1 For example: Boynton, Susan, Shaping a Monastic Identity: Liturgy and History at the Imperial Abbey of Farfa, 1000–1125 (Ithaca, 2006); The Divine Office in the Latin Middle Ages , ed. Fassler, Margot and Balzer, Rebecca A. (Oxford, 2000); McLaughlin, Megan, Consorting with Saints: Prayer for the Dead in Early Medieval France (Ithaca, 1994); Cramer, Peter, Baptism and Change in the Early Middle Ages, c. 200–c. 1150 (Cambridge, 1993); Rubin, Miri, Corpus Christi: The Eucharist in Late Medieval Culture (Cambridge, 1991); Paxton, Frederick, Christianizing Death: The Creation of a Ritual Process in Early Medieval Europe (Ithaca, 1990). I presented earlier drafts of this article at the Medieval Studies Workshop at the University of Chicago and the Pre-Modern Spanish Historians of the Midwest annual meeting in 2009. I am also grateful to Daisy Delogu, Cecily Hilsdale, and Aden Kumler for their careful reading and wise thoughts. Michael Allen offered valuable paleographic advice.Google Scholar

2 Following the date and the account of the transition given in Reilly, Bernard, The Kingdom of León-Castilla under King Alfonso VI, 1065–1109 (Princeton, 1988), 100–101.Google Scholar

3 E.g., Henriet, Patrick, “Un bouleversement culturel: Rôle et sense de la présence cléricale française dans la péninsule ibérique,” Revue d'histoire de l'église de France 90 (2004): 65–80; O'Callaghan, Joseph, “The Integration of Christian Spain into Europe: The Role of Alfonso VI of León-Castile,” in Santiago, St.-Denis, and Saint Peter , ed. Reilly, Bernard F. (New York, 1985), 101–20; Defourneaux, Marcelin, Les Français en Espagne aux XIe et XIIe siècles (Paris, 1949).Google Scholar

4 This older view, especially influential in art-historical circles, is exemplified by Bernard Bevan's statement that after the fall of the caliphate of Córdoba, “Castile … became both intellectually and artistically a province of France” ( History of Spanish Architecture [New York, 1936], 49). Even Henriet's recent, thoughtful “Un bouleversement culturel” (73–79) describes the impact of France on Spain in the eleventh and twelfth centuries as the imposition of one cultural system on another without modification, although he does recognize the agency of the Iberian kings in inviting French clergy into the peninsula.Google Scholar

5 Reynolds, Roger E., “The Ordination Rite in Medieval Spain: Hispanic, Roman, Hybrid,” in Santiago , ed. Reilly, , 131–55. Cf. the endurance of elements of the Old Spanish marriage liturgy after the advent of the Roman liturgy in the peninsula, explored in detail by Bethune, Brian F., “The Text of the Christian Rite of Marriage in Medieval Spain” (PhD diss., University of Toronto, 1987), Proquest Dissertations & Theses Database, http://www.proquest.com.proxy.uchicago.edu (publication number AAT NL56909), e.g., pp. 1–2, 13–14. Traces of this liturgy can still be found in the Filipino church to this day: Reynolds, Roger E., “Sacraments, Liturgy, and ‘Institutions,’” in Pensiero e sperimentazioni istitutionali nella “Societas Christiana” (1046–1250), Atti della sedicesima Settimana internazionale di studio Mendola, 26–31 agosto 2004 , ed. Andenna, G. (Milan, 2007), 154–55 and n. 52.Google Scholar

6 My discussion of Santiago de Compostela BU MS 609 (Res. 1) is based on examination of a microfilm of the manuscript and on the transcription of the text found in Libro de horas de Fernando I de León , ed. Díaz y Díaz, Manuel C. and Álvarez, Serafín Moralejo (Galicia, 1995). Observations on Salamanca BU MS 2668 are based on my study of the manuscript in situ. Férotin, Marius (“Deux manuscrits wisigothiques de la bibliothèque de Fernando Ier, roi de Castille et de Léon,” Bibliothèque de l'École des chartes 62 [1901]: 374–87) briefly discusses both manuscripts and provides a partial transcription of some of their contents.Google Scholar

7 Pinell, Jordi, “El oficio hispano-visigotico,” Hispania sacra 10 (1957): 385–427 and idem, “Las horas vigiliares del oficio monacal hispanico,” in Liturgica, Scripta et Documenta 17 (Montserrat, 1966), 3:197–340. The latter article includes an edition of the nocturnal office that uses the two manuscripts under discussion here.Google Scholar

8 Whitehill, Walter Muir, “A Catalogue of Mozarabic Liturgical Manuscripts Containing the Psalter and the Liber Canticorum,” Jahrbuch für Liturgiewissenschaft 14 (1934): 94–122. The only other manuscript that adds content to the psalter is El Escorial MS a.III.5, which includes two prayers confected from verses of the first and second thirds of the psalter, respectively. I discuss this manuscript and these prayers further, below.Google Scholar

9 Boynton, Susan, “Prayer as Liturgical Performance in Eleventh- and Twelfth-Century Monastic Psalters,” Speculum 82 (2007): 896–901, with a review of the literature on libelli precum on 897–98.Google Scholar

10 For a different approach to this question, see Walker, Rose, “Sancha, Urraca, and Elvira: The Virtues and Vices of Spanish Royal Women ‘Dedicated to God,’” Reading Medieval Studies 24 (1998): 113–38.Google Scholar

11 The Art of Medieval Spain , ed. Metropolitan, Museum of Art (New York, 1993), 290.Google Scholar

12 Rodríguez, Florencio Marcos, Los manuscritos pretridentinos hispanos de ciencias sagradas en la Biblioteca Universitaria de Salamanca (Salamanca, 1971), 473.Google Scholar

13 My discussion of the contents and construction of this manuscript is indebted to Díaz, Manuel C. y Díaz, , “El códice de Compostela: Tradición y modernidad,” in Libro de horas , ed. idem and Álvarez, , 9–51. I reproduce his findings here in some detail, because this volume is not widely available. My foliation follows his reconstruction of the manuscript. See also idem, Codices visigoticos en la monarquia leonesa (León, 1983), 279–92.Google Scholar

14 It consists of quires II through XXVII of a total of 29, and it was copied by a single scribe named Pedro.Google Scholar

15 Díaz, y Díaz, , “El códice,” 30–31.Google Scholar

16 The Old Spanish psalter was based on the Vetus Latina Hispana and was used in the Old Spanish liturgy. See, for an example, Gibson, J. P., The Mozarabic Psalter , Henry Bradshaw Society 30 (London, 1905).Google Scholar

17 Díaz, Díaz y, “El códice,” 36–37.Google Scholar

18 As Díaz y Díaz (ibid., 38) notes, Cardinal Lorenzana's Breviarium gothicum (PL 86:845A-886D) included only seventy-seven canticles. The beginning of the first canticle in our manuscript is missing due to the excision of a folio before the manuscript was foliated.Google Scholar

19 Some of the earliest references to the creed are from Spain, including Reccared's confession of faith at the Third Council of Toledo and the first canon of the Fourth Council of Toledo. It appears first in liturgical use, however, as part of the psalter in the late eighth century in Frankish Europe: Kelly, J. N. D., The Athanasian Creed (London, 1964), 38–43; Leroquais, Victor, “Introduction,” in idem, Les psautiers manuscrits latins des bibliothèques publiques de France, 2 vols. (Mâcon, 1940–41) 1:lv. The creed seems to be first found in psalters with strong royal connections, as with the two manuscripts under discussion here: Chazelle, Celia, “Archbishops Ebo and Hincmar of Reims and the Utrecht Psalter,” Speculum 72 (1997): 1056.Google Scholar

20 Including Saints Tirsus, Torquatus, Vincentius and Laetus, Ildefonsus, Victorianus, and Leocadia, who are absent from the Carolingian tradition according to the tables in Krüger, Astrid, Litanei-Handschriften der Karolingerzeit , MGH Hilfsmittel 24 (Hanover, 2007), 440–536.Google Scholar

21 Díaz, y Díaz, , “El códice,” 43–44.Google Scholar

22 Officia per ferias , PL 101:596C-597B.Google Scholar

23 Wilmart, A., “Le Manuel de prières de s. Jean Gualbert,” Revue bénédictine 48 (1936): 262–65.Google Scholar

24 “Beatus igitur Dauid,” PL 101:509A-510A. “Cum enim de lectulo stratus vestri surrexeritis, dicendum vobis est: dic primum: ‘Domine Iesu Christe, fili Dei vivi, in nomine tuo levabo manus meas, Deus in adiutorium meum,’ tribus vicibus cum psalmo: ‘Verba mea,’ usque: ‘Mane adstabo tibi.’ Deinde, ‘Pater noster,’ et preces: ‘Dignare, Domine, die isto: perfice gressus meos: Benedictus Dominus die cotidie: dirigere et sanctificare digneris: Fiat misericordia tua, Domine, super nos.’ Et surgens incipiat versum: ‘Domine, labia mea aperies.’ Ipso expleto cum gloria incipiat psalmum: ‘Domine, quid multiplicati sunt.’ Deinde sequitur: ‘Miserere mei Deus.’ Deinde: ‘Venite, exultemus Domino.’ Deinde psalmos quantos volueris” (Alcuinus, , Epistolae , ed. Dümmler, E., MGH Epp. 4 [Berlin, 1885], Epist. 304, 462–63). See Black, Jonathan, “Psalm Uses in Carolingian Prayerbooks: Alcuin's Confessio peccatorum pura and the Seven Penitential Psalms,” Mediaeval Studies 65 (2003): 4 and n. 10.Google Scholar

25 Díaz, y Díaz, , “El códice,” 44. These particular three prayers are in PL 40:1135–38 under uncertain authorship, some editions attributing them to Augustine, composed for his mother, and one manuscript attributing them to a Pope John at Vienne (apud Viennas). For a parallel example of an early eleventh-century psalter in Visigothic script that contains prayers like those in Fernando's manuscript, cf. El Escorial MS a.III.5, fols. 135v-138v. The third prayer and the end of the second have been lost from this manuscript (Díaz, y Díaz, , Códices visigóticos [n. 13 above], 304).Google Scholar

26 “Domine exaudi orationem meam quia iam cognosco. … Te deprecor et supplico ut exaudias deprecationem mean qui uiuis et regnas in secula seculorum amen” (Díaz, y Díaz, , “El códice,” 45).Google Scholar

27 “Sancia ceu uoluit / quod sum regina peregit / era millena nouies / dena quoque terna. / Petrus erat scriptor / Fructosus denique pictor.” Google Scholar

28 Vives, José and Fábrega, Ángel, “Calendarios hispanicos anteriores as siglo xiii,” Hispania sacra 2 (1949): 341–48.Google Scholar

29 Leroquais, , Les psautiers manuscrits , 1:lxiii.Google Scholar

30 “Eldrado abbati Florus supplex,” ed. Dümmler, E., MGH Poetae latini aevi carolini 2 (Berlin, 1883), 549–50.Google Scholar

31 “Praefatio Hieronymi in librum psalmorum,” PL 29:117B-121A. Cf. Stegmüller, F., Repertorium biblicum medii aevi , vol. 1, Initia Biblica, Apocrypha, Prologi (Madrid, 1950), no. 430.Google Scholar

32 Edited in Black, Jonathan, “Psalm Uses in Carolingian Prayerbooks: Alcuin and the Preface to De psalmorum usu,” Mediaeval Studies 64 (2002): 1–60, edition 45–60. Black (42) notes its appearance in the Compostela manuscript but was unaware of how much of Alcuin's treatise was actually in the manuscript. He believes (52) it began with “Si vis orare” but it actually begins much earlier with the phrase “Et profetiae adhuc spiritus per laudem (48: ut prophetiae ad hunc spiritus laudem)” and would most likely be complete if the missing folio were present.Google Scholar

33 “Docuit etiam eum per omne vitae suae tempus, quos psalmos poenitentiae cum letania et orationibus precibusque, quos ad orationem specialem faciendam, quos in laude Dei, quos quoque pro quacumque tribulatione, quemque etiam, ut se in divinis exerceret laudibus, decantaret” ( Vita Alcuini 15, ed. Arndt, W., MGH SS 15.1 [Hanover, 1887], 193). Black, , “Alcuin and the Preface,” 5–6.Google Scholar

34 In Art of Medieval Spain (n. 11 above), 290–91. In the same volume, Otto Werkmeister writes (131), “Unlike their counterparts in Germany, England, and France, eleventh- and twelfth-century book painters in Spain did not draw on their early medieval tradition to any significant degree to create a new style that would have absorbed the Mozarabic heritage into the international Romanesque. There was no Spanish equivalent of the book-painting workshops at the abbeys of Trier and Echternach, Saint-Germain-des-Prés and Arras, and Winchester and Canterbury. Only at Santo Domingo de Silos did the painter Petrus recast the Mozarabic style into Romanesque regularity, most likely to express an allegiance to customs about to be discarded.” Earlier, Manuel Gómez Moreno (El arte románico español [Madrid, 1934], 16) also emphasized the foreignness of this image, citing Byzantine and Carolingian models and parallels with Winchester and Cluny.Google Scholar

35 Mann, Janice, Romanesque Architecture and Its Sculptural Decoration in Christian Spain (Toronto, 2009), chap. 3.Google Scholar

36 Díaz, y Díaz, , “El códice,” 26–27.Google Scholar

37 On the addition of this folio, see ibid., 20.Google Scholar

38 Candeira, Alfonso Sánchez, Castilla y León en el siglo XI: estudio del reinado de Fernando I (Madrid, 1999), 109–14.Google Scholar

39 In a recent discussion about the role of the “chronicle” in the Libro de horas, Francisco Prado-Vilar comes to a different conclusion about its role than the one I have reached here. Instead of seeing the chronicle as a goad to memory and a reminder of the need for penance, Prado-Vilar argues that it was intended to inscribe and absorb Fernando into the lineage of León ( “Lacrimae rerum: San Isidoro de León y la memoria del padre,” Goya 329 [2009]: 204–5).Google Scholar

40 The epitaphs on their tombs, now mostly destroyed, are recorded in Biblioteca del Palacio Real MS II/727.Google Scholar

41 E.g., the Liber memorialis of Remiremont: Butz, Eva-Maria, “Adel und liturgische Memoria am Ende des karolingischen Frankenreichs,” in Adlige — Stifter — Mönche , ed. Kruppa, Nathalie, Studien zur Germania Sacra 30 (Göttingen, 2007), 15–29; Huyghebaert, N., Les documents nécrologiques, Typologie des sources du moyen âge ocidental, fasc. 4 (Turnhout, 1972), 13–16.Google Scholar

42 Candeira, Sánchez, Fernando I, 142. On Fernando's mood after this second royal homicide, see Grassotti, Hilda, “La iglesia y el estado en León y Castilla de Tamarón a Zamora,” Cuadernos de historia de España 61–62 (1977): 140–41.Google Scholar

43 Díaz, y Díaz, , “El códice,” 50.Google Scholar

44 According to a report in the Historia silense , ed. de Urbel, Justo Pérez and Ruíz-Zorrilla, Atilano Gonzalez (Madrid, 1959), 208. See Bishko, Charles J., “The Liturgical Context of Fernando I's Last Days According to the So-Called ‘Historia Silense,’” Hispania Sacra 17–18 (1964–65): 50.Google Scholar

45 Candeira, Sánchez, Fernando I , 120.Google Scholar

46 The manuscript is made up of twenty-four quires. The first twenty-three quires have eight folios each, though the first quire has lost its first folio. The final quire is four folios. Catchwords connect the first sixteen quires, but they have been trimmed from the remainder of the manuscript. The quires became disordered before the manuscript was foliated, and the correct order of the manuscript is: quires I-XIII (fol. 1r–103v); XVII (fols. 128r–135v); XIV-XVI (fols. 104r–127v); XVIII-XIX (fols. 136r–151v); XXI-XXII (fols. 160r–175r); XX (fols. 152r–159r); XXIII-XXIV (fols. 176r–187r). The final two quires use parchment of a different quality both than each other and than the rest of the manuscript. In quire XXIII, the hair side of the parchment is strikingly visible, while the parchment of quire XXIV is thinner than the rest. Quire XXIII was added to contain the Athanasian Creed and Sancha's confession, while quire XXIV contains what part of Urraca's addendum could not be copied in the preceding quire; more on both of these issues below. The manuscript bears traces of three different attempts at foliation: a modern foliation in Arabic numerals from 1 to 187, to which I will refer throughout; a late medieval foliation in Roman numerals from fols. 2–31; and another late medieval Roman foliation visible on occasional folios throughout the manuscript. On fols. 4, 5, and 12, all three systems are present. Díaz y Diaz's description of the manuscript ( Codices visigoticos [n. 13 above], 349–50) contains some errors. There are no missing gatherings between fols. 103 and 104; the discontinuity of sense is explained by the misordering of the gatherings, and the two folios in the final gathering are in the correct order, not inverted as he suggests.Google Scholar

47 “In xvii^o kalendas iunias. Era TLx^Lvii^a. Christoforus indignus scripsit mementote” — “On May 16, 1059, unworthy Christopher wrote [this]. Remember.” Google Scholar

48 The actual canticles correspond to those numbered 50, 54, 47, 48, 51, 43–46, 52, 53, 55–63, and 64 in Fernando's manuscript.Google Scholar

49 Díaz, y Díaz, , “El códice,” 38. “Incipiunt cantici de quadragessime,” Salamanca BU 2668, fol. 29v; cf. Libro de horas , ed. Díaz, y Díaz, and Álvarez, (n. 6 above), 148 (fol. 148r). “Incipiunt cantici de resurrectione domini,” Salamanca BU MS 2668 fol. 50r; cf. Libro de horas, 153 (fol. 158r).Google Scholar

50 Edited based on these two manuscripts and others in Pinell, , “Las horas vigiliares” (n. 7 above), 271–340.Google Scholar

51 A fourth component, “ordo peculiaris vigiliae,” is not given a distinctive rubric in either of these manuscripts. This part of the nocturnal office was celebrated only on very long summer nights (Pinell, , “Las horas vigiliares,” 209, 218).Google Scholar

52 Pinell, , “El oficio hispano-visigótico” (n. 7 above), 400.Google Scholar

53 Gallo, Alfonso García, “El concilio de Coyanza,” Anuario de historia del derecho español 20 (1950): 275–633; Díez, Gonzalo Martínez, “El concilio compostelano del reinado de Fernando I,” Anuario de estudios medievales 1 (1964): 121–38; idem, “La tradición manuscrita del fuero de León y del concilio de Coyanza,” in idem, El reino de León en la alta edad media, 11 vols. (León, 1992) 2:115–83. The interpretation of these two councils is challenging because the acta of both are found in two distinct recensions, and the noted forger and interpolator Bishop Pelayo of Oviedo had his hand in one version of each. I follow Peter Linehan (History and the Historians of Medieval Spain [Oxford, 1993], 184–88) and Grassotti (“La iglesia y el estado en León y Castilla” [n. 42 above], 119–20, 123) in agreeing that, despite the ecclesiastical nature and concerns of these councils, they were most definitely carried out under royal aegis, and I add the observation that Sancha receives equal prominence with her husband at Coyanza: “Hoc decretum factum fuit in concilio domni Fredenando regis et sue coniugis regine domne Sancie in urbe Cogianca” (Martínez Díez, “Tradición manuscrita,” 177).Google Scholar

54 From the seventh century, monks in Spain had been required to observe the two major cathedral offices of vespers and matins, but they followed their own lesser hours, not those of the cathedral (Pinell, , “Las horas vigiliares,” 198, 224–31).Google Scholar

55 Ibid., 203–5.Google Scholar

56 Ibid., 263–64.Google Scholar

57 Libro de horas , ed. Díaz, y Díaz, and Álvarez, , 184 (fol. 210r); Salamanca BU MS 2668, fol. 145r.Google Scholar

58 Libro de horas , ed. Díaz, y Díaz, and Álvarez, , 184–85 (fols. 210v-212r); Salamanca BU MS 2668, fols. 145r–149v. I am supplying the canticle numbers based on the numbering system in the canticle section of the manuscript. The canticles are written out in full in the office and are unnumbered. Cant. 21 is Neh. 1:5–11; cant. 22 is Pr. of Man. 1:7–15; cant. 24 is Ecclus. 36:1–19.Google Scholar

59 “Media nocte surgebam ad confitendum tibi super iudicia iusticie tue. Funes peccatorum circumplexe sunt me domine et legem tuam non sum oblitus. Deprecatus sum faciem tuam de toto corde meo miserere mei deus. Clamaui ad te domine; dixi, ‘Spes mea es; portio mea in terra uiuentium. Qui cognoscis omnium occulta, a peccato meo munda me. Tempus michi concede ut repeniteam. Me peccaui. Miserere mei deus”’ ( Libro de horas , ed. Díaz, y Díaz, and Álvarez, , 187 [fols. 215r–215v]; Salamanca BU MS 2668, fols. 163v-164r).Google Scholar

60 Salamanca BU MS 2668, fols. 176r–179r.Google Scholar

61 Ibid., fols. 179r–180r. The full text of the confession can be found in the appendix.Google Scholar

62 Libro de horas , ed. Díaz, y Díaz, and Álvarez, , 176–77 (fols. 197v-198v).Google Scholar

63 Tolhurst, J. B. L., The Monastic Breviary of Hyde Abbey, Winchester , 6 vols., Henry Bradshaw Society 69–71, 76, 78, 80 (London, 1932–42) 6:47, 50.Google Scholar

64 Férotin, , “Deux manuscrits” (n. 6 above), 383.Google Scholar

65 The passage reads: “Qui nimirum milites ex cognatione vel familia Veremudi regis plerumque existentes, ubi voluntatem domini sui fratrem suum avidam vivum capiendi, potius quam extinctum, animadverterunt, ut credo ex instinctu Sancie regine, communem sibi sanguinem vindicare singulariter anhelabant” ( Historia silense , ed. Urbel, de and Ruíz-Zorrilla, [n. 44 above], 187).Google Scholar

66 Madrid BN Vitr. 14–2, fols. 264v-265r. This material is included in this manuscript and in the Silos and Morgan Beatuses (Williams, John, A Spanish Apocalypse: The Morgan Beatus Manuscript [New York, 1991], 210–11).Google Scholar

67 Henriet, Patrick, “Deo votas: L'Infantado et la fonction des infantes dans la Castille et le León des Xe-XIIe siècles,” in Au cloître et dans le monde: Femmes, hommes, et sociétés , ed. Henriet, Patrick and Legras, Anne-Marie (Paris, 2000), 190–97.Google Scholar

68 “Ego namque Sancia regina quamuis domina sim ipsius monasterii inter sorores tamen et clericis quasi unum ex eis” (Encarnación, Maria López, Martín, ed., Documentos de los siglos x-xiii , Patrimonio Cultural de San Isidoro de León [León, 1995], no. 6).Google Scholar

69 Reilly, Bernard, The Contest of Christian and Muslim Spain 1031–1157 (Oxford, 1992), 182–87.Google Scholar

70 Reilly, , Alfonso VI (n. 2 above), 21.Google Scholar

71 In addition to the two discussed in this article, Sancha is responsible for a manuscript of Beatus's Commentary on the Apocalypse (BNM Vitr. 14–2) and a manuscript of Isidore's Etymologies (El Escorial &.I.3), both deluxe manuscripts commissioned in 1047. On these two manuscripts, see Díaz y Díaz, Códices visigóticos (n. 13 above), 328–32, 429–30 (BNM Vitr. 14–2), and 381–83 (El Escorial &.I.3). On the Beatus manuscript, see also Williams, John, The Illustrated Beatus: A Corpus of the Illustrations of the Commentary on the Apocalypse , 5 vols. (London, 1994–2003), 3:34–40.Google Scholar

72 The identification of the corrector's hand with the third hand of this section can be made on the basis of the shade of the ink, the finials on the ascenders of both hands, and the common form of the k and other distinctive letter forms.Google Scholar

73 I will suggest a more precise date below.Google Scholar

74 A similar correction from masculine to feminine endings can be found in several prayers of the eleventh-century Aelfwine Prayerbook (London, British Museum, Titus D. xxvi and D. xxvii). The changes date from the twelfth century, and it has been suggested that the manuscript was at that time in the women's community of Nunnaminster in Winchester (Günzel, Beate, Aelfwine's Prayerbook, Henry Bradshaw Society 108 [London, 1993], 3–4. For the changes to the endings, see ibid., 187, 191).Google Scholar

75 “Rex Fernandus filios suos et filias ita censuit instruere, ut primo liberalibus disciplinis, quibus et ipse studium dederat, erudirentur dein, ubi etas patiebatur, more Ispanorum equos cursare, armis et uenationibus filios exercere fecit, sed et filias, ne per otium torperent, ad omnem muliebrem honestatem erudiri iusit” ( Historia silense , ed. de Urbel, and Ruíz-Zorrilla, , 184). The passage was taken from Einhard's Vita Karoli Magni: “Liberos suos ita censuit, ut tam filii quam filiae primo liberalibus studiis quibus et ipse operam dabat, erudirentur. Tum filios cum primum aetas patiebatur, more Francorum equitare armis ac venatibus exerceri fecit, filias vero lanificio adsuescere, coloque ac fuso, nec per otium torperent, operam impende, atque ad omnem honestatem erudiri iussit” (ed. G. H. Pertz, MGH Scrip. rerum germ. 25 [Hanover, 1839], 38), suggesting that the memory of Fernando's use of Charlemagne as a model had not yet died at the time the Iberian chronicle was written.Google Scholar

76 “Pater de celis … Fili redemptor mundi … Spiritus sanctus … Sancta trinitas” (fol. 180v), following the model of the so-called Gallican litanies (Lapidge, Michael, Anglo-Saxon Litanies of the Saints , Henry Bradshaw Society 106 [London, 1991], 38).Google Scholar

77 E.g., “Omnes sancti angeli et arcangeli … Omnes sancti beatorum spirituum ordines” (fol. 180v-181r), “Omnes sancti apostoli et euangeliste … Omnes sancti discipuli domini … Omnes sancti innocentes” (fol. 181r).Google Scholar

78 These are Saints Marinus, Denis, Marcellinus and Peter, George, Quiricus, Genesius, Germanus, Taurinus, Aquilinus, Maurus, Columbanus, Antonius, Macarius, Urbicus, Perpetua, Scholastica, Radegund, Consortia, and Daria. Saints Facundus and Primitivus, Claudius, Lupercus and Victoricus, and Florentia are additions to the litany from the Spanish sanctoral tradition and will be discussed further, below.Google Scholar

79 Krüger, , Litanei-Handschriften (n. 20 above).Google Scholar

80 E.g., Cambridge, University Library MS Ff.1.23; Cambridge, Corpus Christi College MS 391; London, British Library Arundel MS 155; London, British Library Harley MS 863; and Salisbury, Cathedral Library MS 150 (edited in Lapidge, , Anglo-Saxon Litanies , respectively at 93–97, 115–19, 148–52, 193–202, and 283–87).Google Scholar

81 Davril, Anselme, The Monastic Ritual of Fleury , Henry Bradshaw Society 105 (London, 1990), 14–17, 83–87.Google Scholar

82 Tolhurst, , Breviary of Hyde Abbey (n. 63 above), 6:70.Google Scholar

83 On the Liber tramitis , see Boynton, , Shaping a Monastic Identity (n. 1 above), chap. 3.Google Scholar

84 Liber tramitis aevi Odilonis abbatis , ed. Dinter, Petrus, Corpus consuetudinum monasticarum 10 (Siegburg, 1980), nos. 81–82 (p. 123).Google Scholar

85 On the cults of Florentia and Consortia at Cluny, see Bonnin-Magne, Catherine, “Le sanctoral clunisien (Xe-XVe siècles)” (PhD diss., Université Paris 1, 2005), 186–88. Cf. Bernard of Cluny, “Ordo cluniacensis,” in Vetus disciplina monastica , ed. Herrgott, Marquard (Paris, 1726), 1.41, p. 232.Google Scholar

86 Libro de horas , ed. Díaz, y Díaz, and Álvarez, (n. 6 above), 75 (fol. 4r).Google Scholar

87 Reilly, , Alfonso VI (n. 2 above), 106–11.Google Scholar

88 Ibid., 363.Google Scholar

89 Henriet, , “Un bouleversement culturel” (n. 3 above), 75; idem, “Sanctoral clunisien et sanctoral hispanique au XIIème siêcle, ou de l'ignorance réciproque au syncrétisme: À propos d'un lectionnaire de l'office originaire de Sahagún (fin XIIème siècle),” in Scribere sanctorum gesta: Recueil d'études d'hagiographie médiévale offert à Guy Philippart , ed. Renard, Étienne, Trigalet, Michel, Hermand, Xavier, and Bertrand, Paul, Hagiologia — Études sur la Sainteté en Occident 3 (Turnhout, 2005), 243, 255–56; Reglero de la Fuente, Carlos M., Cluny en España: Los prioratos de la provincia y sus redes sociales (León, 2008), 73. For Cluniac liturgical influence elsewhere in the peninsula, see Ferreira, Manuel Pedro, “Cluny at Fynystere: One Use, Three Fragments,” in Studies in Medieval Chant and Liturgy in Honour of David Hiley , ed. Bailey, Terence and Dobszay, László (Ottawa, 2007), 133–47.Google Scholar

90 Bishko, Charles J., “Fernando I and the Origins of the Leonese-Castilian Alliance with Cluny,” in Studies in Medieval Spanish Frontier History (London, 1980), 1–136; idem, “Liturgical Intercession at Cluny for the King-Emperors of Leon,” Studia monastica 3 (1961): 53–76.Google Scholar

91 See the recent exhaustive study by Reglero de la Fuente (Cluny en España), which finds nothing before 1073. Bishko argues that the “Ego Frater Galindus clunia[ac]ensis,” [sic] who signs a donation made to the monastery San Isidoro de Dueñas, confirmed by Fernando and said to be done under the order of Fernando and Sancha (Candeira, Sánchez, Fernando I [n. 38 above], no. 50, pp. 282–83), was a senior Cluniac monk entrusted with some special mission (Bishko, , “Fernando I and Cluny,” 24). But remove Bishko's emendation of “cluniaensis” to “clunia[ac]ensis” and it becomes more likely that Galindus was a visitor from San Isidoro de Clunia, a monastic house identified by Bishko himself and connected to the house at Dueñas with the same saintly patron (Bishko, , “The Abbey of Dueñas and the Cult of San Isidore of Chios in the County of Castile,” in Homenaje a Fray Justo Pérez de Urbel, 10 vols. [Silos, 1977] 2:354–56).Google Scholar

92 We first hear of largesse coming from Fernando himself in a document of Alfonso's dated July 10, 1077 (Gambra, Andrés, Alfonso VI: Cancilleria, curia e imperio , 2 vols. [Léon, 1997], no. 46, 2:119–21). Alfonso promises to double the “censum” that his father was accustomed to give: “Censum quem pater meus illo sanctissimo loco Cluniacensi solitus erat dare, ego in diebus uite mee, annuente Deo, duplicatum dabo.” Only in a document dating from Easter 1090, twenty-five years after Fernando's death, and bearing the hand of Cluniac construction, do we learn that the sum Fernando gave was one thousand gold pieces, and that Alfonso plans to give it annually: “quem censum eodem modo per successores suos prefato loco annuatim reddendum instituit et firmauit” (ibid., no. 110, 2:287–90).Google Scholar

93 Either together or alone, the two appear in seventy-eight of the 134 documents issued by Alfonso VI before Urraca's death in 1101 (Elvira died in 1099) (ibid., 1:487). On the complex politics after the deaths of Fernando in 1065 and Sancha in 1067 that ended in Alfonso's triumph with his sisters at his side, see Reilly, Alfonso VI, 58–67, 370.Google Scholar

94 Gambra, ( Alfonso VI , no. 18, 2:36–38) gives a date of May 29, 1073, but notes that two versions of it have the December date. Bishko (“Fernando I and Cluny,” 18) accepts the December date, as I do, on the basis of the anniversary.Google Scholar

95 Gambra, , Alfonso VI , no. 36, 2:88–89.Google Scholar

96 Usually cited in evidence of this division is the twelfth-century Historia silense (n.44 above), 204–5, a chronicle that dates to the reign of Alfonso VI's daughter, Queen Urraca. A document of 1071, in which Elvira Fernández, Alfonso's other sister, donates a monastery to the cathedral of Lugo, also testifies to the fact that the two daughters had been given all the monasteries of the kingdom by their father: “Genitor meus, rex domnus Ferdenandus per scripturam concessit mihi Geloira et ad germana mea domina Vrracha predictum monasterium sancte Eolalie de Fingon cum cunctos monasterios regni sui per omnes prouincias et regiones” (AHN MS 1043B, fol. 69r).Google Scholar

97 Gambra, , Alfonso VI , no. 39, 2:94–95.Google Scholar

98 Ibid., no. 43, 2:115–16 and no. 45, 2:119–21.Google Scholar

99 Ibid., no. 65, 2:161–65.Google Scholar

100 Ibid., no.71, 2:181–83.Google Scholar

101 Reilly, , Alfonso VI , 87–90.Google Scholar

102 Pick, Lucy K., “Dominissima, prudentissima: Elvira, First Queen-Regent of León,” in Religion, Text, and Society in Medieval Spain and Northern Europe , ed. Burman, Thomas E., Meyerson, Mark D., and Shopkow, Leah (Toronto, 2002), 42–43.Google Scholar

103 Martin, Therese, Queen as King: Politics and Architectural Propoganda in Twelfth-Century Spain (Leiden, 2006), chap. 3.Google Scholar

104 Geary, Patrick, Phantoms of Remembrance (Princeton, 1994), 68–70.Google Scholar

105 Henriet, , “Deo votas“ (n. 67above), 193–200.Google Scholar

106 Reilly, , Alfonso VI , 108–12.Google Scholar

107 Tolhurst, , Breviary of Hyde Abbey (n. 63above), 670.Google Scholar

108 Though Ulrich's text reflects Cluniac customs of the early 1060s, the period of his life when he last spent extended time there, his work was not completed until ca. 1080 (Cochelin, Isabelle, “Évolution des coutumiers monastiques dessinée à partir de l'étude de Bernard,” in From Dead of Night to End of Day , ed. Boynton, Susan and Cochelin, Isabelle, Disciplina monastica 5 [Turnhout, 2005] 30)Google Scholar

109 “Post primam, praeter psalmos quorum jam supra memini, sequuntur adhuc etiam septem psalmi poenitentiales. Post letaniam, quae in eodem momento est dicenda, et ante collectas secuturas, psalmi quattuor interseruntur, id est 69 [Deus in adjutorium meum intende], 120 [Levavi oculos meos], 122 [Ad te levavi oculos] et pro fidelibus defunctis, 42 [Judica me]” (Ulrich, Consuetudines, PL 149.646D-647A). For the capitular office, cf. Tolhurst, , Breviary of Hyde Abbey , 6:50–51.Google Scholar

110 Libro de horas , ed. Díaz, y Díaz, and Álvarez, (n. 6 above), 179 (fols. 199v-199bis v) Google Scholar

111 We find close parallels to the texts of the addendum in other manuscripts containing psalters and canticles, including the aforementioned twelfth-century ritual of Fleury, Orléans Bibliothêque municipale 123 (101) (Davril, , Ritual of Fleury [n. 81 above], 83–90); a thirteenth-century manuscript from Hyde Abbey, Winchester, Oxford Bodleian, MS Rawlinson lit. 8 (Tolhurst, , Breviary of Hyde Abbey, 3: Fo. G. 66–68); and another manuscript from Winchester, of the late fourteenth or fifteenth century, Oxford, Bodleian, MS Rawlinson lit. G. 10 (Wickham, John, Missale ad usum ecclesie Westmonasteriensis, 3. vols., Henry Bradshaw Society 12, [London, 1897] 3: cols. 1303–11). Several more psalter-canticle manuscripts that include these texts were owned by royal women: the Psalter of Ingeborg, Queen of France (d. 1236) (Chantilly, Bibliothêque du château MS 9 [1695], fols. 188r–193r) and the Psalter of Blanche of Castille, Queen of France (d. 1252) (Paris, Biliothêque de l'Arsenal, MS 1186 [329 A.T.L.], fols. 186r–190r). It is striking that a search through V. Leroquais's Les Psautiers manuscrits (n. 19 above) turned up this collection of texts in psalters belonging to royal women but nowhere else.Google Scholar

112 Ulrich, , Consuetudines, PL 149:648D-649A, 650B-C. Cf. Bernard, , “Ordo cluniacensis” (n. 85 above), 1.41, p. 232, which contains many parallels.Google Scholar

113 Ulrich, , Consuetudines , PL 149:650D.Google Scholar

114 Bernard, , “Ordo cluniacensis,” 1.26, p. 200; discussed in Bishko, “Liturgical Context” (n. 44 above), 56. For the date of Bernard's text, see Cochelin, , “Évolution des coutumiers,” 29.Google Scholar

115 Bernard, , “Ordo cluniacensis,” 1.41, p. 232. Based on a misreading of the Latin, Bishko (“Liturgical Context,” 57) incorrectly states that the collect said for the Spanish sovereigns was “A domo tue, quesumus, domine.” Google Scholar

116 The bibliography is enormous, but studies that examine royal and other powerful women in early medieval Iberia include: Pérez, Carlos Baliñas, “Domina: condición femenina e poder público na Galicia altomedieval (séculos VIII a XI),” Grial 26 (1988): 8–11; de Aguilera, Abilio Barbero, “Pervivencias matrilineales en la Europa medieval: el ejemplo del norte de España,” in La condición de la mujer en la Edad media , ed. Fonquerne, Yves-René and Esteban, Alonso (Madrid, 1986), 215–22; María, José Sánchez-Pagín, Canal, “Jimena Muñoz, amiga de Alfonso VI,” Anuario de estudios medievales 21 (1991): 11–40; Collins, Roger, “Queens-Dowager and Queens-Regent in Tenth-Century León and Navarre,” in Medieval Queenship , ed. Parsons, John C. (New York, 1993), 79–92; Earenfight, Theresa, ed., Queenship and Political Power in Medieval and Early Modern Spain (Aldershot, 2005); Rubén García Álvarez, M., “El diplomo de restauración de la sede de Túy por la infanta Urraca,” Cuadernos de estudios Gallegos 17 (1962): 275–92; Miranda, Marina González, “La condesa doña Sancha y el monasterio de Santa Cruz de la Seros,” Estudios de edad media de la Corona de Aragon 4 (Zaragoza, 1956): 185–202; Henriet, , “Deo votas” (n. 67 above), 189–201; Humphrey, Patricia, “Ermessenda of Barcelona: The Status of her Authority,” in Queens, Regents, and Potentates , ed. Vann, Theresa M. (Cambridge, 1993), 15–35; Kagay, Donald J., “Countess Almodis of Barcelona: ‘Illustrious and Distinguished Queen’ or ‘Woman of Sad, Unbridled Lewdness,”’ in Queens, Regents, and Potentates, 37–47); Pick, , “Elvira, First Queen-Regent of León” (n. 102 above), 38–69; eadem, “Gender in the Early Spanish Chronicles: John of Biclar to Pelayo of Oviedo,” La corónica 32.3 (2004): 227–48; Graíño, Cristina Segura, “Participación de las mujeres en el poder político,” Anuario de estudios medievales 25 (1995): 449–61.Google Scholar

117 E.g., Stafford, Pauline, Queen Emma and Queen Edith (Oxford, 1997), 135–41.Google Scholar

118 Henriet, Patrick, La parole et la prière au Moyen Âge , Bibliothèque du Moyen Âge 14 (Brussels, 2000), 20.Google Scholar

119 “Item nocturno tempore, cum reclinaret cum principe, rogans se pro humana necessitate consurgere, levans egressa cubiculo, tam diu ante secretum orationi incumbebat iactato cilicio, ut solo calens spiritu iaceret gelu penetrata, tota carne praemortua: non curans corporis tormenta mens intenta paradiso, leve reputans quod ferret, tantum ne Christo vilesceret. Inde regressa cubiculum, vix tepefieri poterat vel foco vel lectulo. De qua regi dicebatur habere se potius iugalem monacham quam reginam. Unde et ipse inritatus pro bonis erat asperrimus, sed illa pro parte leniens, pro parte tolerabat modeste rixas inlatas a coniuge” (Venantius Fortunatus, Vita sanctae Radegundis , ed. Krusch, Bruno, MGH Auct. Ant. 4.2 [Berlin, 1885], 40).Google Scholar

120 Salamanca BU MS 2668, fol. 183v. Her feast day was August 13th, and it is missing from the amalgamated calendar in Vives and Fábrega, “Calendarios hispanicos” (n. 28 above), 151.Google Scholar

121 “The ‘Older Life’ of Queen Mathilda,” trans. Gilsdorf, Sean, in Queenship and Sanctity (Washington, DC, 2004), 3, p. 76; “Vita Matildis antiquior,” in Die Lebensbeschreibungen der Königin Mathilde , ed. Schütte, Bernd, MGH Scrip. rerum germ. 66 (Hanover, 1944), 11.Google Scholar

122 The manuscript was a copy of the Hibernensis collection of canon law, Chartres MS 124, destroyed in the Second World War. André Wilmart, the editor of its letter, believed it to be an exchange between Hrabanus Maurus, abbot of Fulda, and the Empress Judith because another exemplar of this collection was copied in the ninth century at Marmoutiers (Wilmart, Andrés, “Lettres de l'époque carolingienne,” Revue Bénédictine 34 [1922]: 239).Google Scholar

123 “Quapropter primo necesse est ut cotidie uos dei misericordiae confitendo et orando commendetis, et post peractum nocturnale officium quod secundum propositum uestrum omni nocte uos agere conuenit, mane cum surrexeritis, antequam aliis curis animum occupetis, confessionem quam beatae memoriae Alcuinus <domno Carolo> dedit, in exemplo illius sectere et, si esse potest, coram altari et coram deo et angelis eius faciatis. Et postea septem paenitentiae psalmos intente et deuote cum letania et suis capitulis atque orationibus domino decantetis” (Wilmart, , “Lettres,” 241).+dedit,+in+exemplo+illius+sectere+et,+si+esse+potest,+coram+altari+et+coram+deo+et+angelis+eius+faciatis.+Et+postea+septem+paenitentiae+psalmos+intente+et+deuote+cum+letania+et+suis+capitulis+atque+orationibus+domino+decantetis”+(Wilmart,+,+“Lettres,”+241).>Google Scholar

124 “Dixit senioribus qui astabant, et clero, ut psalmos penitentiales cantarent et nomina sanctorum ecclesiastico more recitarent. Quo facto cum psallentibus psallebat, cum orantes orabat” ( Epitaphium domine Adelheide , ed. Paulhart, H., in Die Lebensbeschreibung der Kaiserin Adelheid von Abt Odilo von Cluny , Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung 20/2 [Graz-Cologne, 1962], 43–44), cited in Henriet, , La parole et la prière, 326.Google Scholar

125 On the influence of Ottonian art on gifts given by Fernando and Sancha to San Isidoro of León see Williams, John, “Cluny and Spain,” Gesta 27 (1988): 97–98. The sardonyx chalice donated by Urraca Fernández to the same community also shows signs of Germanic influence (Art of Medieval Spain [n. 11 above], 254–55). The best known religious connection between the two courts is the figure of Saint Pelayo, patron from the 960s of the royal monastery that became known as San Isidoro, and inspiration for a poem by Hrosvit of the royal Ottonian women's community of Gandersheim (Manuel Díaz y Díaz, “La pasión de s. Pelayo y su difusión,” Anuario de estudios medievales 6 [1969]: 109–11; Pelagius , ed. Bershin, Walter, in Hrosvit: Opera Omnia [Munich/Lepzig, 2001]).Google Scholar

126 A notation in a fourteenth- or fifteenth-century hand on Salamanca BU MS 2668, fol. 1r indicates that the manuscript came into the possession of the monastery of Santa Maria de Aniago, a community founded by Queen Urraca, Sancha's granddaughter and Urraca Fernández's niece. It is not certain that they possessed the manuscript by the thirteenth century and thus would be responsible for the marginal notations. de la Fuente, Araceli Rico, Monasterio de Nuestra Señora de Aniago (Valladolid, 2007), 21.Google Scholar ^a saluus] corr. ex salbus.Google Scholar ^b sancte] corr. ex sca sca.Google Scholar ^c marie] corr. ex maria.Google Scholar ^d What follows this S has been expunged, probably a second “Sancte Iohannis.” Google Scholar

1 Ps. 6. This and the six that follow make up the seven penitential psalms.Google Scholar

2 Ps. 31.Google Scholar

3 PsH. 37.Google Scholar

4 Ps. 50.Google Scholar

5 Ps. 101.Google Scholar

6 Ps. 129.Google Scholar

7 Ps. 142.Google Scholar ^e Et exaudi nos in die qua] ms. Ut ex nos inq.Google Scholar

8 Et ueniat–eloquium tuum] Ps. 118:41.Google Scholar

9 Domine–qua] cf. Ps. 19:10.Google Scholar

10 Saluos–te] cf. Ps. 85:2.Google Scholar

11 Requiem–luceat] cf. 5 Esdras 34–35.Google Scholar

12 Domine–perueniat] cf. Ps. 101:2; cf. Libro de horas , ed. Díaz, y Díaz, and Álvaraez, (n. 6 in text), 181 (fol. 202v).Google Scholar

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14 Ps. 69.Google Scholar

15 Ps. 119.Google Scholar

16 Ps. 120.Google Scholar

17 Ps. 122.Google Scholar

18 Ps. 123.Google Scholar

19 Ps. 129.Google Scholar

20 Ps. 42.Google Scholar

21 Veniat–tuum] cf. Ps. 118:41.Google Scholar

22 Esto–inimici] cf. Ps. 60:4.Google Scholar

23 Memor–possedis] cf. Ps. 73:2.Google Scholar

24 Domine–nos] cf. Ps. 19:10.Google Scholar

25 Saluos–sperantem] cf. Ps. 85:2.Google Scholar

26 Fiat–habundancia] cf. Ps. 121:7.Google Scholar

27 Requiem–donet] cf. 5 Esdras 34.Google Scholar

28 Domine–noster] cf. Ps. 101:2; cf. Libro de horas , ed. Díaz, y Díaz, and Álvaraez, (n. 6 in text), 181 (fol. 202v).Google Scholar

29 Deus–absoluat] Corpus orationum , ed. Moeller, E., Clément, J.-M., and Coppieters 'T Walant, B., CCL, 160, 160A–M (Turnhout, 1992–) [=CO], no. 1143. Here and below I have not transcribed in full prayers that can be found in the CO.Google Scholar

30 Omnipotens–infunde] CO no. 3938C.Google Scholar

31 Pretende–adsequantur] cf. CO no. 4587A.Google Scholar

32 Omnipotens–perficiant] CO no. 3859.Google Scholar

33 Deus–tranquilla] CO no. 1088A.Google Scholar

34 A domo tua–tempestatum] CO no. 5A.Google Scholar

35 Famulum–securis] CO no. 2663.Google Scholar

36 Ineffauilem–eripias] CO no. 3129.Google Scholar

37 Respice–digneris] cf. Breviarium gothicum , PL 86:210A.Google Scholar

38 Deus–concedas] CO no. 2205.Google Scholar

39 Deus–sempiterna] CO no. 1600.Google Scholar

40 Is. 33:2.Google Scholar

41 Ps. 40:11.Google Scholar ^g deus in adiutorium] ms. deus in adiutorium s in ad.Google Scholar ^h loquere domine] ms. loquere domine test.Google Scholar

42 Cf. Tolhurst, , Breviary of Hyde Abbey (n. 63 in text), 6:51–55.Google Scholar

43 Preciosa–eius] Ps. 115:6.Google Scholar

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45 Ps. 69.Google Scholar

46 Ps. 50:17.Google Scholar

47 Ps. 50:17.Google Scholar

48 Ps. 50:17.Google Scholar

49 Pone–ostium] cf. Ps. 140:3.Google Scholar

50 1 Reg. 3:9.Google Scholar

51 Ps. 118:47 or 117.Google Scholar

52 Ps. 118:43.Google Scholar

53 Ps. 118:35.Google Scholar

54 Ps. 89:16.Google Scholar

55 Ps. 90:17.Google Scholar

56 Dirigere–semper] cf. Tolhurst, , Breviary of Hyde Abbey (n. 63 in text), 6:53.Google Scholar