1 For a bibliography on the Mozarabic liturgy, see Férotin, Marius, Le liber mozarabicus sacramentorum et les manuscrits mozarabes (1912; reprint, with a bibliography by Ward, Anthony and Johnson, Cuthbert, Rome, 1995), 43–90.Google Scholar

I wish to express my gratitude to several people who have assisted me significantly in the preparation of this article: Elizabeth Valdez del Alamo and Constancio del Alamo, Michael Agnew and Sonia Agnew, and the staff of the library at the Hispanic Society of America as well as that of the Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid. The readers for Traditio made many helpful suggestions.Google Scholar

2 Abbreviations for libraries: AHN = Madrid, Archivo Historico Nacional; AM = Silos, Árchivo monástico; HSA = New York, Hispanic Society of America; RAH = Madrid, Real Academia de la Historia.Google Scholar

3 BN 13060, fols. 120–200. On the Burriel copy and its historical context, see the final section of this article.Google Scholar

4 Brockett's copy forms appendix 2 of his published dissertation: see Brokkett, Clyde Waring Jr., Antiphons, Responsories and other Chants of the Mozarabic Rite , Musicological Studies, 15 (New York, 1968), 227–56.Google Scholar

5 A full codicological description is in preparation for a monograph on the manuscript.Google Scholar

6 The dimensions of the page are 193 × 135 mm. The ruling, executed with a drypoint on the hair side, comprises either seventeen lines per page (fols. 1–63v, writing block approximately 140 × 97 mm) or sixteen (fols. 64r–99v, writing block approximately 135 × 90 mm). The twelve gatherings are all quaternions (the first lacking its first leaf) except for the tenth, which has twelve leaves.Google Scholar

7 “Officium SS. Martini et Aemiliani et vita S. Aemiliani auctore S. Braulione episcopo Caesaraugustano et officium assumptionis B. Mariae.” Google Scholar

8 The three hands copied, respectively, fols. 1v–78r, 78v–89r, and 89v–99v. A single hand added the musical notation throughout the manuscript.Google Scholar

9 On the scriptorium at San Millán, see Luaces, Joaquin Yarza, “La miniatura románica. Estado de la cuestión,” Anuario del Departamento de Historia y Teoría del Arte 2 (1990): 9–25, esp. 11–12, 16. Yarza Luaces notes that there was no interruption of manuscript production at San Millán between the early Middle Ages and the Romanesque periods. See also Williams, John, The Illustrated Beatus. A Corpus of the Illustrations of the Commentary on the Apocalypse, 3, The Tenth and Eleventh Centuries (London: Harvey Miller, 1998), 22–26. I thank Elizabeth Valdez del Alamo for these references.Google Scholar

10 On these manuscripts, see Silva, y Verástegui, , La miniatura , 48–52 (RAH 64) and 25–32 (AHN 1006b); Díaz, Manuel y Díaz, , Libros y librerías en la Rioja altomedieval (Logroño, 1979), 190–91 and plate 16 (RAH 64); 178–81 (AHN 1006b).Google Scholar

11 Basing his observation on the Burriel copy, Louis Brou pointed this out in “Notes de paléographie musicale mozarabe,” Anuario musical 10 (1955): 23–44, at 30.Google Scholar

12 On this manuscript, see Díaz, y Díaz, , Libros y librerías , 198–99 and plate 18; on the neumes in particular, see Suñol, Grégoire, Introduction à la paléographie musicale grégorienne (Paris and Tournai, 1935), 344–45.Google Scholar

13 See examples in Brockett, , Antiphons, Responsories , 122–23, 135; Suñol, , Introduction, 344–45.Google Scholar

14 The mass Excellentissimo huic diei (which was added on fols. 89r–92r) is edited in Liber missarum de Toledo y Libros Misticos , ed. Janini, José (Toledo, 1982), 1: 486–90. For a facsimile of fol. 89r, see Walker, Rose, Views of Transition: Liturgy and Illumination in Medieval Spain (London, 1998), 58, fig. 4.Google Scholar

15 Díaz, Manuel y Díaz, , Códices visigóticos en la Monarquía Leonesa (León, 1983), 403, dates this manuscript to the end of the tenth century, whereas Walker, , Views of Transition, 58–59, argues that several paleographical features place it in the eleventh century.Google Scholar

16 See Liber missarum de Toledo , 494, line 16 (“Aemilianus hic noster”), lines 19–21 (“Est enim patronus ueraciter praeualens, quo defendamur oppressi, et necessarius medicus, quo fauente domino sanemur egroti”), lines 28–29 (“Ille, inquam, ille hic noster Aemilianus est”); and 495, line 11 (“largitus est gratiam ita eiusdem patrocinio”).Google Scholar

17 Whitehill, Walter Muir Jr., “The manuscripts of Santo Domingo de Silos: À la recherche du temps perdu,” in Homenaje a Fray Justo Pérez de Urbel, OSB , vol. 1, Studia Silensia, 3 (Abadia de Silos, 1976), 284. I am grateful to Elizabeth Valdez del Alamo for this reference. Ann Boylan's thesis that the Silos scriptorium produced no manuscripts before the last decade of the eleventh century implies that BL 30845 originated elsewhere; see her “Manuscript Illumination at Santo Domingo de Silos (xth to xiith centuries)” (Ph.D. diss., University of Pittsburgh, 1990), 13.Google Scholar

18 Díaz, y Díaz, , Libros y librerías , 195 n. 18; Janini, José, “Officia silensia: Liber misticus, III, sanctorale (Cod. Londres, British Museum, Add. 30845), edición y notas,” Hispania Sacra 31 (1978–79): 357–465, at 357–58; Walker, , Views of Transition, 48. Ismael Fernández de la Cuesta (“Sobre la biblioteca musical de Silos,” Revista de musicología 15 [1992]: 373–78, at 374) compares the notation in the office of Saint Martin to that in AM 6.Google Scholar

19 For the most recent descriptions of this manuscript, see Boynton, Susan, “Eleventh-Century Continental Hymnaries Containing Latin Glosses,” Scriptorium 53 (1999): 200–251, at 244–48; El Scriptorium Silense y los orígenes de la lengua castellana (Valladolid, 1995), 2–3 (with a color reproduction).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

20 Boylan, , “Manuscript Illumination,” 366, points out that “the employment of the Caroline script was a gradual development, which occurred at different rates in different scriptoria.” A manuscript of Isidore of Seville's Etymologies dated 1072, which Boylan attributes to San Millán (Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, n.a.l. 2169), exhibits Caroline features.Google Scholar

21 On this manuscript, see de Silva, Soledad y Verástegui, , La miniatura en el monasterio de San Millán de la Cogolla: Una contributión al estudio de los códices miniados en los siglos xi al xiii (Logroño, 1999), 33–48.Google Scholar

22 RAH 47, fol. 30v, reproduced in Silva, y Vérastegui, , La miniatura , 116. Marius Férotin thought that RAH 47 was the missing Toledo 33.2, because it contains the Vita of Martin by Sulpicius Severus as well as Braulio's, Vita of Millán; see Liber mozarabicus sacramentorum, 522, and Díaz, y Díaz, , Libros y librerías, 182–83. Díaz y Díaz emphasizes the liturgical function of the book, based on the division of the saints' lives into lessons.Google Scholar

23 Gregory of Tours' Vita of the saint relates a miracle that explains the quick diffusion of the cult in Spain. See Rodriguez, Carmen García, El culto de los santos en la España romana y visigoda (Madrid, 1966), 334–42.Google Scholar

24 Verona, Biblioteca Capitolare, 89, copied in Tarragona before 731. For the prayers, see Oracional visigótico , ed. Vives, José, Monumenta Hispaniae Sacra, Series Liturgica, 1 (Barcelona, 1946), 384–87.Google Scholar

25 I have used the edition by Fontaine, Jacques, Sulpice Sévère: Vie de Saint Martin , Sources Chrétiennes, 133–35 (Paris, 1967). The text in HSA B2916 is divided into four lectiones, with the first comprising chapters 2–7; the second, chapters 8–14; the third, chapters 15–21, and the fourth, chapters 22–25.Google Scholar

26 On this manuscript, see most recently El Scriptorium Silense , 20–21. The date in the colophon has been interpreted in various ways. José Janini dates the manuscript 1059, a date confirmed by Anscari Mundó; see Janini, , “Officia silensia, Liber misticus IV: Officia Martini, S. et Michaelis, S. (Cod. Silos, Arch. Del Monasterio, 5), edición y notas,” Hispania Sacra 31 (1978–79): 466–83, at 467–68. The office is edited on 469–79.Google Scholar

27 León, , Biblioteca de la Catedral, MS 8.Google Scholar

28 The office of Saint Martin (on fols. 139–144r of this manuscript) is edited in Janini, , “Officia silensia, Liber misticus, III,” 439–41.Google Scholar

29 Fontaine, , Vie de Saint Martin , 256.Google Scholar

30 Ibid., 254.Google Scholar

31 The most readily available critical edition of the text is Sancti Braulionis Caesaraugustani Episcopi Vita S. Emiliani , ed. de Parga, Luis Vázquez (Madrid, 1943). A better edition is found in Ignazio Cazzaniga, “La vita di S. Emiliano scritta da Braulione vescovo di Saragozza, edizione critica,” Bollettino del Comitato per la preparazione dell'edizione nazionale dei classici greci e latini, n. s. 3 (1955): 7–44.Google Scholar

32 Díaz, Manuel y Díaz, , “Passionnaires, légendiers, et compilations hagiographiques dans le haut Moyen Âge espagnol,” Hagiographies, cultures, et sociétés, iv–xii siècles (Paris, 1981), 54.Google Scholar

33 Harris, Julie Ann, “The Arca of San Millán de la Cogolla and its Ivories” (Ph.D. diss., University of Pittsburgh, 1989), 38–39.Google Scholar

34 The complete medieval manuscripts of the Vita are Escorial A.II.9 (s. x), Lisbon, BN Alcobaça 494 (s. xii), BN 822 (s. x), BN 494 (s. xi), RAH 10 (ss. xii-xiii), RAH 13 (s. x) RAH 47 (s. xi), and Salamanca, Bib. Univ. 2537 (s. xii). For a discussion of the manuscripts and of editions of the text, see Harris, , “The Arca,” 27–28.Google Scholar

35 I am preparing an edition and study of the office in HSA B2916.Google Scholar

36 The office on fols. 144v–149v of BL 30845 was edited by Janini, , “Officia silensia: Liber misticus, III,” 441–44.Google Scholar

37 The Translatio by the thirteenth-century monk Fernando, most recently edited by Dutton, Edward, La “Vida de San Millan de la Cogolla” de Gonzalo de Berceo (London, 1962), was divided into lessons for matins in the earliest manuscript, RAH 23, and would provide appropriate readings for the night office during a celebration of Millán's translation. Thus Fernando's lessons for the translation could have complemented Braulio's Vita, which furnished the lessons for the main feast on November 12. It is also possible, of course, that Fernando's Translatio was intended to replace Braulio's text as lessons for the November 12 feast. Without a complete reexamination of the manuscript transmission of both texts, which is outside the scope of the present study, these suggestions must remain tentative.Google Scholar

38 The entry appears on fol. 10r of Madrid, RAH 18. The entire calendar is edited, along with an earlier one, in Janini, José, “Dos calendarios emilianenses del siglo xi,” Hispania Sacra 15 (1962): 177–95. The dedication of the church of San Millán also appears as a later addition on November 6 (fol. 11r).Google Scholar

39 Díaz, y Díaz, , Libros y librerías , 97–187.Google Scholar

40 Harris, , “The Arca,” 38–39.Google Scholar

41 Ibid., 16–19.Google Scholar

42 This is the one charter judged authentic by de Gaiffier, Baudouin (“Les sources de la Translatio Sancti Aemiliani,” in de Gaiffier, Baudouin, Études critiques d'hagiographie et d'iconologie [Brussels, 1967], 140–149, at 144–145). It is published in Cartulario de San Millán de la Cogolla, 759–1076 , ed. Arteta, Antonio Ubieto (Valencia, 1976), 191–92 (number 192); see also the earlier edition by Serrano, Luciano, Cartulario de San Millán de la Cogolla (Madrid, 1930), 113–14 (number 100).Google Scholar

43 See de Gaiffier, , “Les sources,” 140–55.Google Scholar

44 According to de Gaiffier, (“Les sources,” 145), this charter does not make it entirely clear whether the event was an elevation or a translation. Following the consensus of most historians, I refer to it as an elevation and translation. The distinction does not diminish the significance of the event as a possible context for the production of HSA B2916.Google Scholar

45 Braulio of Saragossa, “The Life of St. Aemilian the Confessor,” in Lives of the Visigothic Fathers , trans. Fear, A. T. (Liverpool, 1997), 25. For another translation, see “Life of St. Emilian,” trans. Barlow, Claude, in vol. 2 of Iberian Fathers, The Fathers of the Church, 63 (Washington, D. C. 1969). These translations are based on the edition of de Parga, Vázquez, Vita S. Emiliani, 18–19: “Sapientiae etiam flores ita de pratis discerpserat ineffabilis diuinitatis, ut is qui usque ad octauum memoriae uix commendauerat psalmum, incomparabiliter longeque praestantius, peritia prudentia acutiaque, mundi uetustos anteiret filosofos; nec inmerito sane, quia quod illis saecularis industria, isti diuinitus superna concesserat gratia, uere ut coniceo caelicolis Antonio Martinoque uocatione, educatione per omnia similis.” Google Scholar

46 See “The Life of St. Emilian,” 24; Vita S. Emiliani, 17.Google Scholar

47 Harris, , “The Arca,” 5–6. On the complex chronology surrounding the production of the reliquary, see pp. 181–205. For reproductions of the ivories and the frame of the reliquary, see Olarte, Joaquin Peña, Los marfiles de San Millán de la Cogolla (Logroño, 1978); The Art of Medieval Spain a.d. 500–1200 (New York, 1993), 260–66 (catalogue 125a–g).Google Scholar

48 Harris, , “The Arca,” 31 n. 8, states that “The engraved captions on the plaques are close enough to the chapter headings of the Vita to suggest that a manuscript version was used as the model during the preparation of the Arca. Of the manuscripts of the Vita, five of these could have been this model because of their provenance, form, and dating: Escorial A.II.9, Madrid RAH 47, RAH 13, BN 822, BN 494.” See also pp. 175–76.Google Scholar

49 Ibid., 177–80.Google Scholar

50 Janini, José, “El oficio mozárabe de la Asunción,” Hispania Sacra 28 (1975): 3–35.Google Scholar

51 See del Alamo, Elizabeth Valdez, “Triumphal Visions and Monastic Devotion: The Annunciation Relief of Santo Domingo de Silos,” Gesta 29 (1990): 167–88, at 177 and n. 68. I am grateful to the author for help with sources for the Marian liturgy at Silos. The office was edited by Janini, José, Liber ordinum sacerdotal (Abadia de Silos, 1981), 204–5. On p. 206 Janini gives the incipit and the explicit of the transitus text, which was edited in full by Férotin, , Liber mozarabicus sacramentorum, cols. 786–95.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

52 See Fulton, Rachel, “The Virgin Mary and the Song of Songs in the High Middle Ages” (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1994), 60–69. By the eleventh century, Paschasius Radbertus's pseudo-Hieronymian epistle Cogitis me was often used for matins lessons, as in the office lectionary of Cluny; see Étaix, Raymond, “Le lectionnaire de l'office à Cluny,” Revue des études augustiniennes 11 (1976): 91–153, at 123.Google Scholar

53 For instance, BL Add. 30844, fols. 1–32r; and AM 5, fols. 1–33v. On the significance of this manuscript transmission for the iconography of the Virgin at Silos, see del Alamo, Valdez, “Triumphal Visions,” 174. In AM 5, Exhortatur nos follows Ildefonsus's De Virginitate on fols. 36–39v.Google Scholar

54 On the Mozarabic liturgy of the Assumption, see particularly Janini, , “El oficio”; and Guillem, Gonzalo Gironés, La Virgen María en la liturgia mozárabe (Valencia, 1964), 37–40, 140–60. I am grateful to Elizabeth Valdez del Alamo for references on this subject.Google Scholar

55 Other antiphons are shared with feasts of the common of virgins, Saint Leocadia, and Saint Columba. See Janini, , “El oficio,” 6–7.Google Scholar

56 Lambert, A., “La fête de l'Ordinatio Sancti Martini,” Revue Mabillon 26 (1936): 1–27. The office is transmitted in BL Add. 30845, fols. 81–83, and edited by Janini, , “Officia silensia: Liber misticus, III,” 407–8, immediately followed by the Assumption office. The office in HSA B2916 does not seem to be intended for the feast of the Ordination, but the manuscript's compiler may have associated the two feasts. A comparable chance connection between them appears in AM 5, an eleventh-century book of saints' offices and lessons in which the office of Saint Martin immediately follows a group of texts for Marian feasts (Ildefonsus of Toledo's De Virginitate Beatae Mariae and the sermon Exhortatur nos).Google Scholar

57 Janini, , “El oficio,” 13.Google Scholar

58 Janini, , “Officia silensia: Liber misticus, III,” 357–60, dates the main body of the manuscript (8–159v) to the eleventh century and states that fol. 84, containing the mass of the Assumption Omni studio, was added to the main body of the manuscript as well as the second mass of the Assumption, Excellentissimo huic die, (fols. 89–92), which was written later.Google Scholar

59 On the introduction of southern French notation and script to Silos, San Millán, and Toledo, see Huglo, Michel, “La pénétration des manuscrits aquitains en Espagne,” Revista de musicología 8 (1985): 249–56.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

60 For a recent discussion of this genre, see Grier, James, “A New Voice in the Monastery: Tropes and Versus from Eleventh- and Twelfth-Century Aquitaine,” Speculum 69 (1994): 1023–69.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

61 On this manuscript, see Walker, , Views of Transition , 149–50 and 189 (fig. 54).Google Scholar

62 The text has not yet been identified except for the “Iube domne” formula, discussed below.Google Scholar

63 The rest of the page was apparently left blank, but severe damage and erasures may cover further material. Later additions of text and music at the bottom of the page are all fragmentary, and some are pen trials. The lower right quadrant of the page contains a short section of textless polyphony for two voices in the same notational hand as the versus above it. Since the parchment is worn and discolored, the relationship between the polyphony and the rest of the page is unclear.Google Scholar

64 Wulf Arlt presents a useful stylistic analysis of many comparable works in Ein Festoffizium des Mittelalters aus Beauvais in seiner liturgischen und musikalischen Bedeutung , Darstellungsband (Cologne, 1972), 52–217. Many of the pieces discussed are edited in the accompanying Editionsband.Google Scholar

65 Santiago di Compostela, Biblioteca de la Catedral, s. n. (1160–80), fols. 131r–132r. Two of the songs are termed “conductus” in the rubrics. On songs derived from the “Iube domne” formula, as well as other songs performed before readings, see Hiley, David, Western Plainchant: An Introduction (Oxford, 1993), 249–50. For a discussion of these songs in the context of the monophonic repertory in the Codex Calixtinus, see Huglo, Michel, “Les pièces notées du Codex Calixtinus,” in The Codex Calixtinus and the Shrine of St. James , ed. Williams, John and Stones, Alison (Tübingen, 1992), 105–24, at 109; idem, “The Origin of the Monodic Chants in the Codex Calixtinus,” in Essays on Medieval Music in Honor of David G. Hughes , ed. Boone, Graeme, Isham Library Papers, 4 (Cambridge, Mass., 1995), 195–205, at 199.Google Scholar

66 On the Laudes of the mass in the Mozarabic rite, see Brou, Louis, “L'Alléluia dans la liturgie mozarabe. Étude liturgico-musicale d'après les manuscrits,” Anuario musical 6 (1951): 3–90, at 19–43.Google Scholar

67 For a brief discussion of this chant, see Hiley, , Western Plainchant , 137. Manuscripts containing this alleluia are listed in Alleluia-Melodien II, ab 1100 , ed. Schlager, Karlheinz, Monumenta Monodica Medii Aevi, 8 (Kassel, 1987), 822–29; representative versions are edited on pp. 560–64. The melody in HSA B2916 resembles the one in Amiens, Bibliothèque Municipale MS 161, fol. 7, but with some variants.Google Scholar

68 Aquitanian neumes in Spanish manuscripts of the eleventh century, such as those in the manuscripts from Silos containing Roman chant, have a different appearance from the neumes in this addition, which resemble those in the twelfth-century manuscript reproduced by Zapke, Susana, Das Antiphonar von Santa Cruz de la Serós, xii Jahrhundert (Neuried, 1996).Google Scholar

69 For the most recent overview of this type of letter notation as employed in medieval music theory, see Phillips, Nancy, “Notationen und Notationslehren von Boethius bis zum 12. Jahrhundert,” in Die Lehre vom Einstimmigen Liturgischen Gesang , ed. Ertelt, Thomas and Zaminer, Frieder, Geschichte der Musiktheorie, 4 (Darmstadt, 2000), 293–623, at 572–79. For a survey of manuscripts and compositions employing this notation, see Santosuosso, Alma Colk, Letter Notations in the Middle Ages (Ottawa, 1989), 135–44.Google Scholar

70 Phillips (“Notationen,” 574) describes the system on the basis of the tenth-century Italian tonary often misattributed to Odo of Cluny; for a discussion of this tonary, see Huglo, Michel, Les tonaires. Inventaire, analyse, comparaison (Paris, 1971), 182–213, 219–21.Google Scholar

71 See Huglo, Michel, “Le ‘De Musica’ des Etymologies de saint Isidore de Séville d'après le manuscrit de Silos (Paris, BNF, nouv. acq. lat. 2169),” Revista de musicología 15 (1992): 569–75; idem, “Les diagrammes d'harmonique interpolés dans les manuscrits hispaniques de la Musica Isidori,” Scriptorium 48 (1994): 171–86.Google Scholar

72 The diagrams may illustrate the assimilation of the modal system of Gregorian chant, which apparently differed from that of the Mozarabic chant repertory; on archaic modality in Mozarabic chant, see Palacios, Juan Carlos Asensio, “Los recitativos del Liber omnium offerentium hispanico: Testimonio de modalidad archaica?” Études grégoriennes 26 (1998): 75–95; Suso, Carmen Rodriguez, “L'évolution modale dans les antiennes de l'ordo wisigothique pour la consécration de l'autel,” Études grégoriennes 26 (1998): 173–204.Google Scholar

73 The florid melody is probably an elaborated version of a standard melody. Troped Benedicamus domino were common in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Not all the neumes are legible, even under ultraviolet light, which hinders conclusive comparison of the melody with other examples such as the numerous Benedicamus melodies edited by Huglo, Michel in his “Les débuts de la polyphonie à Paris: les premiers organa parisiens,” in Aktuelle Fragen der musikbezogenen Mittelalterforschung , ed. Oesch, Hans and Arlt, Wulf, Forum Musicologicum, 3 (Bern, 1982), 93–163, at 150–54.Google Scholar

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75 Ruiz, Ramón Gonzálvez, “La Biblioteca capitular de Toledo en el siglo xiv,” in Toletum, Boletin de la real Academia de Bellas Artes y Ciencias Históricas de Toledo , Año 47, segunda época, no. 6 (Toledo, 1973), 29–56; Gonzálvez, Ramon and Janini, José, Catálogo de los manuscritos litúrgicos de la catedral de Toledo (Toledo, 1977), 12.Google Scholar

76 Ruiz, Gonzálvez, “Noticias sobre codices mozárabes en los antiguos inventarios de la Biblioteca Capitular de Toledo,” in Historia Mozárabe: Ponencias y Comunicaciones presentadas al I Congreso Internacional de Estudios Mozárabes, Toledo, 1975 (Toledo, 1978), 45–78, at 74. Carlo, Agustín Miliares, Los codices visigóticos de la catedral toledano (Madrid, 1935), 14–15, states that Toledo 33.2 is not mentioned in the inventory of 1455.Google Scholar

77 Janini, , “El oficio mozárabe,” 14.Google Scholar

78 Madrid BN 13830, fol. 30r–v (shelfmark 29–23).Google Scholar

79 This facsimile is now Madrid, BN MS Música 813, number 3 (Avecilla, Don Crispulo, Facsímiles de códices musicales existentes en la Librería del Cabildo Toledano sacados para Don. F. A. Barbieri [Toledo, 1869]).Google Scholar

80 Riaño, A., Critical and Bibliographical Notes on Early Spanish Music (London, 1887), 35, fig. 15: “Num. 3. Oficios góticos, y al fin hay la vida de San Millán escrito por Braulio.” Google Scholar

81 According to O'Neill, John, Curator of Rare Books and Manuscripts at the Hispanic Society, most of Huntington's manuscripts (which number over 100,000) were purchased between 1895 and 1914.Google Scholar

82 Liber mozarabicus sacramentorum , cols. 683–84; p. 522 in the reprint edition (see n. 1 above).Google Scholar

83 The incident is recounted by Vidriero, María Luisa López, “The Library of the Hispanic Society of America,” in The Hispanic Society of America: Tesoros (New York, 2000), 42–45. I am grateful to John O'Neill for this reference.Google Scholar

84 MSS Biblioteca de la Santa Iglesia de Toledo Primada de las Españas , Año de 1808, tomo 2.Google Scholar

85 Gonzálvez, and Janini, , Catálogo de los manuscritos litúrgicos de la catedral de Toledo , 31.Google Scholar

86 All the manuscripts from Toledo that went to the Biblioteca Nacional appear in the BN's concordance of old and new shelfmarks, as well as in an early-twentieth-century copy of a late-nineteenth-century catalogue. These documents contain no indication of any manuscript from Toledo that can be construed as HSA B2916.Google Scholar

87 For a biographical sketch and a list of his works, see Biblioteca de escritores de la compañia de Jesús pertenecientes a la antigua asistencia de España desde sus origines hasta el año de 1773 , ed. de Uriarte, José Eugenio and Lecina, Mariano, 1 (Madrid, 1925), 580–604.Google Scholar

88 Tuero, Alfonso Echánove, La preparación intelectual del P. Andrés Marcos Burriel, S. J. (1731–1750) (Madrid-Barcelona, 1971), 183.Google Scholar

89 Bangert, William S. J., A History of the Society of Jesus , 2d rev. ed. (Saint Louis, Mo., 1986), 292.Google Scholar

90 Edited in Tuero, Echánove, La preparatión intelectual , 252–327.Google Scholar

91 Edited in Burriel, Andrés Marcos, Cartas eruditas (Madrid, 1788), 230–55.Google Scholar

92 Burriel describes these two editions in his “Apuntamientos,” in Tuero, Echánove, La preparación intelectual , 270–71. This section of the treatise brings up many of the same themes as the letter to Rávago.Google Scholar

93 Cartas eruditas , 243–44.Google Scholar

94 “Ademas de la Biblia, Concilios, Liturgia, y obras de Santos, resulta un argumento á favor de la fé de España … y de la tradición en todos los puntos por todos los siglos, tan fuerte, tan autorizado de manuscritos incorruptos, tan sin sospecha de fraude por todos lados, que me parece no poder hacerse cosa mayor en obsequio de la Iglesia Católica, ni poderse hacer cosa mejor en España, porque sola España es la nación que puede producir como propias Biblias, Liturgias, colección de Concilios, y obras de Santos suyas; así todo baxo el sello de una autoridad tan respetable en toda la Iglesia Católica, como es la de esta Iglesia de Toledo; puro todo, limpio, verdadero, firme, y antiguo todo, y todo conformísimo con lo mismo que creemos, y enseñamos el dia de hoy” ( Cartas eruditas , 253–54).Google Scholar

95 Ibid., 244.Google Scholar

96 Janini, Although José, Serrano, José, and Mundò, Anscari, Manuscritos litúrgicos de la Biblioteca Nacional (Madrid, 1969), 175, date the entire volume 1753, the title page of the copy of Toledo 33.2 (fol. 120r) bears the date 1752 (written by the scribe).Google Scholar

97 The manuscript has been described by Roqueta, Jaime Moll, “Nuevos hallazgos de manuscritos mozárabes con neumas musicales,” Anuario musical 5 (1950): 11–14, at 13–14; Janini, , Serrano, , and Mundò, , Manuscritos litúrgicos de la Biblioteca Nacional, 176–77. Janini announced a complete edition of the manuscript that apparently never appeared.Google Scholar

98 On these manuscripts, see Janini, , Serrano, , and Mundò, , Manuscritos litúrgicos de la Biblioteca Nacional , 158–80.Google Scholar

99 The copy of Toledo 35.2 in BN 13047 from 1752 and the copy of Toledo 35.4 in BN 13048–49, from 1753, contain lines left blank, presumably intended for notation that was never added. In the copy of Toledo 35.5 in BN 13052, from 1753, the scribe occasionally skipped lines to allow space for notation that was never added; the marginal annotation “música” next to some chant texts indicates that they were notated in the original. The copy of Toledo 35.6 in BN 13053, from 1753, contains no notation or any indication that it was to be added later.Google Scholar

100 The copy of the psalter in Toledo 35.1 (now Madrid 10001) in BN 13050, from 1754, includes facsimiles with neumes of each antiphon; the copy of the hymnary in Toledo 35.1 in BN 13056, also from 1754, includes neumes added between the lines of the texts. The texts are copied in modern script.Google Scholar

101 On fol. 156v of BN 13060, Burriel copied the text incipit in its original script and notation, then recopied it in a modern cursive, outlining the chant to separate it from the rest of the page, as well as commenting verbally that the chant was a late addition. He copied the conclusion of the chant on fol. 195r, crossed out the text, and divided it with a line from the Mozarabic chant above it, remarking again that it was added later to the volume.Google Scholar

102 BN 13054, fol. 68r.Google Scholar

103 Facsimiles by Palomares are inserted in BN 13046, 13047, 13048, 13050, 13053, and 13060. According to Janini, José and Marqués, José Maria, “Facsímiles de manuscritos litúrgicos visigóticos toledanos en los legajos de Burriel (Biblioteca Nacional),” Hispania Sacra 18 (1965): 27–32, at 31, it is unlikely that Palomares executed numerous facsimiles of neumes in BN 13060, as Agustín Miliares Carlo claimed in Contributión al “Corpus” de códices visigóticos (Madrid, 1931), 43. Palomares was responsible only for the facsimile on fol. 121.Google Scholar

104 In Tuero, Echánove, La preparatión intelectual , 271.Google Scholar

105 The printed dissertation and the manuscript notes for the defense on August 19, 1724, are preserved in BN 13423, fols. 289–367.Google Scholar

106 San Millan Aragones. Congresso Alegorico-historico-apologetico, en que se declara la verdadera patria de San Millán de la Cogolla. Precede, para mayor inteligencia, y justificacion de esta Causa, la Vida, que de este Santissimo Presbytero, y Confessor escribio San Braulio, Obispo de Zaragoza (Saragossa, 1733). For a full account of the history of this debate, see de Gaiffier, Baudoin, “La controverse au sujet de la patrie de S. Émilien de la Cogolla,” in Analecta Bollandiana 51 (1933): 293–417.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

107 “Dudo, si se ha completuria, o si, capitula esta cifra.” Google Scholar

108 On this mistake, see Brou, Louis, “Deux mauvaises lectures du chanoine Ortiz dans l'édition du bréviaire mozarabe de Ximines: lauda, capitula,” in Miscelánea en homenaje a Monsenor Higinio Anglés (Barcelona, 1958), 1: 173–202, at 1:185–90, 200–202 (plates 10–12).Google Scholar

109 Burriel's notes on liturgy in the miscellany manuscript Madrid, BN 13058 attest to his care in amassing information on both the Mozarabic and Roman rites.Google Scholar

110 “Nuestra Liturgia Goda Muzarebe ó Isidoriana por todas razones puede competir con la de qualquiera otra nacion'” Cartas eruditas , 266–69.Google Scholar

111 Important general studies include Brou, Louis, “Études sur le Missel et le Breviaire ‘mozarabes’ imprimés,” Hispania Sacra 11 (1958): 349–98; Janini, José, “Misas mozárabes recompuestas por Ortiz,” Hispania Sacra 34 (1982): 153–63; Patino, José Maria Martín, “El Breviarium Mozárabe de Ortiz: Su valor documental para la historia del oficio catedralicio hispánico,” Miscelanea Comillas 50 (1963): 207–97. These authors do not refer to Burriel's collations, notes, and observations based on the liturgical books of Toledo.Google Scholar

112 Tuero, Echánove, La preparación intelectual , 186.Google Scholar

113 Bangert, , A History of the Society of Jesus , 294.Google Scholar

114 Tuero, Echánove, La preparación intelectual , 126.Google Scholar

115 Colección de documentos inéditos para la historia de España (Madrid, 1848), 13: 252–87.Google Scholar

116 Gonzálvez, and Janini, , Catálogo de los manuscritos litúrgicos de la catedral de Toledo , 22. Elizabeth Parker helpfully suggested to me that Burriel's conflicts with the court may have been related to the anti-Jesuit movement that eventually led to the suppression of the order. Tuero, Echánove, La preparatión intelectual, 196, implies that the role of anti-Jesuit sentiment was negligible, but he nevertheless refers to Wall's campaign against Burriel as “persecution” (126).Google Scholar

117 “… considerar qual debe ser el vivo dolor y sentimiento de dicho Padre en un sacrificio tan terrible: pues habiendo sido elegido para estos estudios, no solo sin pretenderlo, mas aún sin pensarlo: habiendo sido separado á este fin, no solo de los estudios y ministerios propios de su Religion; mas privado tambien de la vocacion que le llevaba á los bárbaros Indios, habiendo trabajado todos estos años, dia y noche con teson, que ha traspasado largamente la raya de la prudencia” ( Cartas eruditas , 228).Google Scholar

118 Ibid., 223–30, reprinted in Colleción de documentos inéditos , 13: 295–301.Google Scholar

119 Breviarium Gothicum Secundum Regulam Beatissimi Isidori (Madrid, 1775). The lengthy introduction to this edition, which presents a history of the Mozarabic rite, refers to the consultation “sapientium virorum dignitatum, et canonicorum hujus nostrae sanctae ecclesiae” (xxv); the author also says, “Matritique alios valde probatos viros consuluimus.” The suppression of the Jesuit order in Spain in 1767 precluded the consultation of any Jesuits for the edition. Burriel had been dead since 1762.Google Scholar

120 The two major encyclopedias of music history, the New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians (2d ed., ed. Sadie, Stanley [London, 2001]) and Die Musik im Geschichte und Gegenwart (2d ed., ed. Finscher, Ludwig [Kassel, 2001]) lack articles on Burriel and the articles on the Mozarabic chant do not mention him. Tuero, Echánove, La preparación intelectual, 249, notes that Burriel's importance has been overlooked as a result of his termination by Wall.Google Scholar

121 I am grateful to Constancio del Alamo and Greti Dinkova-Bruun for help with these transcriptions.Google Scholar

122 MS: “matre”.Google Scholar

123 MS: “gaudium”.Google Scholar

124 MS: “Gabrielem mediantem nuncium”. Google Scholar

125 Hic gignendo is a hypothetical correction for the manuscript reading “Iggionendo” [sic].Google Scholar

126 Soluere and uiuere may be scribal errors for solueret and uiueret, respectively.Google Scholar

127 In here is equivalent to En. Google Scholar