84 (81) (IX^2/4); St.-Omer, Bibl. Mun. 91 (IX¹); Boulogne, Bibl. Mun. 64 (71) (XII^in.); Würzburg, Universitätsbibl. Mp. th. f. 63 (IX^2/3); Monte Cassino, Bibl. Abb. 178 (1075–80); Vatican City, Bibl. Apost. Vat. Vrb. lat. 102 (between 1474 and 1482) (cf. appendix of this article).

²¹ Despite its generally accepted title, the epistle was probably not — at least not solely — addressed to the Christian community of Ephesus. It served perhaps as a circular letter for several communities in the province of Asia Proconsularis. Since its contents seem to attest to a further development of Paul's thinking and clearly make use of Colossians, Ephesians was probably not written before ca. AD 90. There is a broad consensus that the epistle was not written by Paul himself, but has a Deutero-Pauline origin. See O'Brien, P. T., The Letter to the Ephesians, The Pillar New Testament Commentary (Grand Rapids, MI, and Cambridge, 1999)Google Scholar; Hoehner, H. W., Ephesians: An Exegetical Commentary (Grand Rapids, MI, 2002)Google Scholar; Fowl, S. E., Ephesians, A Commentary, The New Testament Library (Louisville, KY, 2012)Google Scholar; Sellin, G., Der Brief an die Epheser, Kritisch-exegetischer Kommentar über das neue Testament 8 (Göttingen, 2008)Google Scholar; Reynier, C., L’épître aux Ephésiens, Commentaire biblique: Nouveau Testament 10 (Paris, 2004)Google Scholar.

²² Aug., ep. 140, 62 (CSEL 44, p. 209, 8–12).

²³ s. 168, 2: “Audi apostolum ipsum fidei disputatorem, et gratiae magnum defensorem: audi eum dicentem, pax fratribus, et caritas cum fide [Eph. 6:23]” (PL 38, col. 912, 3–6).

²⁴ Augustine's exegesis of Ephesians has not yet received a thorough and comprehensive treatment. For the moment, there are only isolated studies of individual verses from Ephesians in Augustine's works: van Bavel, T. J., “ No one ever hated his own flesh: Eph. 5:29 in Augustine,” Augustiniana 45 (1995): 45–93 Google Scholar; Doignon, J., “ Serui … facientes uoluntatem Dei ex animo (Eph. 6:6): Un éclatement de la notion de servitude chez Ambroise, Jérôme, Augustin?” Revue des sciences philosophiques et théologiques 68 (1984): 201–11Google Scholar; La Bonnardière, A.-M., “L'interprétation augustinienne du magnum sacramentum de Ephés. 5, 32,” Recherches augustiniennes et patristiques 12 (1977): 3–45 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; eadem, “Le combat chrétien; Exégèse augustinienne d’Ephes. 6, 12,” Revue d’études augustiniennes et patristiques 11 (1965): 235–38CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Manrique, A. P., “Presencia de Cristo en los corazones por la fe (Ef. 3,17), según San Agustín,” Revista agustiniana de espiritualidad 14 (1973): 41–61 Google Scholar; and Zumkeller, A., “Eph. 5, 27 im Verständnis Augustins und seiner donatistischen und pelagianischen Gegner,” Augustinianum 16 (1976): 457–74CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁵ The following analysis of Augustine's exegesis of Eph. 3:17–18 is based on Dupont, A., “ Habitare Christum per fidem in cordibus uestris (Eph. 3,17): Brève présentation de l'approche biblique d'Augustin sur les questions doctrinales de ses Sermons,” Bulletin de littérature ecclésiastique 111 (2010): 367–76Google Scholar and idem, Gratia in Augustine's Sermones ad Populum during the Pelagian Controversy: Do Different Contexts Furnish Different Insights? Brill's Series in Church History 59 (Leiden and Boston, 2013), 178–82. See also TeSelle, E., “Faith,” in Augustine through the Ages: An Encyclopedia, ed. Fitzgerald, A. D. (Grand Rapids, MI, and Cambridge, 1999), 347–50Google Scholar, at 348; idem, “Fides,” Augustinus-Lexikon, vol. 2 (Basel, 1996–2002), cols. 1333–40; and idem, “Credere,” Augustinus-Lexikon, vol. 2 (Basel, 1996–2002), cols. 119–31.

²⁶ E.g. mor. 1, 18, 33–34; retr. 2, 36; Io. eu. tr. 96, 5; en. Ps. 51, 12; s. 72 auct. (=Dolb. 16), 3; diu. qu. 68, 2; agon. 35.

²⁷ In this way, we follow the threefold division into libri (systematic writings), tractatus (sermons), and epistulae (letters) of Augustine's writings as maintained by the Church Father in his Retractationes. The category of the sermons consists of the sermones ad populum, the enarrationes in Psalmos (dedicated to the Psalms), and the In Iohannis evangelium/epistulam tractatus (explaining the Gospel and first Letter of John). The sermones ad populum were orally delivered and simultaneously noted down by notarii. In general, they were not corrected or revised by Augustine afterwards. For the enarrationes and tractatus this is not always the case: various of these texts were written as model sermons, to comment upon certain Psalms and Johannine passages that Augustine did not preach on or to serve as examples for other preachers. The enarrationes and tractatus that were delivered orally were usually revised afterwards. Both Augustine's homiletic texts (sermones, tractatus, enarrationes) and his epistulae were tools for immediate communication, have a public character (letters were intended for public circulation), and are rhetorically well structured. While many sermons were intended for a local, often very mixed audience with varying levels of education, the letters were addressed to a specific person or group with (at least) a classical and (usually) a biblical formation. See Dupont, Gratia in Augustine's Sermones ad Populum, 5–12.

²⁸ Dupont, Gratia in Augustine's Sermones ad Populum, 179. Müller: —, Zarb: September–December 412, Rondet: late summer–autumn 411, La Bonnardière: 409, Dolbeau: winter 403–404?, Hombert: December 403, Boulding: 411 or 404/409. The different proposed dates of the enarrationes are those found in H. Müller, “Enarrationes in Psalmos, A: Philologische Aspekte,” Augustinus-Lexikon, vol. 2 (Basel, 1996–2002), cols. 804–38.

²⁹ “Iam dicebat quibusdam apostolus: flecto genua mea pro uobis ad Patrem, ut det uobis secundum interiorem hominem habitare Christum per fidem in cordibus uestris, ut in caritate radicati et fundati [Eph. 3:14–17]. Iam dat illis caritatem: iam dat illis alas et pennas. Vt possitis, inquit, comprehendere quae sit latitudo, longitudo, altitudo et profundum [Eph. 3:18]”; en. Ps. 103, 1, 14 (CCL 40, p. 1487, 1–6). Dupont, Gratia in Augustine's Sermones ad Populum, 180.

³⁰ “Latitudo enim est in bonis operibus, longitudo in perseuerando usque in finem, altitudo propter sursum cor, ut omnia bona opera nostra, in quibus perseueramus usque in finem, habentes latitudinem qua bene operamur, et longitudinem qua perseueramus usque in finem, non faciamus nisi spe caelestium praemiorum. Ipsa est enim altitudo, non hic quaerere mercedem, sed sursum; ne dicatur nobis: Amen dico uobis, perceperunt mercedem suam [Matt. 6, 2]. Profundum autem quod dixi, ubi fixa erat pars crucis, et non uidebatur; inde surgebant quae uidebantur. Quid est quod occultum est, et non publicum in ecclesia? Sacramentum baptismi, sacramentum eucharistiae”; en. Ps. 103, 1, 14 (CCL 40, p. 1487, 10–21). Dupont, Gratia in Augustine's Sermones ad Populum, 180.

³¹ “Profundum autem quod dixi, ubi fixa erat pars crucis, et non uidebatur; inde surgebant quae uidebantur. Quid est quod occultum est, et non publicum in ecclesia? Sacramentum baptismi, sacramentum eucharistiae”; en. Ps. 103, 1, 14 (CCL 40, p. 1487, 18–25).

³² Rebillard: ca. 417, Gryson: 417, Hombert: —. For the dating of the sermones, we refer to the chronological overviews of É. Rebillard, R. Gryson, and P.-M. Hombert (in some cases supplemented by that of E. Hill). É. Rebillard, “Sermones,” in Augustine through the Ages, 773–92; R. Gryson, Répertoire général des auteurs ecclésiastiques latins de l'antiquité et du haut moyen âge, 5e édition mise à jour du Verzeichnis der Sigel für Kirchenschriftsteller, Vetus Latina, die Reste der altlateinischen Bibel 1,1⁵ (Freiburg, 2007); Hombert, P.-M., Nouvelles recherches de chronologie augustinienne, Collection des Études Augustiniennes; Série Antiquité 163 (Paris, 2000)Google Scholar; Hill, E., The Works of Saint Augustine: A Translation for the 21^st Century; Sermons, III/3 (51–94), on the New Testament (New York, 1991)Google Scholar.

³³ Dupont, Gratia in Augustine's Sermones ad Populum, 78.

³⁴ Idem, “Habitare Christum per fidem in cordibus uestris,” 372.

³⁵ Ibid.

³⁶ Cf. G. Partoens and A. Dupont, “Augustine's Preaching on Grace and Predestination,” during Society of Biblical Literature, SBL-subsection: Christianity in North Africa (2nd–7th centuries), Baltimore, 23–26 November 2013 (unpublished conference paper).

³⁷ Rebillard: 21 January 413, Gryson: 21 January 413, Hombert: —, Hill: 413–16.

³⁸ “Interior est homo, ubi habitat Christus interim per fidem [cf. Eph. 3:17], ibi habitaturus praesentia diuinitatis suae; cum cognouerimus quae sit latitudo longitudo altitudo profundum [Eph. 3:18], cognouerimus etiam supereminentem scientiam caritatis Christi, ut impleamur in omnem plenitudinem Dei [Eph. 3:19];” s. 53, 15 (CCL 41Aa, p. 102, 306–10).

³⁹ “Attende profundum: gratia Dei est in occulto uoluntatis eius. Quis enim cognouit sensum Domini? Aut quis consiliarius eius fuit? [Rom. 11:34] Et: Iudicia tua sicut multa abyssus [Ps. 35, 7];” s. 53, 15 (CCL 41Aa, p. 103, 326–28).

⁴⁰ Furthermore, s. 53 and s. 165 show close similarities regarding their formulation and tone. In both sermons Augustine extensively analyzes the four dimensions of the cross, which contrasts with the rather brief passage in en. Ps. 103, 1 dealing with the four dimensions. In s. 53 and s. 165 the Church Father repeatedly explains the four dimensions, stressing the significance of the cross as a metaphor for man's life. The tone in these sermons is more rhetorical than in en. Ps. 103, 1 (which could perhaps be explained by the anti-Pelagian context of these sermons) and is characterized by the use of exhortations, rhetorical questions, anaphoras, and other stylistic features, which are less apparent in en. Ps. 103, 1.

⁴¹ Dupont, “Habitare Christum per fidem in cordibus uestris,” 373–74; idem, Gratia in Augustine's Sermones ad Populum, 182.

⁴² Dupont, “Habitare Christum per fidem in cordibus uestris,” 374; idem, Gratia in Augustine's Sermones ad Populum, 182.

⁴³ Rebillard: 21 January 413, Gryson: 21 January 413, Hombert: —, Hill: 413–16.

⁴⁴ Rebillard: 411–13, Gryson: 413, Hombert: 411–13. Sermo 174 discusses a central tenet of Augustine's theology of grace, namely, the idea that man is incapable of attaining salvation on his own, as he fundamentally depends upon divine grace for this. This idea is concretized in the need to baptize infants on account of original sin.

⁴⁵ Dupont, “Habitare Christum per fidem in cordibus uestris,” 370–71.

⁴⁶ Rebillard: after 418, Gryson: ca. 418, Hombert: —. In s. 158 Augustine, discussing Rom. 8:30–31, emphasizes that faith is a divine gift and does not result from man's initiative.

⁴⁷ Dupont, “Habitare Christum per fidem in cordibus uestris,” 371.

⁴⁸ s. 64A (= s. Mai 20): Rebillard: —, Gryson: —, Hombert: —, Hill: 396–99.

s. 81: Rebillard: 410–11, Gryson: October/November 410, Hombert: —.

s. 105: Rebillard: 410–11, Gryson: 412, Hombert: 412.

s. 361: Rebillard: winter 410–11, Gryson: December 403, Hombert: —.

Io. eu. tr. 49: Berrouard: 414. M.-F. Berrouard, “La date des Tractatus I–LIV in Iohannis Euangelium de saint Augustin,” Recherches Augustiniennes 7 (1971): 105–68.

⁴⁹ P.-M. Hombert, “Augustin, prédicateur de la grâce au début de son épiscopat,” in Augustin Prédicateur (395–411): Actes du Colloque International de Chantilly, 5 –7 septembre, 1996, Collection des Études Augustiniennes; Série Antiquité 159 (Paris, 1998), 217–45, at 229.

⁵⁰ Cf. doctr. chr. 2, 41, 62.

⁵¹ In ep. 55 Augustine discusses man's eschatological transition from death to life in Christ via faith. Faith leads man to forgiveness of his sins in the hope of eternal life. The believer shares, first, in Christ's death via baptism (cf. Col. 3:2–4) and, subsequently, in Christ's resurrection (cf. Rom. 8:10–11). As he discusses Christ's death on the cross and explains that faith is an unmerited gift (Rom. 1:17), Augustine analyzes the four dimensions of the cross (Eph. 3:18–19). Dupont, Gratia in Augustine's Sermones ad Populum, 161–62.

⁵² In ep. 140 Augustine discusses the moral virtues of the Pelagians, while, at the same time, criticizing their theological position, as they (according to Augustine) emphasize that man is able to achieve salvation without God's help. Dupont, Gratia in Augustine's Sermones ad Populum, 39.

⁵³ Ibid., 180; idem, “Habitare Christum per fidem in cordibus uestris,” 372.

⁵⁴ “Hoc ergo eis optat, ut non infirmentur in tribulationibus apostoli, quas pro illis sustinebat, et propter hoc genua flectebat ad Patrem. Proinde non infirmari unde illis sit, sequitur et dicit: ut det uobis secundum diuitias gloriae suae uirtute corroborari per Spiritum eius [Eph. 3:16]. Hae sunt diuitiae, de quibus dicit: O altitudo diuitiarum! [Rom. 11:33] Abditas enim habent causas, ubi nullis meritis praecedentibus quid habemus, quod non accepimus?” ep. 140, 63 (CSEL 44, p. 209, 20–210, 5).

⁵⁵ Dupont, “Habitare Christum per fidem in cordibus uestris,” 372; idem, Gratia in Augustine's Sermones ad Populum, 181.

⁵⁶ “Vnde ipsa caritas nunc in bonis operibus dilectionis exercetur, qua se ad subueniendum, quaqua uersum potest, porrigit, et haec latitudo est; nunc longanimitate aduersa tolerat et in eo, quod ueraciter tenuit, perseuerat, et haec longitudo est; hoc autem totum propter adipiscendam uitam facit aeternam, quae illi promittitur in excelso, et haec altitudo est. Existit uero ex occulto ista caritas, ubi fundati quodam modo et radicati [Eph. 3:17] sumus, ubi causae uoluntatis Dei non uestigantur, cuius gratia sumus salui facti non ex operibus iustitiae, quae nos fecimus, sed secundum eius misericordiam [Tit. 3:5];” ep. 140, 62 (CSEL 44, p. 208, 3–13).

⁵⁷ We follow the numbering of the fragments in Bede's Collectio as given by Fransen (“Description de la collection,” [n. 2 above], 25–62). In Hurst's translation of the Collectio, fr. 315 (Fransen) takes number 316 (for this difference in numbering, see Hurst, Bede the Venerable [n. 4 above], 235–38).

⁵⁸ A critical edition of Coll. fr. 315 can be found in the appendix to this article.

⁵⁹ Bede uses the same procedure in the last book of his commentary on the Song of Songs, which consists of fragments extracted from the works of Gregory the Great to explain the biblical text. Bede here explicitly refers to the example of Paterius, Gregory's secretary, who proceeded in a similar way when preparing a biblical commentary for which he used fragments from his master's works (Partoens, “The Sources and Manuscript Transmission” [n. 2 above], 205–6).

⁶⁰ Fransen, “D'Eugippius à Bède le Vénérable” (n. 15 above), 193–94.

⁶¹ According to Partoens, who based his analysis on Fransen's comparison of Eugippius's Excerpta and Bede's Collectio (Partoens, “The Sources and Manuscript Transmission,” 214; Fransen, “D'Eugippius à Bède le Vénérable,” 193–94), this is the case for Ad Orosium contra Priscillianistas et Origenistas, De bono coniugali, De dono perseuerantiae, De gratia et libero arbitrio, De moribus Ecclesiae et de moribus Manichaeorum, and De perfectione iustitiae hominis.

⁶² CSEL 9/1, p. 701, 12–702, 8; 15–19; 703, 4–705, 8. Fransen, “D'Eugippius à Bède le Vénérable,” 190 and 194. On p. 191 Fransen erroneously states that ep. 140 is also quoted in Coll. fr. 319, 372, 374, 376, and 405. These passages were not taken from ep. 140 but from ep. 149.

⁶³ Lapidge, The Anglo-Saxon Library (n. 8 above), 201; Hurst, Bede the Venerable, 347.

⁶⁴ From a comparison of the text of Coll. fr. 315 with the text of Eug. fr. 220 and that of Augustine's ep. 140 it is not possible to identify positively Eugippius or the direct Augustinian transmission as the source of Coll. fr. 315, as there are no significant secondary readings shared by Eugippius and Bede or significant secondary readings in Eugippius on places where Bede and Augustine share the same reading.

⁶⁵ Cf. Fransen, “D'Eugippius à Bède le Vénérable,” 192.

⁶⁶ Furthermore, we should bear in mind that, apart from Eugippius's compilation, other Augustinian florilegia may have found their way to Wearmouth-Jarrow, where they could have been used by Bede. This may be the case for the Pauline commentary attributed to Peter of Tripoli, which has been attested to by Cassiodorus in the Institutiones (1, 8, 9) and, although the work has probably been lost, could have traveled to Northumbria via south Italy, which had excellent connections with England (Partoens, “The Sources and Manuscript Transmission,” 202–4, 214; Lapidge, The Anglo-Saxon Library, 24–30).

⁶⁷ CSEL 44, p. 207, 23–212, 6.

⁶⁸ Fransen, “D'Eugippius à Bède le Vénérable,” 191.

⁶⁹ CSEL 9/1, p. 702, 8–15.

⁷⁰ CSEL 9/1, p. 702, 19–703, 4.

⁷¹ Such as different prepositions (for example, line 13 in our edition: in occulto, where Eugippius reads ex occulto), or transpositions of words (for example, line 15 in our edition: fecimus nos, where Eugippius reads nos fecimus).

⁷² CSEL 9/1, x–xiii, xxii–xxiiii, and xxviiii; M. M. Gorman, “The Manuscript Tradition of Eugippius's ‘Excerpta ex operibus sancti Augustini,’” Revue Bénédictine 92 (1982): 7–32 and 229–64, at 22–26 and 234–45. We refer to the sigla used by Knöll; Gorman partly uses other sigla: P Parisinus, f ^B Ambrosianus, H Vercellensis, V Vaticanus.

⁷³ Only by means of a large-scale comparison of Bede's Collectio with Eugippius's Excerpta could it be possible to ascertain where Bede's text of the Excerpta should be located within the direct transmission of Eugippius's collection. We should also bear in mind that new manuscripts of the Excerpta have been discovered since Knöll's edition.

⁷⁴ CSEL 9/1, i–x; Gorman, “The Manuscript Tradition,” 25. Angelo Mai already erroneously believed that V was the archetype of the Excerpta and probably even Eugippius's autograph. See Gorman, “The Manuscript Tradition,” 240–41.

⁷⁵ Ibid., 241–43.

⁷⁶ As Gorman pointed out, A contains several chapters that are omitted in V (and related MSS). As these chapters have also been preserved in all other MSS, they are part of the archetype (“The Manuscript Tradition,” 243). This evidence further undermines the authority given to V by Knöll.

⁷⁷ Based on Lapidge, The Anglo-Saxon Library (n. 8 above), 201–3 and Hurst, Bede the Venerable (n. 4 above), 345–47.

⁷⁸ According to Lapidge, The Anglo-Saxon Library, 201, Bede quotes en. Ps. 103, 1, 8 in Comm. Gen. (CCL 118a, p. 69, 2218–20). This passage, however, seems to be a direct quotation, not from en. Ps. 103, 1, 8, but from Augustine's De Genesi contra Manichaeos 2, 21, 32. The CCL edition refers to en. Ps. 103, 1, 8 only as a parallel place. We therefore exclude this passage from our analysis, as it cannot prove Bede's knowledge of en. Ps. 103, 1.

⁷⁹ CCL 123a, p. 212, 11–213, 13.

⁸⁰ Ibid., 123b, p. 314, 33–315, 45.

⁸¹ Ibid., p. 357, 20–358, 26.

⁸² Ibid., p. 362, 4–363, 19.

⁸³ Ibid., p. 457, 42–45; 459, 102–6.

⁸⁴ Ibid., 121, p. 16, 29.

⁸⁵ Ibid., 121a, p. 385, 19–387, 23.

⁸⁶ Dolbeau, “Bède, lecteur des sermons d'Augustin” (n. 4 above), 521; Hurst, Bede the Venerable, 347; Lapidge, The Anglo-Saxon Library, 203.

⁸⁷ Cf. Dupont, “Habitare Christum per fidem in cordibus uestris” (n. 25 above), 372: “cette lettre [ep. 140] est centrée sur le thème du devoir humain par le rapport entre Eph. 3. 17 et Eph. 3. 18.”

⁸⁸ “Exsistit uero in occulto ista caritas, ubi fundati quodammodo et radicati sumus [cf. Eph. 3:17], ubi causae uoluntatis Dei non uestigantur, cuius gratia sumus salui facti, non ex operibus iustitiae quae fecimus nos, sed secundum misericordiam eius [Tit. 3:5]” (lines 13–15 in our edition).

⁸⁹ “Quid ergo comprehendere? Quae sit, inquit, latitudo (sicut iam dixi, in bonis operibus beneuolentia porrigitur usque ad diligendos inimicos) et longitudo (ut longanimitate pro hac latitudine molestiae tolerentur) et altitudo (ut pro his aeternum quod in supernis est praemium, non uanum aliquid temporale speretur) et profundum [Eph. 3:18] (unde gratuita gratia Dei secundum secretum et abditum uoluntatis eius exsistit). Ibi enim radicati et fundati [Eph. 3:17] sumus” (lines 36–41 in our edition).

⁹⁰ “Iam uero illud ex ligno quod non apparet, quod fixum occultatur, unde totum illud exsurgit, profunditatem significat gratuitae gratiae, in qua multorum ingenia conteruntur, id est, uestigare conantia, ut ad extremum eis dicatur: O homo, tu quis es qui respondeas Deo? [Rom. 9:20] Viuent ergo corda saturatorum pauperum in saeculum saeculi, hoc est, humilium caritate flagrantium, non sua quaerentium, sed sanctorum societate gaudentium” (lines 58–63 in our edition).

⁹¹ These passages are: De tabernaculo 3, CCL 119a, p. 123, 1181–83 (Eph. 3:16–17); In Ezram et Neemiam 1, CCL 119a, p. 272, 1234 (Eph. 3:17); In epistolas septem catholicas, Iud. 1:12 CCL 121, p. 339, 159 (Eph. 3:17).

⁹² CCL 120, p. 401, 1525–402, 1568; ed. D. Hurst.

⁹³ CCL 120, p. 401, 1545–402,1549.

⁹⁴ “Moralem quoque sacrosanctae crucis figuram describit apostolus ubi ait: In caritate radicati et fundati ut possitis comprehendere cum omnibus sanctis quae sit latitudo et longitudo altitudo et profundum cognoscere etiam supereminentem scientiae caritatem Christi [Eph. 3:17–19]. In latitudine quippe bona opera caritatis significat in longitudine perseuerantiam sanctae conuersationis usque in finem in altitudine spem caelestium praemiorum in profundo inscrutabilia iudicia Dei unde ista gratia in homines uenit. Et haec ita coaptantur sacramento crucis ut in latitudine accipiatur trauersum lignum quo extenduntur manus propter operum significationem in longitudine ab ipso usque in terram ubi totum corpus crucifixum stare uidetur quod significat persistere, hoc est longanimiter permanere, in altitudine ab ipso trauerso ligno sursum uersus quod ad caput eminet propter expectationem supernorum ne illa opera bona atque in eis perseuerantia propter beneficia Dei terrena ac temporalia facienda credantur sed potius propter illud quod desuper sempiternum sperat fides quae per dilectionem operatur [Gal. 5:6] in profundo autem pars illa ligni quae in terrae abdita defixa latet sed inde consurgit illud omne quod eminet sicut ex occulta Dei uoluntate uocatur homo ad participationem tantae gratiae alius sic alius autem sic [1 Cor. 7:7] supereminentem uero scientiae caritatem Christi eam profecto ubi pax illa est quae praecellit omnem intellectum” (CCL 120, p. 401, 1545–402, 1568).

⁹⁵ Comm. Luc. p. 402, 1552–53.

⁹⁶ Ibid., p. 401, 1545–402, 1568.

⁹⁷ CCL 36, p. 657, 5–20.

⁹⁸ Comm. Luc. p. 402, 1549–68.

⁹⁹ “Ego haec uerba apostoli Pauli sic intellegere soleo: in latitudine bona opera caritatis, in longitudine perseuerantiam usque in finem, in altitudine spem caelestium praemiorum, in profundo inscrutabilia iudicia Dei, unde ista gratia in homines uenit, et hunc intellectum coaptare etiam sacramento crucis, ut in latitudine accipiatur transuersum lignum, quo extenduntur manus, propter operum significationem; in longitudine ab ipso usque in terram, ubi totum corpus crucifixum stare uidetur, quod significat persistere, hoc est longanimiter permanere; in altitudine ab ipso transuerso ligno sursum uersus, quod ad caput eminet, propter expectationem supernorum, ne illa opera bona atque in eis perseuerantia propter beneficia Dei terrena ac temporalia facienda credantur sed potius propter illud, quod desuper sempiternum sperat fides, quae per dilectionem operatur [Gal. 5:6]; in profundo autem pars illa ligni, quae in terrae abdito defixa latet, sed inde consurgit omne illud, quod eminet, sicut ex occulta Dei uoluntate uocatur homo ad participationem tantae gratiae alius sic alius autem sic [1 Cor. 7:7]; supereminentem uero scientiae caritatem Christi eam profecto, ubi pax illa est, quae praecellit omnem intellectum. Sed siue hoc in istis apostolicis uerbis etiam ille senserit euangelicus disputator siue aliud aliquid fortasse congruentius, uides tamen etiam hoc, ni fallor, a regula fidei non abhorrere”; ep. 147, 34 (CSEL 44, p. 307, 16–308, 16).

¹⁰⁰ Lapidge, The Anglo-Saxon Library (n. 8 above), 201.

¹⁰¹ B. Löfstedt, “Zu Bedas Evangelienkommentaren,” Arctos 21 (1987): 61–72, at 64.

¹⁰² CCL 120, p. 630, 1360–631, 1398; ed. D. Hurst.

¹⁰³ “Et quia sicut dicit apostolus, Vetus homo noster simul crucifixus est cruci cum illo ut euacuetur corpus peccati ut ultra non seruiamus peccato [Rom. 6:6], quamdiu id agunt opera nostra ut euacuetur corpus peccati quamdiu exterior homo corrumpitur ut interior renouetur de die in diem tempus est crucis. Haec sunt etiam bona opera quidem tamen adhuc laboriosa quorum merces requies est. Sed ideo dicitur, spe gaudentes [Rom. 12:12], ut requiem futuram cum hilaritate in laboribus operemur. Hanc hilaritatem significat crucis latitudo in transuerso ligno ubi figuntur manus. Per manus enim opera intellegimus per latitudinem hilaritatem operantis quia tristitia facit angustias. Per altitudinem autem cui caput adiungitur expectatio retributionis de sublimi iustitia Dei qui reddet unicuique secundum opera sua [Ps. 61:13; Rom. 2:6] his quidem secundum tolerantiam boni operis gloriam et honorem et incorruptionem quaerentibus uitam aeternam. Itaque etiam longitudo qua totum corpus extenditur ipsam tolerantiam significat unde longanimes dicuntur qui tolerant. Profundum autem quod terrae infixum est secretum sacramenti praefigurat. Recordaris, ni fallor, quae uerba apostoli in ista designatione crucis expediant ubi ait: In caritate radicati et fundati ut possitis comprehendere cum omnibus sanctis quae sit longitudo latitudo altitudo et profundum [Eph. 3:17–18]” (CCL 120, p. 630, 1376–631, 1398).

¹⁰⁴ Dolbeau, “Bède, lecteur des sermons d'Augustin,” 498 n. 33.

¹⁰⁵ Cf. the debate surrounding Peter of Tripoli's Augustinian florilegium (cf. n. 66).

¹⁰⁶ I owe many thanks to Gert Partoens for his helpful critical remarks on this introduction and edition.

¹⁰⁷ Partoens, “The Sources and Manuscript Transmission” (n. 2 above), 216–25.

¹⁰⁸ For bibliography on these indirect witnesses, see nn. 5 and 6 in the first part of this contribution.

¹⁰⁹ Partoens, “The Sources and Manuscript Transmission,” 242.

¹¹⁰ N. De Maeyer, “I Tim.-Hebr. in the Venerable Bede's Augustinian Commentary on the Pauline Epistles: A Stemmatical Analysis of its Witnesses” (forthcoming); idem, “Augustinian auctoritas in the Venerable Bede's Pauline Commentary: Towards a critical edition of Bede's Collectio ex opusculis sancti Augustini in epistulas Pauli apostoli,” during Sicut dicit … A Methodological Workshop on the Editing of Commentaries on Authoritative Texts, Leuven, 10 March 2016 (unpublished conference paper); cf. Partoens, “The Sources and Manuscript Transmission,” 228 and 242.

¹¹¹ Partoens, “The Sources and Manuscript Transmission,” 225–31; De Maeyer, “I Tim.-Hebr.”; idem, “Augustinian auctoritas in the Venerable Bede's Pauline Commentary.”

¹¹² For the text-critical value of So, see Wilmart, “La collection de Bède le Vénérable” (n. 2 above), 38–40; Partoens, “The Sources and Manuscript Transmission,” pp. 227–51.

¹¹³ Partoens, “The Sources and Manuscript Transmission,” 227–51.

¹¹⁴ MSS Vat. Vrb. lat. 102 (V) and Schaffhausen, Ministerialbibl. 64 (Sc ¹) have not been taken into account for the following reasons: V is clearly a descendant of F and can therefore be excluded. Both manuscripts from Schaffhausen are closely related to each other. For this reason, only Sc ² has been taken into account, since this manuscript preserved several fragments that have fallen out of Sc ¹ due to the loss of folia. See Partoens, “The Sources and Manuscript Transmission,” 226–27.

¹¹⁵ Cantelli Berarducci, Hrabani Mauri opera exegetica, III, apparatus fontium (n. 5 above), 1379. For the manuscript transmission of Rabanus's Pauline commentary, see De Maeyer and Partoens, “A New Identification” (n. 5 above), 7–15.

¹¹⁶ CSEL 9/1.

¹¹⁷ Weber, R., Gryson, R., eds., Biblia Sacra Iuxta Vulgatam Versionem adiuuantibus B. Fischer, I. Gribomont, H. F. D. Sparks, W. Thiele recensuit et breui apparatu critico instruxit Robertus Weber; Editionem quartam emendatam cum sociis B. Fischer, H. I. Frede, H. F. D Sparks, W. Thiele praeparauit Roger Gryson (Nördlingen, 1969; repr., 1994)Google Scholar.