¹ See, for example, Throop, Palmer A., Criticism of the Crusade: A Study of Public Opinion and Crusade Propaganda (Amsterdam, 1940), 82–94Google Scholar; Purcell, Maureen, Papal Crusading Policy, 1244–1291 (Leiden, 1975), 118–32Google Scholar; Siberry, Elizabeth, Criticism of Crusading, 1095–1274 (Oxford, 1985)Google Scholar, chap. 5; and Maier, Christoph T., Preaching the Crusades: Mendicant Friars and the Cross in the Thirteenth Century (Cambridge, 1994)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, chap. 7.

The following abbreviations will be used throughout: BD = Bullarium Danicum: Pavelige Aktstykker vedrørende Danmark, ed. Alfred Krarup (Copenhagen, 1931–32); DD = Diplomatarium Danicum, ed. A. Afzelius et al., 4 series (Copenhagen, 1938–93); ESXIII = Epistolae saeculi XIII e regestis pontificum Romanorum selectae, ed. Carolus Rodenburg, 3 vols. (Berlin, 1883–94); Foedera = Foedera, conventiones, litterae et cujuscunque generis acta publica, ed. Thomas Rymer, 4 vols. (London, 1816–69); MAB = Medii aevi bibliotheca patristica seu ejusdem temporis patrologia, ed. César Auguste Horoy, 4 vols. (Paris, 1879–80); RG = Les registres de Grégoire IX, ed. Lucien Auvray, 4 vols. (Paris, 1890–1955); RHGF = Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France, ed. Martin Bouquet et al., 24 vols. (Paris, 1869–1904); RI = Les registres d'Innocent IV, ed. Elie Berger, 4 vols. (Paris, 1881–1920); VMH = Vetera monumenta historica Hungariam sacram illustrantia, ed. Augustinus Theiner, 2 vols. (Rome, 1859–60).

² Discussions of commutations in particular areas or periods include Fonnesberg-Schmidt, Iben, The Popes and the Baltic Crusades, 1147–1254 (Leiden, 2007), 69–70Google Scholar, 94–95, 137, 139, 144–46, 195, 206, 209, 224–25, 242 and Purcell, Papal Crusading Policy, 106–14. Evans, Michael R., “Commutation of Crusade Vows: Some Examples from the English Midlands,” in From Clermont to Jerusalem, ed. Murray, Alan V. (Turnhout, 1998), 219–28CrossRefGoogle Scholar examines only the redemption of vows for money.

³ Bullarium ordinis fratrum Praedicatorum, ed. Thomas Ripoll, 8 vols. (Rome, 1729–40), 1:75, 82; RI, 2:109 doc. 4663; 3:204–7 doc. 6469; Les registres d'Urbain IV, ed. Jean Guiraud, 5 vols. (Paris, 1892–1958), 2:228–31 doc. 468; 4:45 doc. 2914; ESXIII, 1:172–73, 561–62 docs. 244, 664; BD, 162–64, 510–17 docs. 189, 648.

⁴ Brundage, James A., Medieval Canon Law and the Crusader (Madison, 1969), 74Google Scholar, 77, 80, 86, 88, 95, 105–6; for published texts, see Summa Sancti Raymundi de Peniafort Ord. Praedicator. De poenitentia et matrimonio, 1.8.4 (repr. Farnborough, 1967), 57; Hostiensis, Summa aurea, 3, De voto, 12 (Lyon, 1597), 216v. The papal monopoly was also noted by Alfonso X: Las Siete Partidas, 1.8.5, 3 vols. (Madrid, 1807), 1:322; translated in Las Siete Partidas, trans. S. P. Scott, 5 vols. (Philadelphia, 2001), 1:130.

⁵ Bysted, Ane L., The Crusade Indulgence: Spiritual Rewards and the Theology of the Crusades, c. 1095–1216 (Leiden, 2015), 70–72Google Scholar.

⁶ Fonnesberg-Schmidt, Popes and the Baltic Crusades, 250–51; PL 180:1203–4.

⁷ Kehr, Paul, Papsturkunden in Spanien, vol. 1, Katalanien (Berlin, 1926), 287–88Google Scholar doc. 23. On the date of the letter, see McCrank, Lawrence J., “Restauración canónica e intento de reconquista de la sede Tarraconense, 1076–1108,” Cuadernos de historia de España 61–62 (1977): 145–245Google Scholar, at 230.

⁸ Urban II also sent the archbishop of Toledo back to Spain after the latter had set out for the Holy Land, but that was because of problems at that time in the Toledan church: Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada, De rebus Hispanie, 6.26, ed. Juan Fernández Valverde, in Roderici Ximenii de Rada Opera omnia, 3 vols., CCM 72 (Turnhout, 1987–99), 1:209. In 1089 Urban had issued an earlier appeal for help at Tarragona, but on that occasion he was seeking to persuade both lay and cleric to assist there instead of going on pilgrimage to Jerusalem or elsewhere: Mansilla, Demetrio, La documentación pontificia hasta Inocencio III (965–1216) (Rome, 1955), 46–47Google Scholar doc. 29.

⁹ Historia Compostellana, 1.9.2, 4, ed. Emma Falque Rey, CCM 70 (Turnhout, 1988), 24–26; PL 163:44–45.

¹⁰ Historia Compostellana, 1.39, ed. Falque Rey, 77–78; PL 163:64–65. This letter, which is dated 25 March, has usually been assigned to the year 1101. Its place in the Historia Compostellana would seem to imply a later date, and it has been suggested that it may have been issued in 1109 after the Christian defeat at Uclés: Historia Compostelana, trans. Emma Falque Rey (Madrid, 1994), 147 n. 357 (it was sent from the Lateran, but that is not very helpful in determining the year of issue). But if so, it would have been sent ten months after the defeat and, as its wording links it very closely with the earlier letters, 1101 seems a more probable date.

¹¹ Arteta, Antonio Ubieto, Colección diplomática de Pedro I de Aragón y de Navarra (Zaragoza, 1951), 114Google Scholar; Idoate, Gregorio Vera, Navarra y las cruzadas (Pamplona, 1931), 88Google Scholar; Gaztambide, José Goñi, Historia de la bula de la cruzada en España (Vitoria, 1958), 67Google Scholar; Price, Jennifer, “Alfonso I and the Memory of the First Crusade: Conquest and Crusade in the Kingdom of Aragón-Navarre,” in Crusades — Medieval Worlds in Conflict, ed. Madden, Thomas F., Naus, James L., and Ryan, Vincent (Farnham, 2010), 79Google Scholar n. 18; see also O'Banion, Patrick J., “What has Iberia to Do with Jerusalem? Crusade and the Spanish Route to the Holy Land in the Twelfth Century,” Journal of Medieval History 34 (2008): 383–95CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 384.

¹² Ubieto Arteta, Colección diplomática de Pedro I, 113 n. 6.

¹³ When this document was published by Lacarra, J. M., “La catedral románica de Pamplona: Nuevos documentos,” Archivo español de arte y arqueología 7 (1931): 73–86Google Scholar, at 82–83 doc. 4, the dating clause was only partly legible: that Pedro was called crucifer is dependent on a translation given by Moret, José de, Anales del reino de Navarra, 12 vols. (Tolosa, 1890–92), 3:148Google Scholar; cf. Catálogo del Archivo Catedral de Pamplona, vol. 1, (829–1500), ed. José Goñi Gaztambide (Pamplona, 1965), 21 no. 84.

¹⁴ Fita, Fidel, “El concilio nacional de Palencia en el año 1100 y el de Gerona en 1101,” Boletín de la Real Academia de la Historia 24 (1894): 215–35Google Scholar, at 231–32; Colección diplomática del monasterio de Sahagún (857–1230), ed. Marta Herrero de la Fuente, 5 vols. (León, 1976–94), 3:409–10 doc. 1065. Carlos Laliena Corbera, “Encrucijadas ideológicas: Conquista feudal, cruzada y reforma de la iglesia en el siglo XI hispánico,” in La reforma gregoriana y su proyección en la cristiandad occidental, siglos XI–XII (Pamplona, 2006), 333 n. 101, states that the month in which this document was issued should be September but does not give his reasons.

¹⁵ Corbera, Carlos Laliena, Pedro I de Aragón y Navarra (1094–1104) (Burgos, 2000), 317Google Scholar.

¹⁶ Cartulaire de l'abbaye de Saint Victor de Marseille, ed. Benjamin Edme Charles Guérard, 2 vols. (Paris, 1857), 1:450–51 doc. 445; Ubieto Arteta, Colección diplomática de Pedro I, 115 n. 9.

¹⁷ Kehr, Papsturkunden in Spanien, vol. 1, Katalanien (n. 7 above), 363–64 doc. 80.

¹⁸ De rebus Hispanie, 7.14, in Opera omnia (n. 8 above), 1:234–36.

¹⁹ de Ayala Martínez, Carlos, Las órdenes militares hispánicas en la edad media (siglos XII–XV) (Madrid, 2003), 69–70Google Scholar; Rodríguez-Picavea, Enrique, Los monjes guerreros en los reinos hispánicos: Las órdenes militares en la Península Ibérica durante la edad media (Madrid, 2008), 75Google Scholar. These authors do not, however, take Adrian's bull into consideration. Vann, Theresa M., “A New Look at the Foundation of the Order of Calatrava,” in On the Social Origins of Medieval Institutions: Essays in Honor of Joseph F. O'Callaghan, ed. Kagay, D. J. and Vann, Theresa M. (Leiden, 1998), 101Google Scholar, suggests that the Temple was at that time undergoing a financial crisis and withdrew from Calatrava for that reason.

²⁰ González, Julio, El reino de Castilla en la época de Alfonso VIII, 3 vols. (Madrid, 1960), 2:64–66Google Scholar doc. 35. The year of the pope's letter is not given, but as it was issued from Sutri it must belong to the year 1158.

²¹ Kehr, Paul, Papsturkunden in Spanien, vol. 2, Navarra und Aragon (Berlin, 1928), 572–73Google Scholar doc. 217; Cadier, Léon, “Bulles originales du XIIIe siècle conservées dans les Archives de Navarre,” Mélanges d'archéologie et d'histoire 7 (1887): 268–338CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 292–93 doc. 3; Vera Idoate, Navarra y las cruzadas (n. 11 above), 199–200; Colección diplomática medieval de la Rioja (923–1225), ed. Ildefonso Rodríguez de Lama, 4 vols. (Logroño, 1976–89), 3:147–48 doc. 367.

²² Zerbi, Piero, Papato, impero e “respublica christiana” dal 1187 al 1198 (Milan, 1980), 180–82Google Scholar docs. 2–3; Smith, Damian J., “The Iberian Legations of Cardinal Hyacinth Bobone,” in Pope Celestine III (1191–1198): Diplomat and Pastor, ed. Doran, John and Smith, Damian J. (Farnham, 2008), 100Google Scholar, 107.

²³ Claverie, Pierre-Vincent, “La dévotion envers les Lieux Saints dans la Catalogne médiévale,” in Chemins d'Outre-Mer: Etudes d'histoire sur la Mediterranée médiévale offertes à Michel Balard, ed. Coulon, Damien, Otten-Froux, Catherine, Pagès, Paule, and Valérian, Dominique, 2 vols. (Paris, 2004), 1:129Google Scholar; Riley-Smith, Jonathan, The First Crusaders, 1095–1131 (Cambridge, 1997), 208Google Scholar, 225; Jaspert, Nikolas, “Eleventh-Century Pilgrimage from Catalonia to Jerusalem: New Sources on the Foundations of the First Crusade,” Crusades 14 (2015): 1–48Google Scholar, at 6, 42, and 46.

²⁴ Villegas-Aristizábal, Lucas, “Revisiting the Anglo-Norman Crusaders’ Failed Attempt to Conquer Lisbon c. 1142,” Portuguese Studies 29 (2013): 7–20CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 20; Portugaliae Monumenta Historica: Scriptores (Lisbon, 1856–61), 14.

²⁵ Constable, Giles, “A Note on the Route of the Anglo-Flemish Crusaders in 1147,” Speculum 28 (1953): 525–26CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁶ De Expugnatione Lyxbonensi: The Conquest of Lisbon, ed. Charles Wendell David (New York, 1936), 78, 84.

²⁷ Annales Sancti Disibodi, ed. G. Waitz, MGH SS 17 (Hanover, 1861), 28; Edgington, Susan B., “The Lisbon Letter of the Second Crusade,” Historical Research 69 (1996): 328–39Google Scholar, at 331; see also Annales Elmarenses, in Les Annales de Saint-Pierre de Gand et de Saint Amand, ed. Philip Grierson (Brussels, 1937), 111, where some are reported to have participated in the siege of Damascus.

²⁸ De Expugnatione Lyxbonensi, 112.

²⁹ Villegas-Aristizábal, Lucas, “Anglo-Norman Intervention in the Conquest and Settlement of Tortosa, 1148–1180,” Crusades 8 (2009): 63–129Google Scholar; Virgili, Antoni, “Angli cum multis aliis alienigenis: Crusade Settlers in Tortosa (Second Half of the Twelfth Century),” Journal of Medieval History 35 (2009): 297–312CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁰ Jaspert, Nikolas, “Capta est Dertosa, clavis Christianorum: Tortosa and the Crusades,” in The Second Crusade: Scope and Consequences, ed. Phillips, Jonathan and Hoch, Martin (Manchester, 2001), 99Google Scholar.

³¹ David, Charles Wendell, “Narratio de itinere navali peregrinorum Hierosolymam tendentium et Silviam capientium, a.d. 1189,” Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 81(1939): 591–676Google Scholar, at 632–35.

³² Duggan, Anne J., “Ne in dubium: The Official Record of Henry II's Reconciliation at Avranches, 21 May 1172,” English Historical Review 115 (2000): 643–58CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 657–58; Materials for the History of Thomas Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury, ed. James Craigie Robertson and J. Brigstoke Sheppard, 7 vols., Rolls Series 67 (London, 1875–85), 7:516–18 doc. 772. On the date of Henry's proposed departure for the Holy Land, see Forey, Alan J., “Henry II's Crusading Penances for Becket's Murder,” Crusades 7 (2008): 153–64Google Scholar, at 153–57. In 1159 Henry and Louis VII had discussed a possible expedition to Spain: PL 188:1615–17.

³³ Goñi Gaztambide, Historia de la bula (n. 11 above), 78; Anne J. Duggan, “Diplomacy, Status and Conscience: Henry II's Penance for Becket's Murder,” in Forschungen zur Reichs-, Papst- und Landesgeschichte Peter Herde zum 65. Geburtstag von Freunden, Schülern und Kollegen dargebracht, ed. Karl Borchardt and Enno Bünz, 2 vols. (Stuttgart, 1998), 1:275.

³⁴ PL 216:817–22; BD, 83–89 doc. 85; translated in Riley-Smith, Louise and Riley-Smith, Jonathan, The Crusades: Idea and Reality, 1095–1274 (London, 1981), 119–24Google Scholar; Crusade and Christendom: Annotated Documents in Translation from Innocent III to the Fall of Acre, 1187–1291, ed. Jessalyn Bird, Edward Peters, and James M. Powell (Philadelphia, 2013), 107–12. See also Constitutiones Concilii Quarti Lateranensis una cum Commentariis Glossatorum, ed. Antonio García y García (Vatican City, 1981), 111 §71. For examples of crusades being deferred because of poverty or ill health, see MAB, 2.2:780–81 doc. 272; 3:864 doc. 443; Thesaurus novus anecdotorum, ed. Edmundus Martène and Ursinus Durand, 5 vols. (Paris, 1717), 2:495.

³⁵ ESXIII, 1:491–95 doc. 605; translated in Crusade and Christendom, 270–76. It was reissued in 1237: Bullarium Franciscanum Romanorum pontificum constitutiones, epistolas ac diplomata continens, ed. Joannes Hyacinthus Sbaralea and Konrad Eubel, 7 vols. (Rome, 1759–1904), 1:220–23.

³⁶ PL 215:428–30; Die Register Innocenz’ III., ed. Othmar Hageneder et al. (Graz and Vienna, 1964–), 7:225–27 doc. 139.

³⁷ Codex Diplomaticus Prussicus, ed. Johannes Voigt, 4 vols. (Königsberg, 1836–53), 1:1–2 doc. 1; Preussisches Urkundenbuch, ed. Rudolf Philippi et al., 6 vols. (Könisberg and Marburg, 1882–2000), 1.1:11–12 doc. 16; Vetera Monumenta Poloniae et Lithuaniae gentiumque finitarum historiam illustrantia, ed. Augustinus Theiner, 4 vols. (Rome, 1860–64), 1:2 doc. 4; MAB, 2.2:272–74 doc. 220.

³⁸ Codex Diplomaticus Prussicus, 1:4–5, 12–14 docs. 3, 12; Preussisches Urkundenbuch, 1.1:15–16, 20–21 docs. 21, 29; BD, 125–26 doc. 139; DD, 1.5:193–95 doc. 142; MAB, 2.2:730–31, 796–97 docs. 223, 292.

³⁹ Preussisches Urkundenbuch, 1.1:26 doc. 39; Vetera monumenta Poloniae et Lithuaniae, 1:12 doc. 26; MAB, 3:766–67 doc. 323; an English version is provided by Ossowska, Jadwiga, “The Polish Contribution to the Expeditions to the Holy Land in the Crusades’ Era,” Folia Orientalia 26 (1989): 167–82Google Scholar, at 176–77. On the duke's vow, see Gładysz, Mikołaj, The Forgotten Crusaders: Poland and the Crusader Movement in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries (Leiden, 2012), 152–53CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴⁰ DD, 1.5:95–98 doc. 61; ESXIII, 1:133 doc. 189; Codex Diplomaticus Prussicus, 1:3–4 doc. 2; Preussisches Urkundenbuch, 1.1:11 doc. 15; Vetera monumenta Poloniae et Lithuaniae, 1:4–5 doc. 10.

⁴¹ Mansilla, Demetrio, La documentación pontificia de Honorio III (1216–1227) (Rome, 1965), 161Google Scholar doc. 208.

⁴² Mansilla, Documentación de Honorio III, 438–39 doc. 584; a letter allowing the commutation of a Holy Land vow to Spain because of illness is also found in A Formulary of the Papal Penitentiary in the Thirteenth Century, ed. Henry Charles Lea (Philadelphia, 1892), 167–68 doc. 176.

⁴³ Codex Diplomaticus Prussicus, 1:25–26 doc. 26; Preussisches Urkundenbuch, 1.1:65–66 doc. 85. See also further letters issued by Gregory IX in 1232, relating to crusaders from Bohemia, and 1236 about those in various German provinces: Preussisches Urkundenbuch, 1.1:66–67 doc. 87; DD, 1.6:277–79 doc. 214; BD, 234–36 doc. 271; Liv-, Esth- und Curländisches Urkundenbuch nebst Regesten, ed. Friedrich Georg von Bunge et al., 12 vols. (Reval, 1853–1914), 1:183–84 doc. 144; ESXIII, 1:370–71, 566–67 docs. 460, 671; Bullarium ordinis Praedicatorum (n. 3 above), 1:83–84.

⁴⁴ Diplomatarium Norvegicum, ed. C. C. A. Lange et al., 22 vols. (Christiana, 1847–1992), 1:19–20 doc. 24a; Riant, Paul, Expéditions et pèlerinages des Scandinaves en Terre Sainte au temps des croisades (Paris, 1865), 344Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ Diplomatarium Norvegicum, 1:21–22 doc. 27; RI, 1:13 doc. 46; Riant, Expéditions et pèlerinages, 344–45.

⁴⁶ PL 216:1261–62; translation in Cheney, C. R., Hubert Walter (London, 1967), 127–29Google Scholar; Crusade and Christendom (n. 34 above), 49–50.

⁴⁷ RG, 2:1179 doc. 4635; RI, 1:444 doc. 2963.

⁴⁸ Questions have been raised about Leszek's claims concerning his health, and it has been suggested that the political situation in Poland was a factor in his petition: Ossowska, “The Polish Contribution,” 176; Gładysz, Forgotten Crusaders, 157–58, 160; von Güttner-Sporzyński, Darius, Poland, Holy War, and the Piast Monarchy, 1100–1230 (Turnhout, 2014), 195CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴⁹ ESXIII, 1:10–11 doc. 13; DD, 1.5:147–49 doc. 101; Liv-, Esth- und Curländisches Urkundenbuch, 1:44–46 doc. 39; BD, 108–10 doc. 115; MAB, 2.2:210–11 doc. 172; Fonnesberg-Schmidt, Popes and the Baltic Crusades (n. 2 above), 137; Bysted, Ane L., Jensen, Carsten Selch, Jensen, Kurt Villads, and Lind, John H., Jerusalem in the North: Denmark and the Baltic Crusades, 1100–1522 (Turnhout, 2012), 171–72Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ Monumenta Henricina, 15 vols. (Coimbra, 1960–74), 1:45–49 docs. 25–26; ESXIII, 1:27–29 docs. 35–36.

⁵¹ ESXIII, 1:32–33 doc. 42; Mansilla, Documentación de Honorio III (n. 41 above), 106–7 doc. 134; Monumenta Henricina, 1:52–54 doc. 28.

⁵² Monumenta Henricina, 1:54–55 doc. 29; Mansilla, Documentación de Honorio III, 116 doc. 143; ESXIII, 1:34 doc. 44.

⁵³ RG, 1:221–22 doc. 539.

⁵⁴ Foedera, 1.2:542. Peter of Condeto, archdeacon of Soissons, who had accompanied Louis IX to Tunis and spent a considerable amount of money on the undertaking, was not absolved from his crusading vow until twenty-five years later, when he was “senio jam confractus,” on the condition that he gave money for the Holy Land: Les registres de Boniface VIII, ed. Georges Digard, Maurice Faucon, Antoine Thomas, and Robert Fawtier, 4 vols. (Paris, 1884–1939), 1:58 doc. 160.

⁵⁵ Richard, Jean, Saint Louis (Paris, 1983), 566–70Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ Chronica Slavorum, 5.30, ed. Georgius Heinricus Pertz, MGH SRG (Hanover, 1868), 214–15; Fonnesberg-Schmidt, Popes and the Baltic Crusades, 70–71, 77. Henry of Livonia does not mention commutations: Heinrichs Livländische Chronik, 2.3, ed. Leonid Arbusow and Albert Bauer, MGH SRG (Hanover, 1955), 9.

⁵⁷ In 1199 Innocent III had apparently been prepared to commute only pilgrimage vows for campaigning in Livonia: DD, 1.3:400–401 doc. 254; BD, 26 doc. 29; Register Innocenz’ III. (n. 36 above), 2:348–49 doc. 182.

⁵⁸ Codex Diplomaticus Prussicus (n. 37 above), 1:1–2 doc. 1; Preussisches Urkundenbuch (n. 37 above), 1.1:11–12 doc. 16; Vetera Monumenta Poloniae et Lithuaniae (n. 37 above), 1:2 doc. 4; MAB, 2.2:272–74 doc. 220. On the identity of the two duchies, see Gładysz, Forgotten Crusaders (n. 39 above), 159–61.

⁵⁹ DD, 1.7:59–60 doc. 62; ESXIII, 1:703–4 doc. 796; BD, 259–61 doc. 303.

⁶⁰ BD, 371–72 doc. 484.

⁶¹ Bullarium Franciscanum (n. 35 above), 2:64.

⁶² Preussisches Urkundenbuch (n. 37 above), 1.2:155–56, 181 docs. 201, 243.

⁶³ ESXIII, 1:722–23 doc. 822; Bullarium Franciscanum, 1:296–98; translated in Crusade and Christendom (n. 34 above), 322–23. In April, before the pope's pronouncement, German prelates were already being instructed to allow the commutation of all vows for this purpose: Historia diplomatica Friderici secundi, ed. J.-L.-A. Huillard-Bréholles, 6 vols. (Paris, 1852–61), 5:1209–13.

⁶⁴ VMH, 1:203–4 doc. 379; RI, 1:443 doc. 2957; translated in Jackson, Peter, The Seventh Crusade, 1244–1254: Sources and Documents (Farnham, 2009), 53Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ Documentos de Gregorio IX (1227–1241) referentes a España, ed. Santiago Domínguez Sánchez (León, 2004), 169–70 doc. 154; RG, 1:340 doc. 518.

⁶⁶ Documentos de Gregorio IX, 503 doc. 626; RG, 2:550–51 doc. 3483. On the use of the term crucesignatus, see Markowski, Michael, “Crucesignatus: Its Origins and Early Usage,” Journal of Medieval History 10 (1984): 157–65CrossRefGoogle Scholar. It has been claimed that in 1246 James I of Aragon took the cross to help defend the Latin Empire of Constantinople but that a Muslim revolt in Valencia in 1247 led him to seek a commutation of his vow: Goñi Gaztambide, Historia de la bula (n. 11 above), 182; Burns, Robert I., “Voices of Silence: Al-Azraq and the French Connection; Why the Valencian Crusade Never Ended,” in his Muslims, Christians, and Jews in the Crusader Kingdom of Valencia (Cambridge, 1984), 271Google Scholar; García, José Manuel Rodríguez, “Henry III (1216–1272), Alfonso X of Castile (1252–1284) and the Crusading Plans of the Thirteenth Century (1245–1272),” in England and Europe in the Reign of Henry III (1216–1272), ed. Weiler, Björn K. U. and Rowlands, Ifor W. (Aldershot, 2002), 102Google Scholar; Chrissis, Nikolaos G., Crusading in Frankish Greece: A Study of Byzantine-Western Relations and Attitudes, 1204–1282 (Turnhout, 2012), 156CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The king's intention of taking the cross is known from a letter of Innocent IV, but its wording suggests that James had not then made a final decision: Innocent wrote that he had heard that the Aragonese king was proposing (proponas) to go to the aid of the Latin Empire, and the pope stated that he was prepared (parati sumus) to grant protection and an indulgence: La documentación pontificia de Inocencio IV (1243–1254), ed. Augusto Quintana Prieto, 2 vols. (Rome, 1987), 1:285–86 doc. 257; Robert I. Burns, “The Loss of Provence: King James's Raid to Kidnap Its Heiress (1245); Documenting a ‘Legend,’” in Historiographie de la Couronne d'Aragon: Actes du XIIe Congrès d'Histoire de la Couronne d'Aragon, 3 vols. (Montpellier, 1987–89), 3:230 doc. 18. It has been suggested that a further bull, dated 1 February 1252, in which Innocent referred to vows and promises made by James and in which he left the dispensation from these to the discretion of the bishop of Valencia, may allude to the proposed expedition to the Latin Empire: Goñi Gaztambide, Historia de la bula, 182; Rodríguez García, “Henry III, Alfonso X,” 102; for the text, see Burns, Robert I., “A Lost Crusade: Unpublished Bulls of Innocent IV on Al-Azraq's Revolt in Thirteenth-Century Spain,” Catholic Historical Review 74 (1988): 440–49Google Scholar, at 448 doc. 11. Yet, as Burns has pointed out (“Lost Crusade,” 441, and “The Crusade against Al-Azraq: A Thirteenth-Century Mudejar Revolt in International Perspective,” American Historical Review 93 [1988]: 80–106, at 101–2), the issue at that time was the vow, taken by James in 1247, to expel Muslims from Valencia; see also RI, 3:27 doc. 5582; Documentación pontificia de Inocencio IV, 2:648 doc. 730; Les quatre grans cròniques, vol. 1, Llibre dels feits del rei En Jaume, chaps. 365–67, ed. Ferran Soldevila (Barcelona, 2007), 392–94.

⁶⁷ Documentación pontificia de Inocencio IV, 1:197 doc. 174; Bullarium equestris ordinis S. Iacobi de Spatha, ed. Antonius Franciscus Aguado de Córdoba, Alfonsus Antonius Alemán y Rosales, and Josephus López Agurleta (Madrid, 1719), 141. In the same decade the canonist William of Rennes argued that powerful nobles, because of their value on crusades, should not be released from crusading vows if they entered the religious life: Brundage, Medieval Canon Law and the Crusader (n. 4 above), 94. Yet he was probably thinking of a contemplative form of life. In 1221 Honorius III allowed the Teutonic Order to accept crusaders as brothers, but this did not necessarily mean that they would fight in a different area: MAB, 3:654 doc. 195; Strehlke, Ernst, Tabulae ordinis Theutonici (Berlin, 1869), 290Google Scholar doc. 320.

⁶⁸ La documentación pontificia de Alejandro IV (1254–1261), ed. Ildefonso Rodríguez de Lama (Rome, 1976), 124–25 doc. 117; Les registres d'Alexandre IV, ed. C. Bourel de la Roncière et al., 3 vols. (Paris, 1895–1959), 1:259 doc. 862; Les registres de Clément IV, ed. Edouard Jordan (Paris, 1893–1945), 4–6 doc. 15; Documentos de Clemente IV (1265–1268) referentes a España, ed. Santiago Domínguez Sánchez (León, 1996), 112–15 doc. 5. The archbishop of Seville was still using these letters in 1276 and 1280: Linehan, Peter, “‘Quedam de quibus dubitans’: On Preaching the Crusade in Alfonso X's Castile,” Historia, Instituciones, Documentos 27 (2000): 129–54Google Scholar, at 140, 150.

⁶⁹ The use of the term peregrini also, of course, raises the question of how it was interpreted by the recipients of papal letters.

⁷⁰ Preussisches Urkundenbuch, 1.1:66–67 doc. 87.

⁷¹ Codex diplomaticus Prussicus (n. 37 above), 1:1–2 doc. 1; Vetera Monumenta Poloniae et Lithuaniae (n. 37 above), 1:2 doc. 4; MAB, 2.2:272–74 doc. 220; Preussisches Urkundenbuch (n. 37 above), 1.1:11–12 doc. 16.

⁷² Preussisches Urkundenbuch, 1.1:66–67 doc. 87.

⁷³ VMH, 1:203–4 doc. 379.

⁷⁴ Bullarium S. Iacobi, 178.

⁷⁵ Chronica Slavorum, 5.30, ed. Pertz (n. 56 above), 214–15. Barbara Bombi, “Celestine III and the Conversion of the Heathen on the Baltic Frontier,” in Pope Celestine III (n. 22 above), 155, links this comment with delays of Henry VI's planned expedition, but Arnold of Lübeck does not give any precise indication of timing.

⁷⁶ Diplomatarium Norvegicum (n. 44 above), 1:21–22 doc. 27.

⁷⁷ Monumenta Henricina (n. 50 above), 1:45–49, 52–54 docs. 25–26, 28; ESXIII, 1:27–29, 32–33 docs. 35–36, 42; Mansilla, Documentación de Honorio III (n. 41 above), 106–7 doc. 134.

⁷⁸ Maier, Preaching the Crusades (n. 1 above), 80–82. On the diverting of crusaders to the South Italian kingdom, see below.

⁷⁹ Preussiches Urkundenbuch, 1.1:34–36 docs. 46–48.

⁸⁰ Summa Raymundi de Peniafort (n. 4 above), 1.8.3–4 (repr. 1957) 57–58; Hostiensis, Summa aurea (n. 4 above), 3, De voto, 12 (1597 ed.), 216; Brundage, Medieval Canon Law and the Crusader (n. 4 above), 104.

⁸¹ Historia diplomatica Friderici secundi (n. 63 above), 5:1214–15; Jackson, Peter, “The Crusade against the Mongols (1241),” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 42 (1991): 1–18CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 9–10.

⁸² ESXIII, 1:725–26 doc. 826; Schneider, Fedor, “Ein Schreiben der Ungarn an die Kurie aus der letzten Zeit des Tatareneinfalles (2 Februar 1242),” Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung 36 (1915): 661–70CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 670.

⁸³ VMH, 1:203–4 doc. 379 (translated in Jackson, Seventh Crusade [n. 64 above], 53); RI, 1:443, 620 docs. 2957, 4088–89; Codex Diplomaticus Prussicus (n. 37 above), 1:69 doc. 74.

⁸⁴ PL 214:786–88; Register Innocenz’ III. (n. 36 above), 2:421–23 doc. 217; Gesta Innocentii PP. III, in PL 214:lv; Elizabeth Kennan, “Innocent III and the First Political Crusade,” Traditio 27 (1971): 231–49, at 247. It has been argued that some crusaders fought against Markward under Walter of Brienne in southern Italy instead of going to the East: Rist, Rebecca, Papacy and Crusading in Europe, 1198–1245 (London, 2009), 177Google Scholar, 201; see also Van Cleve, T. C., Markward of Anweiler and the Sicilian Regency (Princeton, 1937), 175Google Scholar. Villehardouin, La conquête de Constantinople, chaps. 33–34, ed. Edmond Faral, 2 vols. (Paris, 1961), 1:34, certainly states that Walter was accompanied in Apulia by a large number of crusaders but claims that they asserted that they were ready to join the expedition to the East. They did not in fact do so but Kennan, “Innocent III,” 244, points out that there is no record that the pope commuted the Holy Land vow of Walter of Brienne, and there is no evidence of any formal commutation of his followers’ vows.

⁸⁵ PL 215:699–72; Register Innocenz’ III., 8:230–33 doc. 127; translated in Brundage, James A., The Crusades: A Documentary Survey (Milwaukee, 1962), 208–9Google Scholar; Andrea, Alfred J., Contemporary Sources for the Fourth Crusade (Leiden, 2008), 162–68CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Crusade and Christendom (n. 34 above), 63–65; see also Roscher, Helmut, Papst Innocenz III. und die Kreuzzüge (Göttingen, 1969), 126Google Scholar. The text of the 1204 agreement is given in Tafel, G. L. F. and Thomas, G. M., Urkunden zur älteren Handels- und Staatsgeschichte der Republik Venedig, 3 vols. (Vienna, 1856–57), 1:444–52Google Scholar. Three years later Innocent condemned the Venetians for using Holy Land crusaders not only in Greece but also in Crete: Register Innocenz’ III., 12:6–7 doc. 2.

⁸⁶ MAB, 2.2:479–80 doc. 7; VMH, 1:8 doc. 14; Bullarium Hellenicum: Pope Honorius III's Letters to Frankish Greece and Constantinople (1216–1227), ed. William O. Duba and Christopher D. Schabel (Turnhout, 2015), 175–76 doc. 31.

⁸⁷ MAB, 2.2:528–30 doc. 52; RHGF, 19:638; Bullarium Hellenicum, 191–94 doc. 42. The penance had been imposed for attacking England despite a papal prohibition.

⁸⁸ Norden, Walter, Das Papsttum und Byzanz: Die Trennung der beiden Mächte und das Problem ihrer Wiedervereinigung bis zum Untergang des byzantinischen Reichs (1453) (Berlin, 1903), 749–50Google Scholar docs. 4–5; Bullarium Hellenicum, 236–37 docs. 73–74.

⁸⁹ MAB, 3:299–301 doc. 19; RHGF, 19:690–91.

⁹⁰ MAB, 4:349–50, 351 docs. 129, 132; Bullarium Hellenicum, 396–97, 399–400 docs. 175, 178; Claverie, Pierre-Vincent, Honorius III et l'Orient (1216–1227) (Leiden, 2013), 391–92CrossRefGoogle Scholar doc. 78. In February 1224 Honorius issued a similar letter about those assisting the marquis of Montferrat, but on this occasion he allowed a delay of only one year: Bullarium Hellenicum, 484–87 doc. 223.

⁹¹ MAB, 4:724–25 doc. 35; Bullarium Hellenicum, 526–28, 532–34 docs. 244, 248.

⁹² VMH, 1:97, 102–3 docs. 171, 177; RG, 1:418 doc. 657.

⁹³ RG, 2:218 doc. 2874. At the same time Gregory appealed to Bela IV of Hungary and his brother Coloman to give aid and counsel in support of the Latin Empire, but he did not mention taking the cross; and although Coloman had in the preceding year vowed to campaign against heretics, and although it has been claimed that an earlier crusading vow taken by Bela was commuted, the pope made no reference to commutation: RG, 2:217–18 docs. 2872–73; VMH, 1:130, 140 docs. 222, 249; Codex Diplomaticus Regni Croatiae, Dalmatiae et Slavoniae, ed. T. Smiciklas et al., 18 vols. (Zagreb, 1874–1990), 3:417–19 doc. 362; Codex diplomaticus Hungariae ecclesiasticus ac civilis, ed. György Fejer, 7 vols. (Buda, 1829–41), 4:30–31; Maier, Preaching the Crusade (n. 1 above), 37; Rist, Papacy and Crusading in Europe, 132; Morton, Nicholas, “In subsidium: the Declining Contribution of Germany and Eastern Europe to the Crusades to the Holy Land, 1221–91,” Bulletin of the German Historical Institute London 33 (2011): 38–66Google Scholar, at 52.

⁹⁴ RG, 2:233 doc. 2911.

⁹⁵ VMH, 1:167, 170–71 docs. 299, 308; Bullarium ordinis Praedicatorum (n. 3 above), 1:102–3; Bullarium Franciscanum (n. 35 above), 1:247–49; RG, 2:1108 doc. 4482.

⁹⁶ RG, 2:875–76 doc. 4057; VMH, 1:160–61 doc. 284.

⁹⁷ VMH, 1:175 doc. 320; RG, 3:215 doc. 5123; Bullarium ordinis Praedicatorum, 1:110.

⁹⁸ RG, 1:218, 232–33 docs. 2879, 2909–10; 2:512–13 doc. 3395; Bullarium Franciscanum, 1:179–81.

⁹⁹ Bullarium Franciscanum, 1:218; RG, 2:638–40 docs. 3633, 3638.

¹⁰⁰ Spence, Richard, “Gregory IX's Attempted Expeditions to the Latin Empire of Constantinople: The Crusade for the Union of the Latin and Greek Churches,” Journal of Medieval History 5 (1979): 163–76CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 166. Lower, Michael, The Barons’ Crusade: A Call to Arms and Its Consequences (Philadelphia, 2005), 93CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 137, 179–80, argues that Gregory sought to persuade Theobald but not Richard, and Abulafia, David, “Charles of Anjou Re-assessed,” Journal of Medieval History 26 (2000): 93–114CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 111, accepts Lower's opinion, which was first expressed in his thesis. Weiler, Björn, “Gregory IX, Frederick II and the Liberation of the Holy Land, 1230–9,” in The Holy Land, Holy Lands and Christian History, ed. Swanson, R. N., Studies in Church History 36 (Woodbridge, 2000), 199Google Scholar, states that Gregory encouraged not only Richard of Cornwall but also Simon of Montfort and William Longsword to join the proposed campaign to the Latin Empire instead of going to the Holy Land.

¹⁰¹ RG, 2:218 doc. 2877; Documentos de Gregorio IX (n. 65 above), 429–30 doc. 521; Thesaurus novus anecdotorum (n. 34 above), 1:998–99; Chrissis, Nikolaos G., “A Diversion That Never Was: Thibaut IV of Champagne, Richard of Cornwall and Pope Gregory IX's Crusading Plans for Constantinople, 1235–1239,” Crusades 9 (2010): 128–39Google Scholar; Chrissis, Crusading in Frankish Greece (n. 66 above), 86, 100, 106–7. A papal letter to Theobald and others in March 1239 instructed them to prepare for the general passage to the Holy Land: RG, 2:1229–30 doc. 4741.

¹⁰² RG, 2:897, 1173 docs. 4094–96, 4608; Chrissis, “Diversion That Never Was,” 140–42; Chrissis, Crusading in Frankish Greece, 121.

¹⁰³ RG, 2:807–8 docs. 3944, 3946.

¹⁰⁴ ESXIII, 1:619 doc. 720.

¹⁰⁵ Codex diplomaticus et epistolarius regni Bohemiae, ed. Gustavus Friedrich et al. (Prague, 1907– ), 3.2:308–9 doc. 229.

¹⁰⁶ ESXIII, 1:706–7 doc. 801; VMH, 1:178–79 doc. 327. Abulafia, David, Frederick II: A Medieval Emperor (London, 1988), 384Google Scholar, suggests that Hungarian crusaders were being asked to provide money rather than to fight against Frederick, but the pope's letter offered indulgences both to those who commuted their vows and to those who redeemed them.

¹⁰⁷ ESXIII, 2:172–73, 296–97 docs. 234, 408; RI, 1:305, 459 docs. 2054, 3054.

¹⁰⁸ RI, 1:509 doc. 3384.

¹⁰⁹ ESXIII, 2:326 doc. 453.

¹¹⁰ ESXIII, 2:329 doc. 459.

¹¹¹ ESXIII, 2:332 doc. 465; RI, 1:617 doc. 4060.

¹¹² ESXIII, 3:373–74 doc. 534; RI, 1:572 doc. 3779.

¹¹³ ESXIII, 2:409 doc. 579; Bullarium ordinis Praedicatorum (n. 3 above), 1:182.

¹¹⁴ ESXIII, 3:15–16 doc. 20; RI, 2:161 doc. 4927; Bullarium Franciscanum (n. 35 above), 1:561; Bullarium ordinis Praedicatorum, 1:188. For translations of most of the papal letters about commutations in border districts in the later 1240s, see Jackson, Seventh Crusade (n. 64 above), 29, 55–58, 198.

¹¹⁵ ESXIII, 2:287–88 doc. 394; Bullarium Franciscanum, 1:465–66; RI, 1:456 doc. 3040; translated in Jackson, Seventh Crusade, 54–55. Salimbene claims that Innocent asked Louis to delay his crusade, but that his plea was rejected: Cronica, ed. Giuseppe Scalia, 2 vols., CCM 125–25A (Turnhout, 1998–99), 1:319–20.

¹¹⁶ Gianbatista Verci, Storia degli Ecelini, 3 vols. (Bassano, 1779), 3:341 doc. 200; ESXIII, 3:93–95 doc. 113.

¹¹⁷ Foedera, 1.1:304; ESXIII, 3:405–11 doc. 446; Registres d'Alexandre IV (n. 68 above), 3:89–93 doc. 3036.

¹¹⁸ On Henry III's negotiations with the king of Castile, see Forey, A. J., “The Crusading Vows of Henry III,” Durham University Journal 65 (1973): 229–47Google Scholar, at 237–45; Goodman, Anthony, “Alfonso X and the English Crown,” in Alfonso X el Sabio, vida, obra y época, ed. de Miguel Rodríguez, Juan Carlos, Fernández, Angela Muñoz, and Graiño, Cristina Segura (Madrid, 1989), 43–46Google Scholar; Rodríguez García, “Henry III, Alfonso X” (n. 66 above), 104–5.

¹¹⁹ Foedera, 1.1:316.

¹²⁰ Foedera, 1.1:319–20. The pope also gave permission for the Holy Land vows of English crusaders to be commuted to Sicily: Foedera, 1.1:322. On the negotiations about Sicily between the papacy and Henry, see Forey, “Crusading Vows of Henry III,” 238–45; Lloyd, Simon, English Society and the Crusade, 1216–1307 (Oxford, 1988), 222–25Google Scholar; Tyerman, Christopher, England and the Crusades, 1095–1588 (Chicago, 1988), 118–20Google Scholar; Weiler, Björn, “Henry III and the Sicilian Business: A Reinterpretation,” Historical Research 74 (2001): 127–50CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹²¹ Foedera, 1.1:320–21.

¹²² ESXIII, 3:591–92 doc. 597; Registres d'Urbain IV (n. 3 above), 1:398 doc. 813.

¹²³ ESXIII, 3:628 doc. 637; Registres de Clément IV (n. 68 above), 318–19 doc. 817. In June 1265 Clement agreed to a request that Barrallus, lord of Baux, should commute his Holy Land vow, provided that Alphonse of Poitiers agreed: Registres de Clément IV, 488–89 doc. 1677. According to the Chronica minor auctore minorita Erphordiensi: Continuatio I, ed. O. Holder-Egger, MGH SS 24 (Hanover, 1879), 204, the pope ordered preaching for the Holy Land in Germany in 1266, but used those who took the cross to fight in support of Charles of Anjou.

¹²⁴ Housley, N. J., “Politics and Heresy in Italy: Anti-Heretical Crusades, Orders and Confraternities, 1200–1500,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 33 (1982): 193–208CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 194, writes that in 1212 Innocent III “threatened the people of Milan … with the very crusaders whom he had sent against the heretics of Languedoc,” when they failed to act against heretics in the city. This might be read to imply commutation of vows, but the pope was merely threatening to call a crusade against them: PL 216:710–15.

¹²⁵ Layettes du Trésor des chartes, ed. Alexandre Teulet et al., 5 vols. (Paris, 1863–1909), 1:317–19 doc. 843; see also a less precise statement in Register Innocenz’ III. (n. 36 above), 10:254–57 doc. 149; Rist, Papacy and Crusading in Europe (n. 84 above), 65–66, 69.

¹²⁶ PL 216:817–22.

¹²⁷ PL 216:904–5; Rist, Papacy and Crusading in Europe, 70.

¹²⁸ MAB, 2.2:573–76 docs. 95–96; RHGF, 19:645–47.

¹²⁹ MAB, 3:10–12 doc. 71; RHGF, 19:664–65; Viola Skiba, Honorius III. (1216–1227): Seelsorger und Pragmatiker (Stuttgart, 2016), 461–63.

¹³⁰ MAB, 3:299–301 doc. 19: RHGF, 19:690–91; Rist, Papacy and Crusading in Europe, 97–98. Earlier in 1219 Honorius had allowed those who were under an obligation to undertake a peregrinatio to commute and assist against the Albigensians, but he excluded those who were pledged to go to Jerusalem: MAB, 3:104–5 doc. 107. Rist, Papacy and Crusading in Europe, 102–3, takes peregrinatio here to signify crusade.

¹³¹ MAB, 3:79 doc. 77.

¹³² MAB, 3:833–35, 838–40 docs. 413, 419. On Honorius's stance, see Rist, Crusading in Europe, 97–98; Skiba, Honorius III., 406–7, 461–63.

¹³³ ESXIII, 3:87–89 doc. 110; RI, 2:244–45 doc. 5345; Bullarium ordinis Praedicatorum (n. 3 above), 1:192–93. Purcell, Papal Crusading Policy (n. 1 above), 68, 106–7, argued that the pope did not consider that diverted service against the Mongols in 1247 and against heretics in 1251 constituted the fulfillment of a crusading vow and that only those who were killed fighting against these would receive a full indulgence. She reaches this conclusion after pointing out that the papal directives do not mention commutation, and she also refers to Gregory X's ruling about those who did not go on to the Holy Land from Tunis in 1270, besides drawing attention to a discussion by Thomas Aquinas about crusaders who died before fulfilling their vows: Quaestiones quodlibetales, 2.8.2, ed. Raimondo Spiazzi (Turin, 1949), 36–38. Yet on both occasions Innocent was merely expressing his readiness to divert crusaders if it became necessary, and at that stage a detailed statement about conditions of service would hardly be expected.

¹³⁴ Bullarium Franciscanum (n. 35 above), 1:714; see also Verci, Storia degli Ecelini (n. 116 above), 3:363–65 doc. 210.

¹³⁵ Memoriale fratris Walteri de Coventria, ed. William Stubbs, 2 vols., Rolls Series 58 (London, 1872–73), 2:235.

¹³⁶ Royal and Other Historical Letters Illustrative of the Reign of Henry III, ed. Walter Waddington Shirley, 2 vols., Rolls Series 27 (London, 1862–66), 1:527–28; MAB, 2.2:172–74 doc. 140; RHGF, 19:623–24; The Letters and Charters of Cardinal Guala Bicchieri, Papal Legate in England, 1216–1218, ed. Nicholas Vincent, Canterbury and York Society 83 (Woodbridge, 1996), 137–39 doc. 168.

¹³⁷ Letters and Charters of Cardinal Guala Bicchieri, 64–65 doc. 83; Foedera, 1.1:146.

¹³⁸ Lloyd, Simon, “‘Political Crusades’ in England, c. 1215–17 and c. 1263–5,” in Crusade and Settlement: Papers Read at the First Conference of the Society for the Study of the Crusades and the Latin East and Presented to R. C. Smail, ed. Edbury, Peter W. (Cardiff, 1985), 114–15Google Scholar; Lloyd, English Society and the Crusade (n. 120 above), 209; Tyerman, England and the Crusades (n. 120 above), 138, 141–42; Carpenter, D. A., The Minority of Henry III (London, 1990), 28Google Scholar.

¹³⁹ Stephanus Baluze, Concilia Galliae Narbonensis (Paris, 1668), Appendix, 171–72; Diplomatarium Norvegicum (n. 44 above), 7:20–21 doc. 23; BD, 494–95 doc. 624; Registres d'Urbain IV (n. 3 above), 2:300 doc. 596.

¹⁴⁰ RG, 2:512–13 doc. 3395; Bullarium Franciscanum, 1:179–80.

¹⁴¹ Thesaurus novus anecdotorum (n. 34 above), 1:998–99; VMH, 1:175 doc. 320; cf. Spence, “Gregory IX's Attempted Expeditions” (n. 100 above), 165–66; Lower, Barons’ Crusade (n. 100 above), 68, 102.

¹⁴² On justifications for Italian crusades, see Housley, Norman, The Italian Crusades: The Papal-Angevin Alliance and the Crusades against Christian Lay Powers, 1254–1343 (Oxford, 1982)Google Scholar, chap. 2.

¹⁴³ ESXIII, 3:591–92 doc. 597; Registres de Clément IV (n. 68 above), 318–19 doc. 817; see also Foedera, 1.1:304; RI, 3:277 doc. 6818.

¹⁴⁴ Siberry, Criticism of Crusading (n. 1 above), 175–89.

¹⁴⁵ For comments by crusader theorists about the need for peace, see Leopold, Antony, How to Recover the Holy Land: The Crusade Proposals of the Late Thirteenth and Early Fourteenth Centuries (Aldershot, 2000), 52–59Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁶ Foedera, 1.1:319–21; Registres de Clément IV, 318–19 doc. 817; cf. Maier, Christoph T., “Crusade and Rhetoric against the Muslim Colony of Lucera: Eudes of Châteauroux's Sermones de Rebellione Sarracenorum Lucherie in Apulia,” Journal of Medieval History 21 (1995): 343–85CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 346–50.

¹⁴⁷ ESXIII, 1:706–7 doc. 801; see also ESXIII, 2:332, 335–36, 373–74 docs. 465, 504, 534.

¹⁴⁸ ESXIII, 3:87–89 doc. 110.

¹⁴⁹ Cf. Hostiensis, Summa aurea (n. 4 above), 3, De voto, 12 (1597 ed.), 217v.

¹⁵⁰ Lower, Barons’ Crusade, 93, 100–101, 103.

¹⁵¹ Maier, Preaching the Crusades (n. 1 above), 40; Bullarium Franciscanum (n. 35 above), 1:218; RG, 2:638 doc. 3633. That Henry was to receive money for either cause was reiterated in 1238: Bullarium Franciscanum, 1:231–32; RG, 2:900–901 docs. 4105–6.

¹⁵² Lower, Barons’ Crusade, 71.

¹⁵³ RG, 2:807–8 doc. 3945; Bullarium ordinis Praedicatorum (n. 3 above), 1:99.

¹⁵⁴ RI, 2:160–61 doc. 4926; 3:111, 195 docs. 5979, 6422; Bullarium ordinis Praedicatorum, 1:99, 110–11, 188; Bullarium Franciscanum, 1:561; MAB, 3:577 doc. 109; 4:89 doc. 110; Councils and Synods with Other Documents Relating to the English Church, vol. 2, a.d. 1205–1313, ed. F. M. Powicke and C. R. Cheney (Oxford, 1964), 196; Brundage, Medieval Canon Law and the Crusader (n. 4 above), 128–30.

¹⁵⁵ ESXIII, 2:296–97 doc. 408.

¹⁵⁶ VMH, 1:97 doc. 171.

¹⁵⁷ VMH, 1:175 doc. 320; RG, 2:218, 512–13 docs. 2879, 3395; ESXIII, 1:706–7 doc. 801; Bullarium Franciscanum, 1:179–81; Bullarium ordinis Praedicatorum, 1:110; see also Arnold of Lübeck, Chronica Slavorum (n. 56 above), 5.30, ed. Pertz, 214–15. When in 1213 Innocent III had sought to persuade those who had taken the cross against heretics to go instead to the Holy Land, he stated merely that if they refused they were to be compelled to fulfill their original vow: PL 216:904–5.

¹⁵⁸ VMH, 1:102–3 doc. 177; see also RG, 2:639–40 doc. 3638. Chrissis, Crusading in Frankish Greece (n. 66 above), 128, argues that, by stating in 1240 that commutation was to depend on the willingness of crusaders, Gregory IX was changing his policy from “the earlier instructions for forced commutations.” Yet, apart from the letter sent in 1232, several other earlier letters about commutations from the Holy Land to the Latin Empire had also included this proviso: RG, 2:218, 512–13 docs. 2879, 3395; and the assertion about earlier forced commutations is not substantiated.

¹⁵⁹ RI, 1:444 doc. 2960.

¹⁶⁰ VMH, 1:125–26 doc. 212; RG, 1:1063 doc. 1957.

¹⁶¹ Menkonis Chronicon, ed. L. Weiland, MGH SS 23 (Hanover, 1874), 540; translated in Jackson, Seventh Crusade (n. 64 above), 61–62.

¹⁶² RG, 2:639–40, 840, 957 docs. 3638, 4012, 4219.

¹⁶³ RG, 3:141 doc. 4983.

¹⁶⁴ ESXIII, 1:619 doc. 720.

¹⁶⁵ Registres de Clément IV (n. 68 above), 461, 488–89 docs. 1508, 1677; Thesaurus novus anecdotorum (n. 34 above), 2:384–85 doc. 353; Layettes du trésor des chartes (n. 125 above), 4:134 doc. 5048; E. Jordan, Les origines de la domination angevine en Italie, 2 vols. (Paris, 1909), 2:575.

¹⁶⁶ Verci, Storia degli Ecelini (n. 116 above), 3:346–47 doc. 202; ESXIII, 3:125 doc. 143.

¹⁶⁷ Verci, Storia degli Ecelini, 3:383–84, 396–97 docs. 225, 236; ESXIII, 3:378–80 doc. 422; Registres d'Alexandre IV (n. 68 above), 1:304–5 doc. 1013.

¹⁶⁸ Lloyd, “‘Political Crusades’ in England” (n. 138 above), 116–17; Tyerman, England and the Crusades (n. 120 above), 144–45.

¹⁶⁹ Foedera, 1.1:304.

¹⁷⁰ Foedera, 1.1:298–300.

¹⁷¹ RG, 1:418 doc. 657; VMH, 1:102–3 doc. 177.

¹⁷² RG, 2:807–8 doc. 3945; Bullarium ordinis Praedicatorum (n. 3 above), 1:99.

¹⁷³ Chronica majora, ed. Henry Richards Luard, 7 vols., Rolls Series 57 (London, 1872–83), 3:620.

¹⁷⁴ RI, 1:444 doc. 2960.

¹⁷⁵ Alfonso X later tried to persuade Hakon to commute his vow in order to assist the Castilian king in North Africa, but nothing came of this proposal: The Saga of Hacon, trans. Dasent, G. W., in Icelandic Sagas, 4 vols., Rolls Series 88 (London, 1887–94), 4:317Google Scholar; Gelsinger, Bruce E., “A Thirteenth-Century Norwegian-Castilian Alliance,” Medievalia et Humanistica, n.s. 10 (1981): 55–80Google Scholar, at 65.

¹⁷⁶ RG, 2:497–98, 953 docs. 3363–64, 4204; 3:321–22 doc. 5305; Lower, Barons’ Crusade (n. 100 above), 42, 116, 123–24, 153; Painter, Sidney, The Scourge of the Clergy: Peter of Dreux, Duke of Brittany (Baltimore, 1937), 105–6Google Scholar. The count of Mâcon met his death at Tripoli: L'estoire de Eracles empereur, 33.46, in Recueil des historiens des croisades: Historiens Occidentaux, 5 vols. (Paris, 1844–95), 2:416.

¹⁷⁷ Registres de Clément IV (n. 68 above), 156 doc. 496; Housley, Italian Crusades (n. 142 above), 155.

¹⁷⁸ Siberry, Criticism of Crusading (n. 1 above), chap. 6.

¹⁷⁹ Annales de Burton, in Annales monastici, ed. Henry Richards Luard, 5 vols., Rolls Series 36 (London, 1864–69), 1:360.

¹⁸⁰ Documents of the Baronial Movement of Reform and Rebellion, 1258–1267, ed. R. E. Treharne and I. J. Sanders (Oxford, 1973), 278 doc. 37C. The text is defective but the meaning is clear.

¹⁸¹ Chronica majora, 5:680–81.

¹⁸² RHGF, 19:690–91; MAB, 3:299–301 doc. 19.

¹⁸³ de Bastard, Antoine, “La colère et la douleur d'un Templier en Terre Sainte: ‘Ir'e dolors s'es dins mon cor asseza,’” Revue des langues romanes 81 (1974): 333–73Google Scholar, at 356–59; Jeanroy, Alfred, Anthologie des troubadours, XIIme–XIIIme siècles (Paris, 1974), 297Google Scholar. In the earlier edition in Poesie provenzali storiche relative all'Italia, ed. Vincenzo de Bartholomais, 2 vols. (Rome, 1931), 2:224, Romania is given instead of romaria. The poem is translated in The Templars: Selected Sources Translated and Annotated, ed. Malcolm Barber and Keith Bate (Manchester, 2002), 232–34.

¹⁸⁴ Layettes du trésor des chartes (n. 125 above), 4:161–62 doc. 5119; Servois, G., “Emprunts de saint Louis en Palestine et Afrique,” Bibliothèque de l'Ecole des Chartes 19 (1858): 283–93CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 288–89.

¹⁸⁵ Stroick, Autbertus, “Collectio de scandalis Ecclesiae: Nova editio,” Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 24 (1931): 33–62Google Scholar, at 40; translated in Crusade and Christendom (n. 34 above), 454–55.

¹⁸⁶ Schein, Sylvia, Fideles Crucis: The Papacy, the West, and the Recovery of the Holy Land, 1274–1314 (Oxford, 1991), 263Google Scholar, states that no references survive of the commutation of Holy Land vows from the time of Gregory X to the death of Boniface VIII; see also Housley, Italian Crusades, 99.

¹⁸⁷ Maier, Preaching the Crusades (n. 1 above), 92–93; Ehlers, Axel, “The Crusade of the Teutonic Knights against Lithuania Reconsidered,” in Crusade and Conversion on the Baltic Frontier, 1150–1500, ed. Murray, Alan V. (Aldershot, 2001), 26Google Scholar.

¹⁸⁸ Paravicini, Werner, Die Preussenreisen des europäischen Adels, 2 vols. (Sigmaringen, 1989–95), 1:21Google Scholar, 23; Ehlers, “Crusade of the Teutonic Knights,” 25.

¹⁸⁹ Geanakoplos, Deno John, Emperor Michael Palaeologus and the West, 1258–1282 (Hamden, 1973), 340Google Scholar; Schein, Fideles Crucis, 58.

¹⁹⁰ Chrissis, Crusading in Frankish Greece (n. 66 above), 242, 245. For Charles's vow, see Les registres de Grégoire X, ed. Jean Guiraud (Paris, 1892–1960), 272 doc. 636.

¹⁹¹ Schein, Fideles Crucis, 61; Gill, Joseph, Byzantium and the Papacy, 1198–1400 (New Brunswick, NJ, 1979), 179Google Scholar; Setton, Kenneth M., The Papacy and the Levant (1204–1571), 2 vols. (Philadelphia, 1976–78), 1:142Google Scholar; Housley, Norman, The Later Crusades: From Lyons to Alcazar, 1274–1580 (Oxford, 1992), 53Google Scholar; Leopold, How to Recover the Holy Land (n. 145 above), 139.

¹⁹² Les registres de Martin IV (Paris, 1901–35), 43–44 docs. 116–17. On Martin's stance, see Chrissis, Crusading in Frankish Greece, 242–47. He argues (247) that Martin later quite openly diverted to the Sicilian affair money intended for the Holy Land, but the documents to which he refers were making demands for new taxes: Registres de Martin IV, 188–90, 297–300, 301–4 docs. 457, 583, 587.

¹⁹³ Registres de Boniface VIII (n. 54 above), 3:452–53 doc. 4625.

¹⁹⁴ Le registre de Benoît XI, ed. Charles Grandjean (Paris, 1905), 607–9 docs. 1007–8; Regestum Clementis papae V, 9 vols. (Rome, 1885–92), 1:44–45 doc. 247.

¹⁹⁵ On the declining numbers of crusaders from Germany and central Europe to the Holy Land, see Morton, “In subsidium” (n. 93 above), 38–66.

¹⁹⁶ What has been described as a royalist tract certainly warned the rebels of the action which might be taken by the papal legate, but this did not mention the commutation of crusading vows: Annales de Theokesberia, in Annales monastici (n. 179 above), 1:179–80; Tyerman, England and the Crusades (n. 120 above), 144.

¹⁹⁷ On the financing of Baltic crusades, see Fonnesberg-Schmidt, Popes and the Baltic Crusades (n. 2 above), 149, 197, 200, 237–39, 246. For grants of crusading taxes to Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada and Alfonso X, see Mansilla, Documentación de Honorio III (n. 41 above), 160–61 doc. 207; Documentos de Gregorio X (1272–1276) referentes a España, ed. Santiago Domínguez Sánchez (León, 1997), 240–43 docs. 110–11; Registres de Grégoire X, 359–60 docs. 910, 912.

¹⁹⁸ MAB, 3:24–27, 30 docs. 16, 19; Rist, Papacy and Crusading in Europe (n. 84 above), 98–99.