¹ For permission to consult the manuscript and for their kindness during my visit, I am grateful to the librarian and staff of the Parker Library, Corpus Christi College, Cambridge. Travel to Cambridge was funded by a grant from the Faculty Research Committee of Idaho State University, and an Andrew W. Mellon fellowship at the Institute for Advanced Study has provided the time and access to resources needed for completion of the introductory essay. As I was writing, several scholars graciously answered queries about sources or provided copies of their work: my thanks to Mildred Budny, Thomas N. Hall, Michael Lapidge, David and Ian McDougall, Marc Ozon, Richard Pfaff, Hans Sauer, Patrick Womald, and Charles Wright. Remaining errors of fact or judgment are my own.Google Scholar

² The two parts were joined by 1327 and probably as early as 1072. An early Exeter provenance for the whole volume is unquestioned. Essential notices include: Bateson, Mary, “A Worcester Cathedral Book of Ecclesiastical Collections, Made c. 1000 A.D.,” English Historical Review 10 (1895): 712–31; James, M. R., A Descriptive Catalogue of the Manuscripts in the Library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, 2 vols. (Cambridge, 1909–12) 1:452–63; Die Hirtenbriefe Ælfrics in altenglischer und lateinischer Fassung , ed. Fehr, Bernhard, Bibliothek der angelsächsischen Prosa 9 (Hamburg, 1914; repr. with a supplement to the introduction by Peter Clemoes, Darmstadt, 1966), xvii–xix and cxxx–cxxxi; Bethurum, Dorothy, “Archbishop Wulfstan's Commonplace Book,” Publications of the Modern Language Association 57 (1942): 916–29; Ker, N. R., Catalogue of Manuscripts Containing Anglo-Saxon (Oxford, 1957), 70–73 (item 45); and Budny, Mildred, Insular, Anglo-Saxon, and Early Anglo-Norman Art at Corpus Christi College, Cambridge: An Illustrated Catalogue (Kalamazoo, Mich., 1997), 535–44 (item 34).Google Scholar

³ See Dumville, David N., English Caroline Script and Monastic History: Studies in Benedictinism, A.D. 950–1030, Studies in Anglo-Saxon History 6 (Woodbridge, 1993), 52 n. 228 and 55 n. 245; cf. Budny, , Insular, Anglo-Saxon, and Early Anglo-Norman Art, 537–38. See also below, n. 97.Google Scholar

⁴ For example, the names of Popes Melchiades (or Miltiades) and Telesphorus in §§19.2 and 20.2.Google Scholar

⁵ Table printed by James, , Descriptive Catalogue 1:452–56. On the loss of leaves in the exemplar, see Cross, J. E., “A Newly-Identified Manuscript of Wulfstan's ‘Commonplace Book,’ Rouen, Bibliothèque Municipale, MS 1382 (U.109), fols. 173r-198v,” Journal of Medieval Latin 2 (1992): 63–83, at 67; also Sauer, Hans, “Die Exkommunikationsriten aus Wulfstans Handbuch und Liebermanns Gesetze,” in Bright Is the Ring of Words: Festschrift für Horst Weinstock zum 65. Geburtstag , ed. Pollner, Clausdirk, Rohlfing, Helmut, and Hausmann, Frank-Rutger, Abhandlungen zur Sprache und Literatur 85 (Bonn, 1996), 283–307, at 285.Google Scholar

⁶ James, , Descriptive Catalogue 1:455 (table numbers XLIV–LXI). In the manuscript, titles and divisions are clearly indicated by capitals and red ink. I have introduced paragraph breaks and some further subdivisions in the edition below.Google Scholar

⁷ See Bethurum, , “Archbishop Wulfstan's Commonplace Book,” and Whitelock, Dorothy, “Archbishop Wulfstan, Homilist and Statesman,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 4th ser., 24 (1942): 25–45, at 30–34. The most important recent works are Sauer, Hans, “Zur Überlieferung und Anlage von Erzbischof Wulfstans ‘Handbuch,’ ” Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters 36 (1980): 341–84, and the introduction to The Copenhagen Wulfstan Collection: Copenhagen, Kongelige Bibliotek Gl. Kgl. Sam. 1595 , ed. Cross, James E. and Tunberg, Jennifer Morrish, Early English Manuscripts in Facsimile 25 (Copenhagen, 1993), 13–49. A major reassessment of the “commonplace book”-idea will appear in forthcoming publications by Wormald, Patrick, The Making of English Law: King Alfred to the Twelfth Century, vol. 1: Legislation and Its Limits (Oxford, 1999); and “Archbishop Wulfstan and the Holiness of Society,” in Legal Culture in the Early Medieval West: Law as Text, Image, and Experience (London, 1999). I am deeply grateful to Mr. Wormald for allowing me to read these contributions in proof and typescript, respectively. His persuasive critique of the label “commonplace book” is the reason I keep the term in inverted commas.Google Scholar

⁸ The existence of several “archetypes” of the collection and instances of notable variation among them were demonstrated conclusively by Sauer, , “Zur Überlieferung.” Google Scholar

⁹ Dependence on this group of sources is attested by many Anglo-Saxon authors; I have summarized the evidence in “The Book of the Liturgy in Anglo-Saxon England,” Speculum 73 (1998): 659–702. On the transmission of Amalarius, see Dumville, David N., “The English Element in Tenth-Century Breton Book-Production,” in his Britons and Anglo-Saxons in the Early Middle Ages (Aldershot, 1993), Essay 14; idem, “Breton and English Manuscripts of Amalarius's Liber officialis,“ in Mélanges François Kerlouégan , ed. Conso, Daniéle, Fick, Nicole, and Poulie, Bruno (Paris, 1994), 205–14.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁰ “Source” is here defined conservatively, requiring significant and close verbal correspondences; “analogue” denotes only similarities of content.Google Scholar

¹¹ Aureliani Reomensis Musica disciplina, ed. Gushee, Lawrence, Corpus Scriptorum de Musica 21 (American Institute of Music, 1975), hereafter cited by chapter and sentence number of this edition. Gushee's base manuscript, the earliest extant, is Valenciennes, Bibliothèque Municipale, 148 (ca. 900, Saint-Amand provenance). What little is known of Aurelianus's life is discussed by Gushee in his introduction (14) and his article s.v. “Aurelian of Réôme,” in The New Grove Dictionary of Music , ed. Sadie, Stanley, 20 vols. (London, 1980) 1:702–4. The treatise has been translated by Joseph Ponte as Aurelian of Réomé (ca. 843): The Discipline of Music, Colorado College Music Press 3 (Colorado Springs, 1968). Aurelianus's teaching (esp. chap. 20) is compared with other medieval commentators by Ekenberg, Anders, Cur cantatur?: Die Funktionen des liturgischen Gesanges nach den Autoren der Karolingerzeit, Bibliotheca Theologiae Practicae, Kyrkovetenskapliga Studier 41 (Stockholm, 1987), 34–109, and more generally at 142–51.Google Scholar

¹² Musica disciplina (ed. Gushee, , 11–12); see also pp. 30–34 for his discussion of the uncertain status (source or derivative) of the text preserved in Oxford, Bodleian Library, Canonici misc. 212, fols. 40r-52r (ca. 1400, Bologna).Google Scholar

¹³ See §10 of the edition, below, and source apparatus.Google Scholar

¹⁴ See §14.4 and discussion below, p. 118.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Other additions to the basic teaching of the Musica disciplina occur at two points. The first is in §1, with the insertion that none shall leave the church until the liturgy ends (cf. the later canonistic insertion at §14.7). The second is an extra (and fanciful) etymology of Alleluia; see §5 and analogues cited.Google Scholar

¹⁶ See §8 and sources cited.Google Scholar

¹⁷ The collect receives one brief sentence; see §2 of the edition, below, and analogues cited. On the epistle, see §3 and sources cited (from Isidore's Etymologiae). On the prayer of consecration, see §7 and analogue cited.Google Scholar

¹⁸ This is acknowledged in the customary of the tenth-century Anglo-Saxon monastic reformers; see Regularis concordia Anglicae nationis monachorum sanctimonialiumque: The Monastic Agreement of the Monks and Nuns of the English Nation, §19, ed. and trans. Symons, Thomas (London, 1953), 15.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Their omission might suggest a reduced form of the Office, but the inference is probably not justified; cf. comparable omissions in the preceding portion (the expositio missae) of the “Gloria in excelsis Deo,” the fraction of the Host, or postcommunion prayer, and only implied reference to other indispensable parts of the Mass.Google Scholar

²⁰ Exceptionally, Vespers (§16) receives only an etymological explanation.Google Scholar

²¹ See §13 and analogues cited.Google Scholar

²² See §17.1 and analogues cited.Google Scholar

²³ See §17.2 and analogues cited.Google Scholar

²⁴ See §17.2 and analogues cited.Google Scholar

²⁵ See § 17.2 and analogues cited. Irish, Early traditions of naming the three kings are surveyed by Robert E. McNally, who cites several passages containing analogues to the names in §17.2; see “The Three Holy Kings in Early Irish Latin Writing,” in Kyriakon: Festschrift Johannes Quasten, ed. Granfield, Patrick and Jungmann, Josef A., 2 vols. (Münster, Westf., 1970) 2:667–90. The Liber de numeris was “compiled by an unknown Irish writer some time after the middle of the eighth century in southeast Germany, probably in the circle of Salzburg” (McNally, , “Three Holy Kings,” 670). A partial edition (not containing the matter about the Magi) appears in PL 83:1293–1302. The only complete study is McNally's Der irische Liber de Numeris (Munich, 1957). Analogues for the Greek names in other unedited sources are quoted by McNally, , “Three Holy Kings,” 671–72 and 682.Google Scholar

²⁶ See McNally, Robert E., “The ‘Tres Linguae Sacrae’ in Early Irish Bible Exegesis,” Theological Studies 19 (1958): 395–403. It should be noted, however, that the “Irish” character of such etymologizing, and indeed of the Liber de numeris (see previous note) and other works, has recently been challenged; see Gorman, Michael, “A Critique of Bischoff's Theory of Irish Exegesis: The Commentary on Genesis in Munich Clm 6302 (Wendepunkte 2),” Journal of Medieval Latin 7 (1997): 178–233.Google Scholar

²⁷ For a historical summary, see Vogel, Cyrille, Medieval Liturgy: An Introduction to the Sources, rev. and trans. Storey, William G. and Rasmussen, Niels Krogh (Washington, D.C., 1986), 310–11 and 404.Google Scholar

²⁸ Not mentioned in the earliest encyclopedic treatments by Isidore for his De ecclesiasticis officiis and Etymologiae, the typology of the Babylonian exile provides the major theme of Amalarius's discussion in Liber officialis 1.1 and in many subsequent commentators. Amalarius also wrote a separate letter treating Septuagesima and the Ember Days, but it does not appear to have been widely known; for the text, see Epistula Amalherii abbatis ad Hilduinum abbatem , in Amalarii episcopi Opera liturgica omnia, ed. Hanssens, Ioannes Michael, 3 vols., Studi e Testi 138–40 (Vatican City, 1948–50) 1:339–58.Google Scholar

²⁹ Epistola 143 in Epistolae Karolini aevi, ed. Duemmler, Ernestus, MGH Epistolae 4 (Berlin, 1895), 224–27; also printed in PL 100:259–63. The letter is cited as a source by, e.g., the compiler of Ordo Romanus 50.16.2, in Les Ordines Romani du haut moyen âge , ed. Andrieu, Michel, 5 vols., Spicilegium Sacrum Lovaniense 11, 23–24, and 28–29 (Louvain, 1931–61) 5:105–6 (= Pontificale Romano-Germanicum 99.38–41, in Le pontifical romano-germanique du dixième siècle , ed. Vogel, Cyrille and Elze, Reinhard, 3 vols., Studi e Testi 226–27 and 269 [Vatican City, 1963–72] 2:13). The Ordines Romani are hereafter cited as OR, with Andrieu's number and sentence numbers.Google Scholar

³⁰ Dümmler's Epistola 144 in MGH Epistolae 4:228–30; also printed in PL 100:263–66. This exchange is discussed as part of larger differences between Alcuin and authorities in the Palace School by Edelstein, Wolfgang, Eruditio und sapientia: Weltbild und Erziehung in der Karolingerzeit (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1965), 162–64. On the authorship of scholarly letters, such as Ep. 144, written in the emperor's name, see Wallach, Luitpold, Alcuin and Charlemagne: Studies in Carolingian History and Literature, Cornell Studies in Classical Philology 32 (Ithaca, N.Y., 1959), 144.Google Scholar

³¹ The remainder of the section on Septuagesima does not appear to come from the same source, however; see §18.1 (on the omission of Alleluia and the discipline of fasting practiced by the popes) and the final sentence of §18.2 (a general admonition about observance of the season). Otherwise, the content of the royal letter has been entirely reordered to begin from Septuagesima and move towards Easter (the letter takes them up in reverse sequence).Google Scholar

³² Extracts from the letter occur as interpolations in several manuscripts of Amalarius's Liber officialis; see Hanssens, Jean-Michel, “Le texte du ‘Liber officialis’ d'Amalaire,” Ephemerides Liturgicae 48 (1934): 223–32, at 223–24. Charlemagne's letter was also used extensively by an anonymous compiler whose reworking of it (from memory, he claims) is printed in PL 101:1320–22 under the title Responsio cujusdam de septuagesimo, sexagesimo et quinquagesimo. Letters such as Dümmler's no. 144 could have circulated as part of an Alcuinian “letter-book” or independently from a palace file copy; see Wallach, , Alcuin and Charlemagne, 272–73, and also below, n. 100.Google Scholar

³³ Vogel, , Medieval Liturgy, 226–29. See also Palazzo, Éric, Histoire des livres liturgiques. Le Moyen Age: Des origines au XIIIe siècle (Paris, 1993), 205–8.Google Scholar

³⁴ On ordinals as a distinct development, see Martimort, Aimé-Georges, Les “Ordines,” les ordinaires et les cérémoniaux , Typologie des sources du moyen âge occidental 56 (Turnhout, 1991), 62–69; Palazzo, , Histoire des livres liturgiques, 228–32.Google Scholar

³⁵ “Dominus dixit” and “Lux fulgebit”; see Antiphonale missarum sextuplex, ed. Hesbert, René-Jean (Brussels, 1935), items 9a–b and 10. The Roman liturgy originally had only one mass for Christmas. Gregory the Great is the earliest authority for the three proper masses; see Willis, G. G., A History of Early Roman Liturgy to the Death of Pope Gregory the Great, HBS Subsidia 1 (London, 1994), 81.Google Scholar

³⁶ Antiphonale missarum sextuplex, item 11. Our text conforms in choice of gradual (“Viderunt omnes”), Alleluia verse (“Dies sanctificatus”), offertory (“Tui sunt caeli”), and communion antiphon (“Viderunt omnes”). The introit is unspecified (at §14.2), but it was probably “Puer natus est,” as in most of Hesbert's sources.Google Scholar

³⁷ See the introductions to these ordines (ed. Andrieu, , 2:177–206, 325–26, and 339–48); Vogel, , Medieval Liturgy, 161 and 164. Jean-Paul Bouhot has argued persuasively that the crucial OR 5 is itself dependent on an earlier “Gallicanized” ordo which survives in no independent copy but can be reconstructed from several indirect sources; see Bouhot's “Les sources de l’Expositio missae de Remi d'Auxerre,” Revue des études augustiniennes 26 (1980): 118–69, at 153–55. For similarities between the Expositio officii and the Ordines Romani, see the apparatus to §§14.2, 5, and 7–8 of the edition.Google Scholar

³⁸ De oorsprong van het gewone der Mis, De Eredienst der kerk 3 (Antwerp, 1954); the standard version, however, is the German translation, “Der Ursprung der gleichbleibenden Teile der heiligen Messe,” in Priestertum und Mönchtum, ed. Bolger, Theodor, Liturgie und Mönchtum 29 (Maria Laach, 1961), 72–119. For summaries, see Meyer, Hans Bernhard, Eucharistie: Geschichte, Theologie, Pastoral, Gottesdienst der Kirche 4 (Regensburg, 1989), 204–8; Pierce, Joanne M., “The Evolution of the ordo missae in the Early Middle Ages,” in Medieval Liturgy: A Book of Essays, ed. Larson-Miller, Lizette (New York, 1997), 3–24. Recent decades have seen a surge of interest in the editing and classification of ordines missae: an annotated bibliography through 1992 is given by Ferdinando dell'Oro, “Recenti edizioni critiche dei fonti liturgiche,” in Liturgia delle ore: Tempo e rito, Atti della XXII Settimana di Studio dell'Associazione Professori di Liturgia (Rome, 1994), 197–303, at 272–80.Google Scholar

³⁹ On apologies in the Mass, see Jungmann, Josef A., Missarum Sollemnia: Eine genetische Erklärung der römischen Messe, 2d ed., 2 vols. (Vienna, 1949) 1:99–102; Nocent, Adrien, “Les apologies dans la célébration eucharistique,” in Liturgie et rémission des péchés, Bibliotheca Ephemerides Liturgicae, Subsidia 3 (Rome, 1975), 179–96. A partial inventory is given by Cabrol, Fernand, “Apologies (en liturgie),” DACL 1:2591–601.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Luykx, , “Der Ursprung,” 95–116. Luykx traces the Rhenish type to sources compiled at St. Gall and Reichenau then assembled and transmitted through the Ottonian Hauptkirche of Mainz. By this hypothesis, the origin and transmission of the Rhenish ordo missae parallel those of the Pontificale Romano-Germanicum exactly.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Students of the ordo missae have acknowledged the inadequacy of the three-type classification to describe the very diverse manuscript evidence. Within each type much variation can exist; see, for example, the comparative analyses of Bonifacio Baroffio and Ferdinando dell'Oro, “L'Ordo Missae’ del vescovo Warmondo d'Ivrea,” Studi Medievali, 3d ser., 16 (1975): 795–823 (with a conspectus of 21 sources); idem, “L'Ordo Missae’ del rituale messale Vallicelliano E 62,” in Traditio et Progressio: Studi liturgici in onore del Prof. Adrien Nocent, OSB, ed. Famedi, Giustino, Studia Anselmiana 95, Analecta liturgica 12 (Rome, 1988), 45–79 (with a conspectus of 31 sources). The same impression is gleaned from the many ordines missae printed by Ebner, Adalbert, Quellen und Forschungen zur Geschichte und Kunstgeschichte des Missale Romanum im Mittelalter: Iter Italicum (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1896), 296–356; and passim in the first three volumes of Leroquais, V., Les sacramentaires et les missels manuscrits des bibliothèques publiques de France, 4 vols. (Paris, 1937); see also the work by Salmon cited below (n. 65).Google Scholar

⁴² See §14.6 and apparatus, citing the prayer as found in the Missa Illyrica, recently reedited by Pierce, Joanne M.: “Sacerdotal Spirituality at Mass: Text and Study of the Prayerbook of Sigebert of Minden (1022–1036)” (diss. University of Notre Dame, 1988), 231–32 (item 153).Google Scholar

⁴³ But there is a much variation on this point; some alternatives are surveyed by Pierce, , “Sacerdotal Spirituality,” 394–95.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Oxford, Bodleian Library, Bodley 579; see The Leofric Missal, ed. Warren, F. E. (Oxford, 1883), 59 and 175, respectively. Some additional offertory prayers associated with the Rhenish type occur still elsewhere in the manuscript; see Tirot, Paul, “Histoire des prières d'offertoire dans la liturgie romaine du VIIe au XVIe siècle,” Ephemerides Liturgicae 98 (1984): 148–97 and 323–91, at 358.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 270; the apologies are printed by Warren, , Leofric Missal, 295–96.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Cambridge, University Library, L1.1.10, whose apologies are discussed by Cabrol, , “Apologies,” 2594–95, and Nocent, , “Les apologies,” 180–81. Devotional books such as “The Book of Cerne” were likely quarries for the kinds of private prayers that found their way into the Mass; see Luykx, , “Der Ursprung,” 81–82.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ See §14.2 and analogues cited. In consulting Martène throughout I have used De antiquis ecclesiae ritibus (Antwerp, 1736–38), reprinted in four volumes (Hildesheim, 1967–69), cited by the original book, chapter, article, and, where applicable, ordo number, followed by volume and page numbers of the modern reprint (in parentheses).Google Scholar

⁴⁸ The ceremonies surrounding the gospel reading are compared from many sources by Luykx, Bonifaas, “Essai sur les sources de l'Ordo missae Prémontré,” Analecta Praemonstratensia 22/23 (1946–47): 35–90, at 53–58.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Reported by Amalarius, , Liber officialis , “Prooemium” 21 (ed. Hanssens, [at n. 28 above], 2:18). At OR 1.58 (ed. Andrieu, , 2:87) a priest acting as deacon shall remove his chasuble to read the gospel. On the development in general, see Callewaert, Camillus, “De planetis plicatis,” Ephemerides Liturgicae 50 (1936): 69–75; repr. in his collected papers, Sacris Erudiri (Steenbrugge, 1940), 232–39. That practice supposedly caused deacons to begin wearing their stoles in the same manner, not around the neck as had been the earlier custom at Rome; see Braun, Joseph, Die liturgische Gewandung im Occident und Orient nach Ursprung und Entwicklung, Verwendung und Symbolik (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1907), 586–87; Eisenhofer, Ludwig, Handbuch der katholischen Liturgik, 2 vols. (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1932–33) 1:455.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ King, Archdale A., Liturgies of the Religious Orders (London, 1955), 43; Martène, , De antiquis ecclesiae ritibus, 1.4, art. 12, Ordo 25 (repr. 1:632). If some local French variation of the ordo missae underlay the stole-investiture in the Carthusian rite, the similar detail in the Expositio officii could reflect an earlier and independent derivation of the same, or a kindred, local usage. Recent study of the Carthusian rite has undermined long-held assumptions that the order modeled its early ritual on the local liturgy of Lyons or Vienne, or on that of Rheims (where St. Bruno, the order's founder, had been a canon). See Tirot, Paul, Un “Ordo Missae” monastique: Cluny, Citeaux, La Chartreuse, Bibliotheca Ephemerides Liturgicae, Subsidia 21 (Rome, 1981), 97–101. Tirot does not mention the investiture of the deacon with a stole before the gospel (see 54–55), so it is not clear how far his general conclusions apply to the particular point.Google Scholar

⁵¹ In sources from the ninth century and after, fano commonly means “maniple,” and that vestment was on occasion held by deacons at the reading of the gospel; see Eisenhofer, , Handbuch, 452.Google Scholar

⁵² And likewise in Martène's De antiquis ecclesiae ritibus, 1.4, art. 12: Ordo 15 (repr. 1:589), from Bruxelles, Bibliothèque Royale Albert I, MSS 2031–32 (Stavelot, s. xi); also Ordo 16 (repr. 1:596), from Colmar, Bibliothèque de la Ville, 409 (Gregorienmünster, s. xiii). On Martène's sources, the indispensable guide is Martimort, Aimé-Georges, La documentation liturgique de Dom Edmond Martène: Étude codicologique, Studi e Testi 279 (Vatican City, 1978), 207–8 (item 303) and 60–61 (item 45), respectively.Google Scholar

⁵³ See §14.3 and note.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ See §14.4 and analogues cited.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ See Kantorowicz, Ernst H., Laudes Regiae: A Study in Liturgical Acclamations and Mediaeval Ruler Worship (Berkeley, 1958), 112–25.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Ibid., 66–67, 88, 121–22, and 173–74.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ The relation of these two types of payment and their general resemblance to the pope's extra-liturgical distribution of presbyteria on important occasions, has not, to my knowledge, been closely studied. The papal custom also led to the incorporation of detailed lists of disbursements, like that in our §14.4, directly into ceremonial texts; see, e.g., the twelfth-century Liber politicus, compiled 1140 × 1143 by the canon Benedict of St. Peters (= Mabillon's Ordo Romanus 11; PL 78:1025–54, at 1034C and 1041A). Far more extensive are provisions in the Liber censuum, compiled by Cencio Savelli (the future Pope Honorius III), ca. 1188 × 1197 (= Mabillon's Ordo Romanus 12; PL 78:1063–1102, at 1065–66, 1074C, and 1079C). For later references, see Schimmelpfennig, Bernhard, ed., Die Zeremonienbücher der römischen Kurie im Mittelalter, Bibliothek des deutschen historischen Instituts in Rom 40 (Tübingen, 1973), Ordo 33.9 (Avignon, s. xiv; “Sammlung A,” 212–13); Van Dijk, Stephen J. P. and Walker, Joan Hazelden, eds., The Ordinal of the Papal Court from Innocent III to Boniface VIII and Related Documents, Spicilegium Friburgense 22 (Fribourg, 1975), 124–25, 240, and 392 (from the Ordinarium Innocentii III); and 544 (from the Ordinarium Gregorii X). Google Scholar

⁵⁸ See Kantorowicz, , Laudes Regiae, 166–79, now modified by Cowdrey, Herbert Edward John, “The Anglo-Norman Laudes Regiae,” Viator 12 (1981): 37–78; see also Lapidge, Michael, “Ealdred of York and MS. Cotton Vitellius E.XII,” Yorkshire Archaeological Journal 55 (1983): 11–25; repr. in his Anglo-Latin Literature, 900–1066 (London and Rio Grande, Ohio, 1993), 453–67, with addenda, 492.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ See above, p. 107.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Composite origins for §14.2–8 would also explain the insertion of a canonistic prescription among rubrics before the communion rite at § 14.7 (last sentence), q.v. in the edition below.Google Scholar

⁶¹ See The Missal of Robert of Jumièges [Rouen, Bibliothèque Municipale, 274 (Y.6)], ed. Wilson, H. A., HBS 11 (London, 1896), 46; and The Winchcombe Sacramentary (Orléans, Bibliothèque Municipale 127 [105]) , ed. Davril, Anselm, HBS 109 (London, 1995), 35 (item 17). In the latter, the additional prayer “Memento mei” has been crossed through by a later hand.Google Scholar

⁶² My findings therefore affirm the basic conclusion of Tirot, , “Histoire des prières d'offertoire” (n. 44 above), 358–61.Google Scholar

⁶³ See Le sacramentaire grégorien: ses principales formes d'après les plus anciens manuscrits, ed. Deshusses, Jean, 3 vols., Spicilegium Friburgense 16, 24, and 28 (Fribourg, 1971–82) 1:85–92 (items 1–2). The Leofric Missal, the Missal of Robert of Jumièges, and the so-called Giso Sacramentary (London, British Library, Cotton Vitellius A.xviii) and Red Book of Darley (Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 422) all begin their ordo missae with the concluding “Per omnia …” of the secret.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Luykx, , “Der Ursprung” (n. 38 above), 96–101, describes numerous examples of the Rhenish type in their typical manuscript environments.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Like other kinds of liturgical text, many medieval ordines missae survive in what are clearly archival collections rather than service books. For some examples, see Salmon, Pierre, “L'Ordo missae dans dix manuscrits du Xe au XVe siècle,” in his Analecta Liturgica: Extraits des manuscrits liturgiques de la Bibliothèque Vaticane, Studi e Testi 273 (Vatican City, 1974), 195–221.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ The bibliography on Anglo-Saxon monastic reform and its foreign contacts is vast; for an overview of the most recent scholarship, see Cubitt, Catherine, “The Tenth-Century Benedictine Reform in England,” Early Medieval Europe 6 (1997): 77–94.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ “Der Ursprung,” 111; at this point Luykx's remarks and supporting references are very unclear, at least in the German translation (I have not seen the original Dutch). Whatever he meant, neither of the examples cited (the Leofric Missal and Red Book of Darley) exhibits a clearly Rhenish type, as against the Frankish or some other. These inconsistencies were acknowledged by Tirot, , “Histoire des prières d'offertoire,” 358 and 360.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Die Hirtenbriefe Ælfrics 2a.15 (ed. Fehr, [n. 2 above], 227). The passage recurs in a later epistle to Wulfstan (3.77; ed. Fehr, , 66), with the slight change of “Vidi” to “Vidi et audiui.” But Peter Clemoes has argued that the relevant portion of “Brief 3” stands not as Ælfric wrote it, but is simply a post-authorial interpolation from the earlier Letter 2a (ibid., cxxxv–cxxxvi).Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Warren, F. E., The Liturgy and Ritual of the Celtic Church, 2d ed. with a supplement by Jane Stevenson, Studies in Celtic History 9 (Woodbridge, 1987), lix–lx and 96–97.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Though an unusal layout might, such as that used for a series of approximately twenty-eight votive and other supplemental masses in the Winchcombe Sacramentary. In that series (but not elsewhere in the book) all the collects are copied as one section, all the secrets as another, and so on; see Davril, , The Winchcombe Sacramentary, 15–16.Google Scholar

⁷¹ See Pierce, , “Sacerdotal Spirituality” (n. 42 above), 449–50. The rough count of distinct prayers in the Missa Illyrica is that of Rasmussen, Niels Krogh, “An Early ‘Ordo Missae’ with a ‘Litania Abecedaria’ Addressed to Christ (Rome, Bibl. Vallicelliana, Cod. B. 141, XI. Cent.),” Ephemerides Liturgicae 98 (1984): 198–211, at 204.Google Scholar

⁷² Jones, Christopher A., Ælfric's Letter to the Monks of Eynsham, Cambridge Studies in Anglo-Saxon England 24 (Cambridge, 1998), 43.Google Scholar

⁷³ On the “commonplace book,” see n. 7 above. On Wulfstan's career and interests generally, see also Bethurum, Dorothy, “Wulfstan,” in Continuations and Beginnings: Studies in Old English Literature, ed. Stanley, Eric Gerald (London, 1966), 210–46; and her introduction to Homilies of Wulfstan (Oxford, 1957); also Whitelock, Dorothy, “Archbishop Wulfstan, Homilist and Statesman” (at n. 7 above), and Whitelock's introduction to Sermo Lupi ad Anglos, 3d ed., Methuen's Old English Library (London, 1963).Google Scholar

⁷⁴ See Bethurum, , “Archbishop Wulfstan's Commonplace Book,” 920–21; Cross, J. E. and Brown, Alan, “Literary Impetus for Wulfstan's Sermo Lupi,” Leeds Studies in English, n.s. 20 (1989): 271–91 (including a transcription of the excerpts from CCCC 190, 138–43). These homiletic passages illustrate another relevant point: many items preserved in the “commonplace book” served only as raw material for Wulfstan's various projects and often show the same undigested appearance as does the Expositio officii. Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Edited as “Brief 3” in Die Hirtenbriefe Ælfrics (ed. Fehr, , 58–67). We learn how the letter was provided for Wulfstan from the preface to Ælfric's Old English translation of this and a prior Latin letter; see the prologus to “Brief II” in Die Hirtenbriefe Ælfrics (ed. Fehr, , 68–69).Google Scholar

⁷⁶ On Wulfstan's relations with his secular clergy, see especially Wulfstan's Canons of Edgar, ed. Fowler, Roger, EETS, o.s. 266 (Oxford, 1972), xlvii–liv.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ The influence of several of these sources on Wulfstan's clerical reforms is discussed by Fowler, , Wulfstan's Canons of Edgar, liv–lxi. On the pertinent individual items in the collection, see: Cross, J. E. and Hamer, Andrew, “Ælfric's Letters and the Excerptiones Ecgberhti,” in Alfred the Wise: Studies in Honour of Janet Bately on the Occasion of Her Sixty-Fifth Birthday, ed. Roberts, Jane and Nelson, Janet L., with Malcolm Godden (Cambridge, 1997), 5–13; Sauer, Hans, Theodulfi Capitula in England: Die altenglischen Übersetzungen zusammen mit dem lateinischen Text, Münchener Universitätsschriften, Institut für englische Philologie, Texte und Untersuchungen zur englischen Philologie 8 (Munich, 1978); Jones, Christopher A., “The Episcopal Capitula of Radulf of Bourges and Ælfric's Pastoral Letters,” Notes and Queries 240, n.s. 42 (June 1995): 149–55; Hill, Joyce, “Monastic Reform and the Secular Church: Ælfric's Pastoral Letters in Context,” in England in the Eleventh Century , ed. Hicks, Carola, Harlaxton Medieval Studies 2 (Stamford, Leics., 1992), 103–17; and Jones, Christopher A., “Two Composite Texts from Archbishop Wulfstan's ‘Commonplace Book’: The De ecclesiastica consuetudine and the Institutio beati Amalarii de ecclesiasticis officiis,” Anglo-Saxon England 27 (1998): 1–39.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ For the Canons, see the edition by Fowler (n. 76 above). The relevant Latin and Old English sermons are edited by Bethurum, , Homilies of Wulfstan, 157–68 (nos. 7–8a, on the Creed), 169–84 (nos. 8a-c, on baptism and anointing), and 192–210 (nos. 10a–c, exhortations to clergy). Wulfstan's writings for the secular clergy also inform the anonymous “Northumbrian Priests’ Law”; see English Historical Documents, c. 500–1042 , ed. Whitelock, Dorothy, 2d ed. (London, 1979), 472–76 (item 52).Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Namely, CCCC 265 and Oxford, Bodleian Library, Barlow 37. The same group of extracts occurs in a non-“commonplace book” manuscript, Cambridge, Pembroke College 25. On all of these, see De institutione clericorum libri tres: Studien und Edition, ed. Zempel, Detlev, Freiburger Beiträge zur mittelalterlichen Geschichte 7 (Frankfurt am Main, 1996), 118–19 and 167–71.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ The Benedictine Office: An Old English Text, ed. Ure, James M., Edinburgh University Publications in Language and Literature 11 (Edinburgh, 1957). On relations between the Latin excerpts and the prose portions of the “Benedictine Office,” see Ure's introduction (15–16), and Clemoes, Peter, “The Old English Benedictine Office, Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, MS 190, and the Relations between Ælfric and Wulfstan: A Reconsideration,” Anglia 78 (1960): 265–83, at 266–67. The aims of the text have been variously interpreted; see Ure, , Benedictine Office, 62–66, and the review by Helmut Gneuss in Anglia 11 (1959): 226–31, at 229–30; also Houghton, John William, “The Old English Benedictine Office and its Audience,” American Benedictine Review 45 (1994): 431–45.Google Scholar

⁸¹ Amalarius's influence in Anglo-Saxon England can be demonstrated after the early tenth century by copies of his Liber officialis (in an abridged version), as well as by the circulation of another text widely attributed to him, the Eclogae de ordine Romano; see references at n. 9 above.Google Scholar

⁸² For editions, see below, p. 129; for discussion, see the article by Wilmart in the following note.Google Scholar

⁸³ The distinction between early, pragmatic texts and later “allegorical” ones is most clearly formulated in the influential article by Wilmart, André, “Expositio Missae,” DACL 5:1014–27. The distinctions among different kinds of text are real enough, but the evolution of the genre must have been much more complex and less linear than Wilmart asserted; see Jones, , “Book of the Liturgy” (n. 9 above), 669–72.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ See Franz, Adolph, Die Messe im deutschen Mittelalter: Beiträge zur Geschichte der Liturgie und des religiösen Volkslebens (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1902; repr. Darmstadt, 1963), 341–50; Wilmart, , “Expositio Missae”; Vykoukal, E., “Les examens du clergé paroissial à l’époque carolingienne,” Revue d'histoire écclesiastique 14 (1913): 81–96; and McKitterick, Rosamond, The Frankish Church and the Carolingian Reforms, 789–895 (London, 1977), esp. 51–52 and 118–54. The episcopal examination of clergy also features in early Anglo-Saxon conciliar decrees, as among the provisions of the Council of Clofesho (747), discussed by Cubitt, Catherine, Anglo-Saxon Church Councils c. 650-c. 850 (London, 1995), 123.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ The Frankish Church, 118 and 138; also Wallace-Hadrill, J. M., ( The Frankish Church Oxford, 1983), 282–83.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ See Jones, , “Book of the Liturgy.” Google Scholar

⁸⁷ The same process is observable on the Continent as early as the later ninth or early tenth century, and Amalarius's own works were often used for the purpose. See, for example, the anonymous expositions included in Amalarii episcopi Opera (ed. Hanssens, [n. 28 above], 3:297–321) and discussed by Franz, , Die Messe im deutschen Mittelalter, 408–13.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ The explanation of the introit (§1), for example, looks to the entrance of the people, not, as is common, of the ministers. The emphasis is not original but has been taken over throughout from Aurelianus of Réôme. But we may wonder if such an emphasis might have drawn a compiler to this rather out-of-the-way source in the first place. The role of the people at Mass, whether in the Carolingian or Anglo-Saxon church, is far from clear. McKitterick, (Frankish Church, 138–48) argues that an important aim of liturgical exposition was to encourage in congregants a sense of participation.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Homilies of Wulfstan, nos. 14–15 (ed. Bethurum, [n. 73 above], 233–38); the admission occurs at the end of no. 14 (ibid., 235): “And ϸæt is ϸearflic gewuna, ac we his ne gymað swa wel swa we scoldan on ðisse ϸeode, ₇ hit wære mycel ϸearf ϸæt hit man georne on gewunan hæfde” (“And that is a necessary custom, but we do not heed it as well as we ought among this people; and it were most necessary to be kept eagerly as a custom”). A segment on public penance in a number of “commonplace book” manuscripts likewise includes the heading “Das ϸeawas man healdeð begeondan sæ” (“These customs are kept abroad”). For comment, see Frantzen, Allen J., La littérature de la pénitence dans l'Angleterre anglo-saxonne (rev. ed. with a new introduction by the author), trans. Michel Lejeune, Studia Friburgensia, Nouvelle Serie 75 (Fribourg, 1991), 132–33.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ Edited as “Brief III” in Die Hirtenbriefe Ælfrics (ed. Fehr, [n. 2 above], 146–221).Google Scholar

⁹¹ See The Claudius Pontificals (from Cotton MS. A. iii in the British Museum), ed. Turner, D. H., HBS 97 (London, 1971), with description (viii–xxviii); Dumville, David N., Liturgy and the Ecclesiastical History of Anglo-Saxon England: Four Studies, Studies in Anglo-Saxon History 5 (Woodbridge, 1995), 78–79; Pfaff, Richard W. and Nelson, Janet, “Pontificals and Benedictionals,” in The Liturgical Books of Anglo-Saxon England , ed. Pfaff, Richard W., Old English Newsletter, Subsidia 23 (Kalamazoo, Mich., 1995), 87–98, at 91.Google Scholar

⁹² For the date and localization, see Pfaff, and Nelson, , “Pontificals and Benedictionals,” 91, and Whitelock, Dorothy, “Wulfstan at York,” in Franciplegius: Medieval and Linguistic Studies in Honor of Francis Peabody Magoun, Jr. , ed. Bessinger, Jess B. Jr. and Creed, Robert P. (New York, 1965), 214–31, at 217–18. For preliminary analysis of the book's contents, see Turner, , Claudius Pontificals, xi–xviii and xx–xviii; also Two Anglo-Saxon Pontificals (the Egbert and Sidney Sussex Pontificals), ed. Banting, H. M. J., HBS 104 (London, 1989), xli.Google Scholar

⁹³ Turner, , Claudius Pontificals, x–xi; also xx: “there is nothing specifically English about the text of the Benedictional C².” There are, Turner admits, some difficulties to viewing this part as a deliberate supplement to the first benedictional; see ibid., xviii.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ The subject is broadly covered by Ortenberg, Veronica, The English Church and the Continent in the Tenth and Eleventh Centuries: Cultural, Spiritual, and Artistic Exchanges (Oxford, 1992); Campbell, James, “England, France, Flanders and Germany,” in Ethelred the Unready: Papers from the Millenary Conference, ed. Hill, David, BAR British Series 59 (London, 1978), 255–70; repr. in his Essays in Anglo-Saxon History (London and Ronceverte, W. Va., 1986), 191–207; and Barlow, Frank, The English Church, 1000–1066, 2d ed. (London, 1979), 10–23.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ For Cenwald, see Keynes, Simon, “King Athelstan's Books,” in Learning and Literature in Anglo-Saxon England: Studies Presented to Peter Clemoes on the Occasion of His Sixty-Fifth Birthday, ed. Lapidge, Michael and Gneuss, Helmut (Cambridge, 1985), 143–201, at 198–201. For Dunstan's ties to Ghent, see Brooks, Nicholas P., “The Career of St Dunstan,” in St Dunstan: His Life, Times and Cult , ed. Ramsey, Neil, Sparks, Margaret, and Tatton-Brown, Tim (Woodbridge, 1992), 1–23, at 16–17. For Oswald's ties to Fleury, see Bullough, Donald, “St Oswald: Monk, Bishop and Archbishop,” in St Oswald: His Career and Influence , ed. Brooks, Nicholas and Cubitt, Catherine (London, 1996), 1–22, at 5–7.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Ortenberg, , The English Church and the Continent, 59.Google Scholar

⁹⁷ Barlow, , The English Church, 1000–1066, 73. Paleographically, the outermost limit (s. xi¹) for CCCC 190, Part I, would fall in the pontificates of Brihtheah or Lyfing. Patrick Wormald's unpublished lecture “Archbishop Wulfstan's Canon Collection” (a forerunner to the works cited at n. 7 above) inferred from the comparative disarray of content in CCCC 190, Part I (relative to other “commonplace book” manuscripts), that one of Wulfstan's successors may have ordered a hasty dépouillement of Worcester resources to make a collection for export to another see. Lyfing seems in this regard a likely suspect, for he held Worcester in plurality with Crediton (the see that would eventually be transferred to Exeter, the provenance of CCCC 190). Once again, I am most grateful to Mr. Wormald for permission to read and cite his unpublished scholarship.Google Scholar

⁹⁸ Little is known about the liturgy of late Anglo-Saxon Worcester during any single pontificate; most relevant of recent studies is Corrêa, Alicia, “The Liturgical Manuscripts of Oswald's Houses,” in St Oswald, ed. Brooks, and Cubitt, (n. 95 above), 285–324.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ Barrow, Julia, “The Community of Worcester, 961–c. 1100,” in St Oswald, ed. Brooks, and Cubitt, (n. 95 above), 84–99.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ A circumstantial argument could also note that Wulfstan was an admirer of Alcuin's correspondence and might have encountered Charlemagne's epistle on Septuagesima in that context. The prospect is troubled, however, by the fact that Charlemagne's letter (Dümmler's no. 144) is not found in the famous manuscript of Alcuin's correspondence bearing Wulfstan's own annotations: BL, Cotton Vespasian A.xiv; see Two Alcuin Letter-Books, ed. Chase, Colin, Toronto Medieval Latin Texts 5 (Toronto, 1975), 1–12; see also Whitelock, , “Wulfstan at York,” 218–19. Whitelock suggests that the selection in Cotton Vespasian A.xiv avoids items from the Alcuin-Charlemagne correspondence because these might have been collected separately, as demonstrated by London, Lambeth Palace, MS 218 (part 3), copied in the tenth century at Bury-Saint-Edmunds. But Dümmler's Ep. 144 by Charlemagne also fails to appear in that manuscript; see James, Montague Rhodes and Jenkins, Claude, A Descriptive Catalogue of the Manuscripts in the Library of Lambeth Palace (Cambridge, 1930–32), 350–52.Google Scholar

^a Officii] Officium Google Scholar

^b quae] quia Google Scholar

^c Illic] illud Google Scholar

^d consistere] consistentem Google Scholar

¹ introeunte populo … incipitur: from Mus. disc. 20.11: “Missarum vero officium constat in antiphonis quae introitus dicuntur, quae ideo vocantur, quia introeunte populo in basilicam decantentur….” Google Scholar

² usque ad finem … egrediatur: cf. Concilium Aurelianense [A.D. 511], cap. 26: “Cum ad celebrandas missas in Dei nomine conuenitur, populus non ante discedat, quam missae sollemnitas conpleatur …” (Concilia Galliae, A. 511–A. 695, ed. de Clercq, Caroli, CCL 148A [Turnhout, 1963], 11); quoted by later canonists such as Regino (PL 132:227B) and Burchard (PL 140:677D) and, in liturgical commentary, by Walahfrid (De exordiis 23). Another canonistic interpolation occurs later in the Expositio officii; see §14.7 and apparatus below.Google Scholar

³ Collecta … in unum: cf. PRG 95.4: “Collecta unde nuncupatur? Eo quod colligitur populus in unum”; similar phrasing at Eclogae 28 and PRG 94.11. See also De diu. off. 40 [= the intruded Expositio missae of Remigius of Auxerre] (PL 101:1249D): “a collectione vel societate dicitur populi.” Google Scholar

⁴ lectio dicitur … pronuntiatio queritur: from Etym. 6.19.9.Google Scholar

⁵ a gradibus … in gradibus consistere: from Mus. disc. 20.13: “Cantate autem et responsorium quod gradale dicitur a gradibus ei nomine inposito, eoquod [sic] consuetudinis fuerit antiquis, ut, vel cantantes vel loquentes in gradibus consisterent.” Google Scholar

⁶ Stetit Esdra … ad loquendum: from Mus. disc. 20.14, including quotation of 2 Esd. 8:4.Google Scholar

⁷ alle- “Pater,”-lu- “Filius,”-ia “Spiritus Sanctus” : cf. Pseudo-Bede, , Collectanea (PL 94:548C), which attributes the same etymology to Gregory the Great, probably under the Google Scholar

^e hostiis positis] hostias positas Google Scholar

^f festos] festus Google Scholar

^g paratos] parati influence of an early English vita; see chap. 13 of The Earliest Life of Gregory the Great, by an Anonymous Monk of Whitby , ed. and trans. Colgrave, Bertram (1968; repr. Cambridge, 1985), 96. The etymology is one of several discussed by Thiel, Matthias, “Grundlagen und Gestalt der Hebräischkenntnisse des frühen Mittelalters,” Studi Medievali, 3d ser., 10 (1969): 3–212, at 83–84. On medieval interpretations of Alleluia, see also Jammers, Ewald, Das Alleluia in der Gregorianischen Messe: Eine Studie über seine Entstehung und Entwicklung, Liturgiewissenschaftliche Quellen und Forschungen 55 (Münster, Westf., 1973), 136–39; also Ekenberg, , Cur cantatur? (n. 11 above), 68–75, and the extensive survey by Budny, Mildred, “Archbishop Matthew Parker's Copy of Olivi's Postilla super Mattheum and its Old English Fragment ‘On Alleluia’ ” (forthcoming).Google Scholar

⁸ alternis “laudate Dominum”: cf. Mus. disc. 20.17: “Dicitur enim ‘Laudate Deum’”; cf. “laus Dei” in Etym. 6.19.19; De eccl. off. 1.13.1; Prim. in ord. (PL 138:1174C); and De inst. cler. 1.33 (PL 107:323B). Cf. also De diu. off. 9 (PL 101:1186C) “laus Domini,” and ibid. 40 [= Remigius, , Expositio missae] (PL 101:1250B) “Laudate Deum.” Google Scholar

⁹ Quod pro diuinitate … excitentur audiendum: from Mus. disc. 20.17: “quod pro dignitate sui in nulla lingua transmutatum est, quod et congrue ante evangelium canitur ut per hoc canticum mentes fidelium quodammodo ad audiendum salutis verbum suscipiant purificationis initium.” Google Scholar

¹⁰ Offertoria uocantur … in memoria: from Mus. disc. 20.18–19: “Offertoria vero vocantur ea carmina quae super ostias oblatas canit ecclesia, quod ad imitationem facit priscorum patrum quibus praeceptum est: ‘Si quando habueritis epulum et dies festos concinetis tubis super holocausta vestra et erit memoria vestri coram Domino.’ ” Cf. Num. 10:10, with possible reminiscence of Ecclus. 50:18 (the latter quoted by other liturgical commentaries at this point; cf. De eccl. off. 1.14, and Prim. in ord. [PL 138:1175A]).Google Scholar

¹¹ legationes … meditantur: In my reading, the term legationes is not typical in this specific context (the dialogue that precedes the proper preface), though legatio (probably influenced by 2 Cor. 5:20) is commonplace in general definitions of the Mass; cf. De inst. cler. 1.32: “Missa autem legatio inter Deum et homines, cujus legationis officio fungitur sacerdos, cum populi vota per preces et supplicationes ad Deum offert”; also Augustodunensis, Honorius, Gemma animae 1.2 (PL 172:543A); Bernold of Constance, Micrologus de ecclesiasticis obseruationibus 3 (PL 151:979D).Google Scholar

¹² “Sursum corda” … accipiant: probably from Dom. uob. 4: “SURSUM CORDA. Ammonet sacerdos populum ut sursum, id est supra semet ipsum ad Dominum omnipotentem corda levent, et fideliter orent quod desursum eis veniat auxilium a Deo caelesti, a quo creati sunt.” Google Scholar

¹³ ymnus angelicus … Sabaoth: the designation hymnus angelicus is commonplace, though inviting confusion with the like-termed “Gloria in excelsis” (see De exordiis 23). The present attribution to the Seraphim and the phrase alter ad alterum reflect the influence of Isa. 6:3 (which Aurelianus has used just prior to this point, at Mus. disc. 20.5, to justify antiphonal singing) rather than the related passage at Rev. 4:8.Google Scholar

¹⁴ tribus uicibus … Spiritus sanctus: probably from Dom. uob. 20.Google Scholar

¹⁵ hymnus angelicus: It is unusual for the Agnus Dei to be called “hymnus angelicus”; the term is not used in the source (see following note).Google Scholar

¹⁶ ad communicandum … confitetur ecclesia: from Mus. disc. 20.20–21, but with abridgment and apparent corruption: “Communicantibus etiam primum canitur canticum ‘Agnus Dei qui tollis peccata mundi, miserere nobis,’ ut fideles quique corpori et sanguini Domini communicantes, quem percipiunt ore, hauriant vocis modulatione ut scilicet quem gustant, quoddam-modo versum incorporalem cybum, recolant ex se crucifixum et mortuum atque sepultum, et eum exorent sua tollere peccata quem ad hoc venisse omnis confitetur ecclesia.” Google Scholar

¹⁷ Adiunctum … benedictionem: clumsily abridged from Mus. disc. 20.22: “Canitur etiam illi adiunctum aliud carmen quod communio vocatur, ut quamdiu populus fidelis suscipit caelestem benedictionem dulcissima modulatione mens ius trahatur et suspendatur in sublimissimam contemplationem.” Google Scholar

¹⁸ Hanc artem … habere notitiam: from Aurelianus's valediction at Mus. disc. 20.23–24, but with several corruptions: “Hac autem arte subnixum hisque regulis atque ordine compositum, hunc libellum cantoribus praebemus relegendum et cum auctoritate superius posita discendum, denunciantes nemini posse adesse perfectam cantandi modulationem qui non studuerit superius scriptam eiusdem artis habere notitiam.” Google Scholar

¹⁹ Ojficiorum plurima … rebus habentur: from Etym. 6.19.1.Google Scholar

²⁰ matutinum officium … mane inchoante: probably from Etym. 6.19.3: “Matutinum vero officium est in lucis initio, ab stella Lucifero appellatum, quae oritur inchoante mane.” Google Scholar

^h cantatus] corr. from cantatur Google Scholar

²¹ Et matutinum … semper manifestetur: commonplace; cf. De eccl. off. 1.23.2: “Diluculo autem proinde oratur ut resurrectio Christi celebretur” (and hence De inst. cler. 2.2 and De diu. off. 46).Google Scholar

²² quia in ea … promisit discipulis: commonplace, but wording close to De eccl. off. 1.19.1: “spiritus sanctus hora tertia, hoc est suo loco et numero et tempore, discendit ad terras impleturus gratiam quam Christus promisit” (and hence De inst. cler. 2.4 and De diu. off. 42).Google Scholar

²³ Sexta hora … gentilibus dubitaret: cf. Acts 10:9–16 and allusion to same at Lib. off. 4.5.2 and 4.3.1 (depending in turn on Jerome, , In Danielem 6 [PL 25:524C]); also De exordiis 26. The Isidorean tradition does not in the main cite this precedent, associating the sixth hour instead with Christ's crucifixion: cf. De eccl. off. 1.19.2 (and hence De inst. cler. 2.5 and De diu. off. 42; as an afterthought, Hrabanus does add a brief reference to Peter's vision, appended to De inst. cler. 1.6).Google Scholar

²⁴ Causa enim … corporaliter uoluit: from De eccl. off. 1.26.1: “Natalis domini dies ea de causa a patribus uotiuae solemnitatis institutus est, quia in eo Christus pro redemptione mundi nasci corporaliter uoluit, prodiens ex uirginis utero qui erat in patris imperio.” Google Scholar

²⁵ qui ideo … non potuit: from De eccl. off. 1.26.2: “Qui ideo in homine uenit quia per seipsum ab hominibus cognosci non potuit.” Google Scholar

²⁶ hanc festiuitatem … est Christus: from De eccl. off. 1.26.3: “… haec est diei huius noua et gloriosa festiuitas…. Itaque dies iste pro eo quod in eo Christus natus est natalis dicitur. Quemque ideo obseruare … solemus ut in memoriam reuocetur Christus quod natus est.” Google Scholar

²⁷ “Exaudiat te … infuturo”: I have not found this prayer elsewhere; portions of it are close to phrases occurring in a variant response to the “Orate fratres” printed by Martène 1.4, art. 12, Ordo 16: “Orent pro te omnes sancti & electi Dei…. Exaudiat te Deus orantem pro nobis.Google Scholar

ⁱ one letter erased before unum Misereatur tui omnipotens Deus, , & dimittat tibi omnia peccata tua præterita, præsentia & futura” (repr. 1:599). Martène's source is now Colmar, Bibliothèque de la Ville, 409 (Gregorienmünster, s. xiii); see Martimort, , La documentation liturgique (n. 52 above), 60–61 (item 45).Google Scholar

²⁸ ueniat ante altare … ut sedeat: some similarities of detail, but not wording, to OR 5.17, 21, and 24 (ultimately from OR 1.49, 51, and 53); more distantly, cf. OR 9.6–9.Google Scholar

²⁹ stolam tradiderit … diacono: see discussion above, pp 115–16.Google Scholar

³⁰ et ille inclinauerit… “Pax tibi”: The response by all (“omnes”) is found elsewhere, as in the Missa Illyrica ; see Pierce, , “Sacerdotal Spirituality” (n. 42 above), 356 (item 93). As for the very unusual threefold repetition, emending simul ter to similiter “in like manner” would perhaps make the instruction a correlate to the preceding one about acclamations before the gospel. If so, then omnes may be restricted in sense, merely referring back to “ipsi per quos euangelium portatur.” Google Scholar

³¹ Censuimus namque … unum accipiat: cf. similar customs from ordinals of Laon and Rheims noted by Martène, , De antiquis ecclesiae ritibus, 1.4, art. 5.12 (repr. 1:384); on Martène's sources, see Martimort, , La documentation liturgique, 127–29 (item 156) and 178–79 (item 251), and Ordinaires de l'église cathédrale de Laon (XIIe et XIIIe siècles) , ed. Chevalier, Ulysse, Bibliothèque Liturgique 6 (Paris, 1897), 1–188, at 51; and idem, ed., Sacramentaire et martyrologe de l'abbaye de Saint-Remy; Martyrologe, calendrier, ordinaires et prosaire de la métropole de Reims (VIIIe–XIIIe siècles), Bibliothèque Liturgique 7 (Paris, 1900), 92–260, at 133. Martène's description does not make clear that the distributio is associated with feasts: at Laon the custom was observed on Christmas and Easter, at Rheims on Christmas, Easter, Ascension, Pentecost, the Nativity and Assumption of Mary, and the anniversary of the church's dedication. See general discussion above, pp. 116–17.Google Scholar

^j aspicientes] aspitientes Google Scholar

³² Et dum offertorium … (id est “Sanctus, Sanctus, Sanctus”): the first sentence here has no close correspondence to the very complex description of the offertory in OR 1.69–85 or OR 5.44–56. From “Finito offertorio …” through the chanting of the “Sanctus,” the excerpts share several key elements with OR 5.57–59 (ultimately from OR 1.86–88), but the choreography in our text is different and unusual. The subdeacons in OR 1 and 5 move behind the altar as the celebrant finishes the secret; then all bow for the “Sanctus,” and (except for the celebrant) remain bowed through the prayers of consecration. Our text appears to have the ministers bowing during the “Sanctus,” and the subdeacons moving behind the altar after that (see next note). The final phrase, id est…, looks like a gloss (to the subject of finiatur) that has been incorporated into the main text. The peculiarities here may result from inept abridgment and perhaps conflation of sources.Google Scholar

³³ Tunc uadent … ad faciem: cf. OR 5.58 (ultimately from OR 1.87): “Subdiaconi etiam, finito offertorio, vadunt retro altare, aspicientes ad pontificem, stantes erecti….” But in the analogues this occurs before the “Sanctus”; see previous note.Google Scholar

³⁴ “Deus qui non mortem … Per”: On the apology prayer and its significance see the general discussion above, pp. 113–15. For comparison I quote the more typical form of the text, as preserved in the Missa Illyrica: “Domine Deus qui non mortem sed paenitentiam desideras peccatorum, me miserum fragilemque peccatorem a tua non repellas pietate; neque aspicias ad peccata et scelera mea et inmunditias turpesque cogitationes, quibus flebiliter a tua disiungor uoluntate; sed ad misericordias tuas et ad fidem devotionemque eorum, qui per me peccatorem tuam deprecantur misericordiam. Et quia me indignum inter te et populum tuum medium fieri uoluisti, fac me talem, ut digne possim tuam exorare misericordiam pro me et pro eodem populo tuo. Domine adiunge uoces nostras uocibus sanctorum angelorum tuorum, ut sicut illi te laudant incessabiliter et infatigabiliter in aeterna beatitudine, ita nos quoque eorum interuentu te mereamur laudare inculpabiliter in hac peregrinatione. Per” (ed. Pierce, , “Sacerdotal Spirituality,” 231 [item 153], with repunctuation). For other editions see PL 78:243C (among Menard's extracts from the “Ratoldus Sacramentary” [BNF lat. 12051]), and Martène 1.4, art. 7.9 (repr. 1:398). An edition based on eight sources is printed in El Sacramentari, Ritual i Pontifical de Roda: Cod. 16 de l'arxiu de la Catedral de Lleida, c. 1000 , ed. Planas, Josep Romà Barriga (Barcelona, 1975), 310, with brief remarks at 124.Google Scholar

^k crucem ascendit] underlined for deletion and expirauit written above in red Google Scholar

¹ hominum] corr. from homine? Google Scholar

³⁵ Et cum sacerdos … manu diaconi: cf. OR 5.64–65 and 69–71; OR 9.33–34; OR 10.51–53. Note that the ordo in CCCC 190 says nothing about an episcopal benediction before communion.Google Scholar

³⁶ Et hoc … traditum fuerit: Early medieval canons about the handling of sacred vessels were widespread; cf. De eccl. off. 2.8.4: “Ipsis etiam sacerdotibus propter praesumptionem non licet de mensa domini tollere calicem, nisi eis traditus fuerit a diacono”; and similarly Die irische Kanonensammlung 3.5, ed. Wasserschieben, Herrmann, 2d ed. (Leipzig, 1885), 21; Pseudo-Hieronymi De septem ordinibus ecclesiae , ed. Kalff, Athanasius Walter (Würzburg, 1935), 39. Note in our ordo the similar type of insertion within §1; on this kind of conflation, see Thibodeau, Timothy M., “The Influence of Canon Law on Liturgical Exposition c. 1100–1300,” Sacris Erudiri 37 (1997): 185–202.Google Scholar

³⁷ Et cum … “Benedicat uos Dominus”: cf. OR 5.98 (ultimately from OR 1.126); OR 9.47.Google Scholar

³⁸ crucem ascendit … lucem conuertit: ascendit likely an error, for which read the corrector's expirauit (see textual apparatus and discussion above). Thus corrected, the passage would reflect the Isidorean tradition of De eccl. off. 1.19.2 (and hence De inst. cler. 2.6 and De diu. off. 42), though Isidore's wording is not close to our §15.1 find no analogue for the remainder of the sentence, which seems to defy the literal account in the gospel — perhaps to emphasize the paradox that the darkness at Christ's death belied the new “light” gained through the crucifixion.Google Scholar

³⁹ Vespertinum officium … nocte inchoante: from Etym. 6.19.2: “Vespertinum officium est in noctis initio, vocatum ab stella Vespere, quae surgit oriente nocte.” Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Epiphania grece … dicitur: cf. Etym. 6.18.6: “Epiphania Graece, Latine apparitio sive manifestatio vocatur”; De eccl. off. 1.27.2 “ ‘epiphanem’ enim grece apparitio uel ostensio dicitur.” Either etymology is commonplace in later expositions; cf. De inst. cler. 1.32 and De diu. off. 5. I find no exact analogue, however, for “superapparitio.” See citations in A Lexicon of Ancient Latin Etymologies , ed. Maltby, Robert, ARCA Classical and Medieval Texts, Papers and Monographs 25 (Leeds, 1991), 206, s.v. epiphania. Google Scholar

^m Caspar] corr. from (or to?) Cappar Google Scholar

⁴¹ ostensus est Dominus magis … duobus piscibus: the first three associations (the Magi, the baptism in the Jordan, and the miracle at Cana) are commonplace; the fourth (the feeding of the five thousand) less so, though still not rare. An analogous list containing all four occurs in Pseudo-Augustine, , Sermo 136 (PL 39:2013–15), though neither its wording nor its sequence is close to our §17. Among Anglo-Saxon sources, the ninth-century Old English Martyrology contains all four miracles in its entry for Epiphany; see the discussion by Cross, J. E., “The Use of Patristic Homilies in the Old English Martyrology,” Anglo-Saxon England 14 (1985): 107–28, at 111–13; see also in the same volume Lees, Clare A., “The ‘Sunday Letter’ and the ‘Sunday Lists,’ ” 129–51, at 147–48. A list including the first three of the above-named events (but excluding the feeding of the five thousand) informs Ælfric's Old English homily for Epiphany; see Ælfric's Catholic Homilies: The First Series: Text , ed. Clemoes, Peter, EETS, s.s. 17 (Oxford, 1997), 232–40, at 233. Other Epiphany traditions available in Anglo-Saxon England are surveyed by Hall, Thomas N., “The Reversal of the Jordan in Vercelli Homily 16 and in Old English Literature,” Traditio 45 (1989–90): 53–86.Google Scholar

⁴² Epi- enim grece … “renouatio Christianitatis”: apparently a unique etymology, possibly by confusion of Greek phan- and Latin fanum. On the significance of the compiler's interest in exotic names, see discussion above, pp. 109–10.Google Scholar

⁴³ fugit aqua … suos necauit: cf. Gregorii episcopi Turonensis miracula et opera minora, ed. Krusch, Bruno, MGH Scriptores Rerum Merovingicarum 1.2 (Hanover, 1885), 96–97 (De gloria martyrum, cap. 87). The rarity of the detail in discussions of Epiphany is confirmed by Ohrt, F., Die ältesten Segen über Christi Taufe und Christi Tod in religionsgeschichtlichem Lichte, Det Kgl. Danske Videnskabernes Selskab., Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser 25 (Copenhagen, 1938), 123 and 139–40. Evidence for knowledge of Gregory's Libri miraculorum in Anglo-Saxon England is slight. Two possible references are noted by Lapidge, Michael, “Surviving Booklists from Anglo-Saxon England,” revised repr. in Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts: Basic Readings, ed. Richards, Mary P. (New York, 1994), 87–167, at 118 (List 4 [Æthelwold to Peterborough], item 2) and 151 (List 13 [Peterborough?], item 64). There is, in any case, no assurance that our compiler depended directly on Gregory.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Melchius, Caspar, Patisarsa: the form of these names is close to that in the so-called Catéchèses Celtiques , in Analecta Reginensia: Extraits des manuscrits latins de la reine Christine conservés au Vatican, ed. Wilmart, André, Studi e Testi 59 (Vatican City, 1933), 29–111, at 74 (“Melchus … Caspar … Patizara”). On the traditions of naming the Magi in general, see Kehrer, Hugo, Die heiligen drei Könige in Literatur und Kunst, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1908–9; repr. as one vol., 1976) 1:64–75; also Metzger, Bruce M., “Names for the Nameless in the New Testament: A Study in the Growth of Christian Tradition,” in Kyriakon , ed. Granfield, and Jungmann, (n. 25 above), 1:79–99; repr. with addenda in Metzger's New Testament Studies: Philological, Versional, and Patristic (Leiden, 1980), 23–45.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ nomina habuerunt … Screnus: cf. Pseudo-Isidore, , Liber de numeris 3.57: “Trium magorum nomina invenimus in libris haec sunt: Melchio, Caspar, Patizarsa. Hebrei tamen sic eos vocant: Malgaloth, Galgaloth, Saracim. Greci autem Damascus, Epuleus, Serenus eos appellant, quod latine intellegi potest: Innocens, Misericors, Fidelis” (quoted by McNally, , “Three Holy Kings” [n. 25 above], 671, emphasis added).Google Scholar

ⁿ ebdomada] ebdomadae Google Scholar

^o tres]. iii. with tres written above Google Scholar

^p ratione] rationis Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Multi querunt … paenitentiae dent: Unlike much of §§18–20, this introductory passage has no close parallels in Ep. Carol. 144. See discussion above, p. 111.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Septuagesima, ut nos … abstinentia remanent: commonplaces, but probably from Ep. Carol. 144, 230, lines 12–17 (except in the first sentence, “… et primam vel quintam necnon et septimam feriam ieiunium solvere possint”). The source verifies what the context already suggests — that uel tertia in our excerpt must be a later insertion.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Sexagesima, ut estimamus … in abstinentia: abridgment of Ep. Carol. 144, 229, lines 25–31: “Sexagesima autem, ut aestimamus, propterea a nonnullis observatur: et ut decimas dierum corporis sui dare omnipotenti Deo possint, et dominum nostrum Iesum Christum in quadragenario numero particulatim ieiunando imitari, et ut primam vel quintam feriam a ieiunio vacare valeant …” and so on, nearly verbatim, as in §19.1.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Melchia [sic] … texendo replicare: commonplace, ultimately deriving from Lib. pont. 33 (Militiades). But again our compiler's wording follows Ep. Carol. 144, 229, line 31–230, line 1, verbatim, although the source offers the better reading Melchiades (and variant spellings, but none as corrupt as our Melchia), as well as praesumeret for praesumat, and cur for cum. Google Scholar

^q in figurarm corporis sui et sanguinis] underlined in red, perh. by Matthew Parker Google Scholar

^r sacramentum] sacramtum Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Quintam uero … ascendit in caelum: abridgment of Ep. Carol. 144, 230, lines 3–9 (I quote only significant variants): “Quinta vero … esse solutum. In ipsa namque sanctum chrisma conficitur ad abluendam totius mundi primae originis culpam; in ipsa … calicem eis pariter dedit…. Eo videlicet die post multa mysteria deus et dominus noster Iesus Christus, sanctis discipulis suis videntibus, gloriosa ascensione caelos penetravit.” While mentions of the Last Supper and Ascension are common in this context (cf. De diu. off. 8 [PL 101:1183A]; Pseudo-Bede, , Libellus de officiis [PL 94:533C]), the non-biblical justifications of blessing the chrism and reconciling penitents rarely join the list, as they do here.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Et septem ebdomadae … sabbatum habentur: apart from some initial paraphrase, from Ep. Carol. 144, 229, lines 19–24: “A quinquagesima namque usque in pascha septem ebdomadae sunt, quae faciunt dies quinquaginta. Ex quibus si octo dominicos …” etc., almost verbatim.Google Scholar

⁵² Athales … abstinentia dedicauit: commonplace, ultimately from Lib. pont. 9 (Telesphorus). There are many analogues, yet our wording is closest to Charlemagne's letter; it is also in the letter, and not the original Lib. pont., that we find a passive construction with the preposition a, ready to be wrongly affixed to the name: “a Thelesphoro pontifice, qui post Petrum principem apostolorum nonus in sancta ecclesia Romana claruit, septem ebdomadae in abstinentia dedicatae sunt” (Ep. Carol. 144, 229, lines 1–3).Google Scholar

⁵³ Quinquagesima ideo … sacratissimum adimpleuit: from Ep. Carol. 144, 229, lines 17–19, with minor omissions.Google Scholar