¹ The following sources are of primary importance for the date and place of Nicolaus de Lyra's birth, along with the question of his parentage and knowledge of Hebrew: Tanner, T., Bibliotheca Britannico-Hibernica (London 1748) 495–96; Viard, J., ‘La date de la naissance de Nicholas de Lyre,’ Bibliothèque de l'École des Chartes 56 (1895) 141f; Labrosse, H., ‘Sources de la biographie de Nicolaus de Lyre,’ Études franciscaines 16 (1906) 383–404; Labrosse, H., ‘Biographie de Nicholas de Lyre,’ Études franciscaines 17 (1907) 489–505, 593–608; Hailperin, H., Rashi and the Christian Scholars (Pittsburgh 1963) 282, footnote 3; Rüthing, H., ‘Kritische Bemerkungen zu einer mittelalterlichen Biographie des Nikolaus von Lyra,’ Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 60 (1967) 42–54.Google Scholar

² Labrosse, , op. cit. 489–505, 593–608; Wadding, L., Annales minorum VI (Rome 1733) 121.Google Scholar

³ Hailperin, , op. cit. 138.Google Scholar

⁴ Baluzius, S., Vitae paparum Avenionensium VII (Paris 1914) 286 and 293.Google Scholar

⁵ Plassmann, T., ‘Nicolaus de Lyra,’ The Catholic Encyclopedia 11 (New York 1907–1912) 63.Google Scholar

⁶ The two works of Paulus Burgensis and Matthias Döring often appeared in the printed editions of Nicolaus‘ Postillae. The tract by Didacus Deza, however, seems never to have appeared with any edition of Nicolaus’ Postillae; it can be found in the second book of his Praelectiones pro s. Thoma Aquinate in quattuor libros Sententiarum (Seville 1517). For information on Paulus Burgensis, see Renaudet, A., Préréforme et humanisme à Paris pendant les premières guerres d'Italie (Paris 1953) 56; Stegmüller, F., Repertorium biblicum medii aevi IV (Madrid 1954) 194–98. For Matthias Döring, see Kleineidam, E., Universitas studii Erffordensis I (Leipzig 1964) 275–76. Hurter, H., Nomenclator literarius theologiae catholicae II (Innsbruck 1906) 558–62 and 812–14, discusses the controversy over Nicolaus' use of Rashi; Grabmann, M., Mittelalterliches Geistesleben III (Munich 1956) 398f, deals with the relation of Didacus Deza and Nicolaus de Lyra in the controversy.Google Scholar

⁷ The influence of Rashi on Nicolaus de Lyra, and Rashi and Nicolaus on Luther has been studied by Hailperin, H., Rashi and the Christian Scholars (Pittsburgh 1963), the latter half of which deals in great detail with Nicolaus' use of Rashi; Siegfried, C., ‘Raschis Einfluss auf Nikolaus von Lyra und Luther in der Auslegung der Genesis,’ Archiv für wissenschaftliche Erforschung des Alten Testamentes 1 (1869) 428–56; Ebeling, G., ‘Luthers Psalterdruck vom Jahre 1513,’ Zeitschrift für Theologie und Kirche 50 (1953) 43–99, related Luther's debt to Nicolaus in his early interpretation of the Psalms; Reader, S., Das Hebräische bei Luther untersucht bis zum Ende der ersten Psalmenvorlesung (Tübingen 1961) passim, and Kraus, G., Studien zu Luthers Auslegung der kleinen Propheten (Tübingen 1962) passim, include analyses of the way in which Luther relied upon Nicolaus de Lyra for his commentaries on the Psalms and the minor prophets; Rupp, G., The Righteousness of God: Luther Studies (London 1963) 133 and 168, cites Luther's respect for Nicolaus' Postilla super psalterium. Walde, Although B., Christliche Hebräisten Deutschlands am Ausgang des Mittelalters (Münster i.w. 1916) 8, states that certain German commentators, including Pellikan and Reuchlin, were moved by Nicolaus‘ writings to enlarge their knowledge of the Hebrew sources, there has been no study of this aspect of Nicolaus’ influence.Google Scholar

⁸ There is a body of bio-bibliographical literature on Nicolaus de Lyra: Chevalier, U., Repertoire des sources historiques du Moyen Age: Bio-bibliographie II (Paris 1907) 3339; Suler, B., ‘Nicolaus de Lyra,’ Encyclopaedia judaica 10 (Berlin 1934) 1263f; Glorieux, P., La Littérature quodlibétique II (Bibliothèque Thomiste, 21 Paris 1935) 200f; 201; Glorieux, P., Répertoire des maîtres en théologie de Paris au XIII^e siècle II (Études de philosophie médiévale 18; Paris 1934) no. 345; Sarton, G., Introduction to the History of Science III 1 (Baltimore 1947) 370, 397–400 (lit.); Stegmüller, F., Repertorium Commentariorum in Sententias Petri Lombardi I (Würzburg 1947) 285; Stegmüller, F., Repertorium biblicum medii aevi IV (Madrid 1954) 51–94; Schmidt, M., ‘Nikolaus von Lyra,’ Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart ³ 4 (1960) 1492; Kleinhans, A., ‘Nikolaus von Lyra,’ LThK ² 7 (1962) 992f. (lit.); Mahoney, J., ‘Nicolaus de Lyra,’ The New Catholic Encyclopedia 10 (New York 1967) 453–54 (lit.).Google Scholar

Certain articles of a more specialized content should also be consulted. Adinolfi, M. wrote a series of articles between 1958 and 1961, under the generic title ‘De mariologicis Lyrani postillis in V.T. miscellanea’: ‘De protoevangelio (Gen. 3.15) penes Lyranum,’ Antonianum 35 (1960) 328–38; ‘Maria SS. nelle Postille di Nicola di Lyre, a Gen. 21.6 28.12, e 2 Sam. 23.4,’ Rivista Biblica 8 (1960) 337–50; ‘Maria et ecclesia in Cantico Canticorum penes Lyranum,’ Divus Thomas 62 (1959) 559–65; ‘Due strane postille di Nicola di Lyre (Prov. 30.19 e Sal. 87.5a),’ Rivista Biblica 6 (1958) 255–62; ‘De mariologicis Lyrani Postillis in Pss 8.5, 19.5–6, 22.10–11, 67.7a,’ Antonianum 34 (1959) 321–35; ‘De quibusdam Lyrani postillis marianis,’ Collectanea Franciscana 31 (1958) 80–89; and ‘De mariologicis Lyrani postillis in prophetas medii aevi exegeseos lumine perpensis,’ Studii biblici Franciscani liber annuus 9 (Jerusalem 1958–1959) 199–250. Nicolaus de Lyra's writings are put in the perspective of their times in Blumenkranz, B., ‘Anti-Jewish Polemics and Legislation in the Middle Ages: Literary Fiction or Reality?,’ Journal of Jewish Studies 15 (1964) 125–40. Gutman, H., ‘Nicholas of Lyra and Michelangelo's Ancestors of Christ,’ Franciscan Studies 4 (1944) 223–28 suggests that perhaps the plan of the Sistine Chapel ceiling goes back to Nicolaus. An early article by Hailperin, H., ‘Intellectual Relations Between Christians and Jews in Europe Before 1500, Described Mainly According to the Evidence of Biblical Exegesis, with Special Reference to Rashi and Nicholas of Lyra,’ University of Pittsburgh Bulletin, The Graduate School, Abstracts of Theses 9 (1933) 128f, is the basis for his later definitive study, Rashi and the Christian Scholars (Pittsburgh 1963). Moorman, J., A History of the Franciscan Order (Oxford 1968) 245, 395–96, 541, says little about Nicolaus, but does place him and his importance in the Franciscan tradition. Renaudet, A., Préréforme et humanisme à Paris pendant les premières guerres d'Italie (Paris 1953) passim, discusses Nicolaus in relation to the Parisian school tradition, and his reception by the humanists of Paris. Nicolaus de Lyra's importance for biblical exegesis is briefly cited in Vaccari, A., ‘S. Tommaso e Lutero nella storia dell'esegesi,’ Civiltà cattolica 86 (1935) III 40–43. Wood, A., ‘Nicholas of Lyra,’ Evangelical Quarterly 33 (1961) 196–206, offers a general treatment of Nicolaus. Zawart, A., ‘The History of Franciscan Preaching and of Franciscan Preachers, 1209–1927,’ Franciscan Educational Conference, Report of the Ninth Annual Meeting (Washington, D.C. 1927) 363, explains how Nicolaus de Lyra's Sermones were used by Franciscan preachers.Google Scholar

The influence of Nicolaus de Lyra was not limited to biblical exegesis. Among the sources for a passion play by Greban (between 1453 and 1473) are not only the Gesta Pilati, the Dialogus of Pseudo-Anselm, the Meditationes attributed to Bonaventura, the Historia scholastica of Peter Comestor, the Summa theologiae of St. Thomas Aquinas, but also the Postillae of Nicolaus de Lyra (Frank, Grace, The Medieval French Drama [Oxford 1967] 184 and 190). The sources for another anonymous play, L'Incarnation et la nativité (performed in the market-place of Rouen at Christmastime, 1474), as cited in Latin notes along its margins, include Holy Scripture, the works of Peter Comestor, the Golden Legend, and Nicolaus de Lyra. (I am grateful to Professor Colonius S. Davis of Ohio University, Athens, Ohio, for this reference).Google Scholar