¹ Viz. Vremennik (1898) 428–30. See also Vasiliev, A., Byzantium and the Arabs in the Time of the Macedonian Dynasty (St. Petersburg 1902) 133–34 (in Russian).Google Scholar

² See introduction to Papaoikonomos’ book, pp. 7–8.Google Scholar

³ Wolfius, Christophorus, Anecdota Graeca sacra et profana II (Hamburg 1722) praefatio. His reference to ASS, t. II Febr. p. 610 should be corrected to ASS, t. I Febr. p. 610.Google Scholar

⁴ Le Quien, , Oriens Christianus II (Paris 1740) 184. Le Quien knew that a Greek synaxarium says: ‘… qui patriam habuit Constantinopolim.’ Google Scholar

⁵ Cozza-Luzi, , Novae Patrum bibliothecae ab Ang. Card. Maio collectae tomus IX (Romae 1888), pars tertia, p. xxv.Google Scholar

⁶ Amari, M., Storia dei Musulmani di Sicilia I (Florence 1854) 507–11; second ed. (Catania 1933) 650–53.Google Scholar

⁷ Narbone, Alessio, Bibliografia Sicola sistematica, o apparato metodico alla storia letteraria della Sicilia IV (Palermo 1855) 339.Google Scholar

⁸ See Enrico Rickenbach, P., ‘Storia e scritti di S. Pietro d'Argo,’ Bessarione (1899) 449. Papaoikonomos, , op. cit. 35 n. 1; 89–90.Google Scholar

⁹ See, for instance, Mongitorius, A., Bibliotheca Sicula, sive de Scriptoribus Siculis qui tum vetera, tum recentiora saecula illustrarunt II (Palermo 1714) 158–60; reproduced in PO 104, 1233–34. Le Quien II, 184. Amari I, 507–11; 2 ed. 650–53.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Mai, A., Nova patrurn bibliotheca IV (Rome 1847) 79. Rickenbach, , op. cit. 450. In his article ‘Autour des Pauliciens,’ H. Grégoire does not deal with this question. Byzantion 11 (1936) 610–14. We have no way of knowing whether or not he intends to discuss it in a volume now in preparation, the title of which has been announced: Pierre de Sicile, Histoire des Manichéens ou Pauliciens. Texte grec et traduction française avec une Introduction historique et un Recueil de textes grecs et arméniens relatifs aux Pauliciens. Google Scholar

¹¹ See Cozza-Luzi, xxvii (23). Rickenbach 450.Google Scholar

¹² See Sergius, Arch., The Complete Menologion of the Orient , 2 ed. (Vladimir 1901) II 1, p. 3 (Jan. 3); 281 (Sept. 13); II 2, p. 161; 370–71. On Nicodemus see Sergius I, 339–43 (in Russian). A brief Greek Life of Peter of Atroa from the Synaxarium Ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae and various other references to this saint in different synaxaria, in Propylaeum ad Acta Sanctorum Novembris: Synaxarium Ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae e Codice Sirmondiano nunc Berolinensi adjectis synaxariis selectis opera et studio Hippolyti Delehaye (Brussels, 1902) 42, 4 (Sept. 13); 46, 58 (Sept. 15); 366, 2 (Jan. 2); 368, 52 (Jan. 3).Google Scholar

¹³ See for example Acta Sanctorum, Febr. 1 (ed. 1863) 610 IV. Cave, W., Scriptorum ecclesiasticorum historia literaria a Christo nato usque ad saeculum XIV (several editions; I am using ed. Cologne, 1705) appendix. Dissertatio prima, p. 176. Fabricii, I. A. Bibliotheca Graeca X (1721) 330; ed. nova curante Harles, G. Chr., XI (Hamburg 1808) 336.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Acta Sanctorum, Maii I (original edition, 1675; ed. novissima, 1866) 432–33. The Greek text of this story from the Synaxarium Ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae as well as from some other synaxaria in Delehaye, , Propylaeum ad Acta Sanctorum Novembris 649–54.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Chronicon breve, published in the Bonn collection with Ducas, pp. 517–18; Στ. Λάμπρoυ Βραχέα χρονικὰ ἐκδίδονται ἐπιρελείᾳ K. I. Ἀμάντου (Athens’ 1932) 47 (27, 53–59). Μνημεȋα τ ς Ἑλληνικς Ἱστορίας I (Athens 1932–1933). See Le Quien II, 185. Arch. Sergius (2 ed.) II 2, 161. Papaoikonomos 14; 52–55.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Daniel's Νέα Ἀκολουθία in Papaoikonomos 161–79. On Daniel himself see ibidem 32; 159–60.Google Scholar

¹⁷ The date of the final composition and acceptance of the Tomus unionis has now been definitely fixed: Sunday, July 9, 920. See Grumel, V., Les regestes des actes du patriarcat de Constantinople I, Les actes des patriarches, Fasc. II: Les regestes de 715 à 1043 (1936, in Turkey) 160–71, No. 669. Arch. Sergius erroneously places this event under July 15 (2 ed. II 1, 214).Google Scholar

¹⁸ See Meyer, Ph., Die theologische Litteratur der griechischen Kirche im 16. Jahrhundert (Studien zur Geschichte der Theologie und der Kirche III, 6, Leipzig 1899) 124–127; also pp. 140–141; 171. Bees follows Meyer's study. N. A. Bέης, Aἱ ἐτιδρομαὶ τν Βουλγάρων ὑπò τòν τξάρον Συμεὼν καὶ τὰ σχετικὰ σχόλια το Ἀρέθα Kαισαρείες, Ἑλληνικά I 2 (Athens 1928: pp. 337–70) 349 and n. 2. Some bibliography is given. According to Meyer and Bees, Malaxos died after 1573 but before 1594. Papaoikonomos says that Malaxos flourished in 1538 and was archpriest (πρωτοπαπς) in Nauplium (pp. 48–49). The title of Malaxos’ biography is as follows: Bίoς καὶ Θαύματα, του όσιου καὶ θεοφόρον καὶ ἰαματικo Өεοδοσίου το νέου, γεvvηθέvτoς κατὰ τò 862 ἒτoς ἀπò Χριστο . This biography is to be found in the Greek publication Νέον Εὐλόγιον (1803) 183ff. See Meyer 126; Bees 349 n. 2. I have not seen Malaxos’ book.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Cozza-Luzi xxix (§25). Papaoikonomos 48–49. Bees, , Aἱ ἐπιδρομαί 349. Δ. Ζακνθηνòς, Οἱ Σλάβοι ἐv Ἑλλάδι (Athens 1945) 96.Google Scholar

²⁰ Cozza-Luzi xxii (§20); xliii (§33). Ehrhard remarks that two other orations exist in Cod. Paris. 1458, saec. xi, fol. 97–107. Krumbacher, , Geschichte der byz. Litteratur 167, 6.Google Scholar

²¹ Cozza-Luzi xliv (§34). See also Ehrhard, A., Ueberlieferung und Bestand der hagiographischen und homiletischen Literatur der griechischen Kirche I: Die Ueberlieferung (Leipzig 1937) 624. Papaoikonomos 57.Google Scholar

²² I. Σακκελίων, Ἂργους καὶ Ναυπλίου παλαιοὶ ἱεάρχαι, Δελτίον τς ἱστορικς καὶ ἐθvoλoγικς Ἑταιρείας 2 (1885) 32–38; see p. 37. See also Gelzer, H., ‘Argivonim episcoporum indiculus,’ in his Analecta Byzantina (Index Scholarum hibernarum publice et privatim in Universitate Litterarum Jenensi, Jena 1891–1892) 10–14 (from Cod. Paris. Supplem. Graec. 1090); the list of bishops, p. 11–12. Lampros, S., Ὁ κατάλογος τν ἀρχαιοτέρων ἱεραρχν Ναυπλίου καὶ Ἂργους , Nέoς Ἑλληομνήμων 12 (1915) 122–23. Lampros’ brief note deals with Sakkelion's edition which he compares with the Parisian manuscript Suppl. Graec. 1090; the latter, as noted above, was used by H. Gelzer. N. Bees (Ἑλληvικά I 2 [1928] 348 n. 3) says that Lampros in this note erroneously states that Peter of Argos lived in the time of Basil the Macedonian. But Peter's name does not appear in Lampros’ note at all: Bees’ remark is to be referred to Sakkelion's list (p. 38).Google Scholar

²³ p. xlv (§35): ‘Petrus itaque Argivus, scriptor ecclesiasticus parum notus et non aequa in aestimatione omnium habitus hinc novo clarescit lumine …’ Cozza-Luzi considers the author of Peter's Life anonymous.Google Scholar

²⁴ Can. Carini, Isidoro, ‘Aneddoti siciliani. II serie. XVIII. Se sia da conservarsi alla Sicilia. S. Pietro Argivo,’ Archivio. Storico Siciliano, Nuova Serie 13 (Palermo 1888) 415–421.Google Scholar

²⁵ Enrico Rickenbach, P., ‘Storia e scritti di S. Pietro d'Argo,’ Bessarione 5 (1899) 449–69.Google Scholar

²⁶ Amari, M., Storia dei Musulmani di Sicilia , 2 ed. I (Catania 1933) 652 n. 1.Google Scholar

²⁷ Bees, Nikos A. (Bέης), ‘Beiträge zur kirchlichen Geographie Griechenlands im Mittelalter und in der neueren Zeit,’ Oriens Christianus, N.S. (1915) 257 n. 3. See also Bees, Aἱ ἐπιδρoµαὶ (supra, n. 18) 349 n. 4 (‘much superior’).Google Scholar

²⁸ Papaoikonomos 14; 20; 138. Nikos A. Bees (Bέης), ‘Beiträge zur kirchlichen Geo graphie Griechenlands …’ (supra, n. 27) 256–58. In 1898 a Greek historian, M. Lamprynides, called Peter bishop of Argos and Nauplion. Μ. Γ. Λαμπρυνίδης, Ἡ Ναυπλία ἀπò τν ἀρχαιοτάτων χρόνων μέχρι τν καθ‘ ἡμς (Athens 1898). I know this book only from a review by Zimmer, H., in Byz. Zeitschrift 9 (1900) 550.Google Scholar

²⁹ Ἰσιδώρου μητροπολίτου Өεσσαλονίκης ὀκτὼ ἐπιστολαὶ ἀνέκδοτοι, Nέoς Ἑλληνομνήμων (1912) 409, note. I found no trace of Lampros’ edition of the verses in the four volumes of his Παλαιoλóγεια καὶ Πελοποννησιακά (1912–1930) or in his posthumous manuscripts listed by Γ. Χαριτάκης in the pamphlet Σπυρίδων P. Λ άμπρος (Athens 1920) 86–138.Google Scholar

³⁰ N. A. Bέης, Aἱ ἑπιδρομαί 349 n. 4. Bees refers to Aem. Martini-Dom. Bassi, , Catalogus codicum graecorum bibliothecae Ambrosianae II (Milan 1906) 753.Google Scholar

³¹ Schlumberger, G., Mélanges d'archéologie byzantine I (Paris 1895) 223 (No. 42). I do not know why Bees, Aἱ ἐπιδρομαί 349 n.4, doubts the attribution. The names of the other two bishops are found in Papaoikonomos 21.Google Scholar

³² The text of the Life is found in Cozza-Luzi 1–17 (with a Latin translation) and in Papaoikonomos 59–74.Google Scholar

³³ καὶ ταύτην ἀπετεκε τὴν καλὴν ὠδȋνα τν λόγων, ὡς καὶ αὐτὰ δηλοȋ τὰ τούτου ἐκπovηθέvτα συγγράμματα (ch. 7).Google Scholar

³⁴ ἀνὴρ λόγιoς καὶ αὐτός, οὐδ’ἢττον κατ’ ἀρετὴν ἐπαινούμενος, δι’ἢν καὶ ὑπερορίαν κατεδικάσθη, εἰ καὶδόξης ὒστερον ἡττηθεὶς τoȋς τὰ βασιλές φρονήσασιν ἐπὶ τ τετάρτιῳ γάμῳ συνείπετο καὶ συνῳκονόμει εὐπροσώπως τò μσος ἀποσ κευαξόμενος (ch. 8). This refers to the fourth marriage of Leo VI the Wise, which Nicholas at first vigorously opposed, with the result that he was deposed and exiled. But later Leo reinstated Nicholas on the patriarchal throne, and Nicholas changed his attitude toward the marriage. The dates of the two patriarchates of Nicholas Mysticus are 901–907 and 912–925.Google Scholar

³⁵ This writing, as noted above, has not yet been discovered.Google Scholar

³⁶ Peter's elevation to the episcopal throne took place after 879. At that time the bishop of Argos was Theotimus, who attended the Constantinopolitan council of that year. In all likelihood, Peter became bishop at the outset of the tenth century. See Papaoikonomos 19; 40–41.Google Scholar

³⁷ According to a local tradition in Argos, the famine lasted three years. Papaoikonomos 44 n. 1. Peter's miraculous feeding of the population during the famine is also mentioned in the religious services composed in his honor, both the Παλαιὰ Ἀκολουθία and the Ν α Ἀκολουθία . Idem. 44; 155; 175.Google Scholar

³⁸ From ancient times the Cretans were of bad repute, and the verb κρητίζϵιv meant ‘to behave like a Cretan’, i.e. to lie. This proverb, which may be translated ‘to play the Cretan against Cretans’ is very old. See Polybius 8, 19, 5: τοτο δ’ὴγvóει, τò δὴ λεγóµεvov, πρòς κρτα κρητίζωv. Plutarch, Lysander 20: Πρòς Kρτα δὲ ἄρα, τò το λóγoυ, κρητίξωv, ἠγvóει τòv Φαρvάβαζορ. Aemilius Paulus 23: τoὺς μὲv οὒv ἐπιστημένους ἀκριßς αὐτòv οὐκ ἒλoθε κρητίξωv πρòς κρτας . Lexicon, Suidae, ed. Ada Adler IV (1935) 229, No. 2745: Πρòς κρτα κρητίξωv: παροιμία ἐπὶ τρ μάτηvποvούvτωv, with reference to Polybius. The Byzantine writer of the twelfth century, Eusthathius of Thessalonica, knew this proverb: πρòς κρ τα κρητίξειv. Ed. Kurtz, , ‘Die Sprichwörter bei Eusthathius von Thessalonica,’ Philologus, Supplementband 6 (Göttingen 1891–1893) 318. This proverb is not mentioned in Paroemiographi graeci , edd. Leutsch, E. L. et Schneidewin, F. G. (Göttingen 1839), Corpus paroemiographorum graecorum I. But interpretation of the verb κρητίζειv is given (pp. 101–102); ample references in n. 62. Nor is the proverb included in Krumbacher, K., ‘Mittelgriechische Sprichwörter, Sitzungsberichte der bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, philos.-histor. Classe (1893) II, 272.Google Scholar

³⁹ The second story is referred to both in the old and the new ἀκολουθία in Peter's honor. See Papaoikonomos, p. 48; 155; 175.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ The Life is told in detail by Papaoikonomos 35–55. A brief partial summary in Loparev, Ch., ‘Lives of the Byzantine Saints of the Eighth and Ninth Centuries,’ Viz. Vremennik 19 (1915) 65–66 (in Russian).Google Scholar

⁴¹ De Beata Martha hegumena Monembasiae in Laconia, Vitae fragmentum ex MS. Florentino, interprete C. Janningo: Acta Sanctorum, Maii v (ed. 1866) 426 (under May 24): καὶ τατα συνέγραψεν ὁ προειρημένος Παλoς Ἐπίσκοπος Μοvεµβασίας γέvνημα καὶ θρέμμα τς αὐτς πóλεως . In Latin, , ‘ibidem natus atque alitus’ (p. 427).Google Scholar

⁴² See Bees, N. A., ‘Zur Sigillographie der byzantinischen Themen Peloponnes und Hellas,’ Viz. Vremennik 21 (1915) III, 108–109. Ehrhard, surprisingly, says that Paul, bishop of Monemvasia, lived at the beginning of the tenth century and was the brother of the bishop of Argos, Peter (Krumbacher 196). Rudakov also writes misleadingly that the Life of Martha, abbess of Monemvasia, who lived at the end of the ninth century, was compiled by the archbishop of Monemvasia, Paul, brother of Peter of Argos, who lived in the middle of the tenth century. Rudakov, , Sketches of Byzantine Culture According to the Data of Greek Hagiography (Moscow. 1917) 248 (in Russian). Archbishop Sergius attributes the death of Paul of Corinth to about 880–890. Complete Menologium 2nd ed. II 1, 87–88.Google Scholar

⁴³ Papaoikonomos 20–21; 58. Most writers have called the author anonymous. See, for instance, Cozza-Luzi xlv (§35): ‘suus successor hucusque anonymus.’ Loparev (supra n. 40) 65 (ch. 14) and Rudakov, , op. cit. 254: probably or possibly Peter's successor on the episcopal throne. N. Bέης (N. Vées), ‘Vie de saint Théoclète évêque de Lacédémone,’ Vizantiskoye Obozreniye (Revue Byzantine) 2 (Yuryev 1916) supplement, p. 19: a certain ancient biographer.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Bέης Aἱ ἐπιδρομαί 349.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ See Vasiliev, A., Byzantium and the Arabs II: ‘Political Relations between Byzantium and the Arabs in the time of the Macedonian Dynasty’ (St. Petersburg 1902) 132–53 (in Russian). All available sources are given there. New editions of some sources and studies which came out after 1902 will be included in the French edition of this book by H. Grégoire, to be published in Brussels, which is now in preparation.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Vita ch. 14: καὶ Kρτες δὲ πειρατικαȋς νανσὶ χρώμεροι ἅv δὴ ληστρικòv διέζωv βίον, καὶ vσoις καὶ πóλεσι καὶ κώμαις ταȋς παραλίoις vυκτòς ἐvεδρεύovτες καὶ τoὺς παρατυγχάvοvτας ληϊζóμεvoι. oὒς μὲv τv γρύξαι τoλμώρτωv ἒργov ἐποιοvτο μαχαίρας, τoὺς δ'ὄσoι, κατεπτηχότες εἳποvτο σιγ, εἳκοv εἰς δουλείαν οἰκτρς πυvθαvόμεvοι δὲ τòv εἰς ἄκροv ἓλεov το ἀvδρòς τ Nαυπλίᾳ καταίροvτες καὶ πίστεις λαμβάνοντες καὶ διδóντες, τoὺς αἰχμαλώτος ἀπεδίδοσαν λυτρ. καὶ τοτο ποιοντες ἀνὰ πν ἒτoς oὐ διελίμπανον (Cozza-Luzi 10; Papaoikonomos 67). See Byzantium and the Arabs II, 133.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Vita ch. 15 (Cozza-Luzi 10–11, Papaoikonomos 67–68). Vasiliev, A., op. cit. 133–34.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ The most illuminating study on this question is Nίκo A. Βέη , Aί πιδρομαί (supra n. 18).Google Scholar

⁴⁹ ἒστιν oὓς καὶ τς οἰκίας ἀπαναστάντας ἐφόδοις βαρβαρικας, πσι µὲv αὐτάρκως. τὰ χρειώδη παρεχε (Cozza-Luzi 8; Papaoikonomos 65). Vasiliev, A., The Slavs in Greece (supra n. 1) 429 n. 4.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Tατα, θρυλλούμεva σχεδòν ἀνὰ τὴν ὑπò οὐρανòν ὑπηγáγετo καὶ βαρβάρους, oἳ κατὰ κλέoς τς αὐτο ἀρετς ἀφικνούμενα, ἐξώμνυντο µὲv τὰ πάτρια καὶ τὴν ἐκ προγόνων θρησκείαν, τ δὲ ἡμετέρᾳ μετετάττοντο καθαιρόμενοι καὶ μεταπλαττόμενοι τ λείῳ λουτρ (Cozza-Luzi 10; Papaoikonomos 67). Vasiliev 429 n. 5.Google Scholar

⁵¹ ὡς ἐπὶ τ τέλει θεoφυλάκτου ὀλεται ἡ Πελοπόννησος… . τν βαρβάρων µετὰ μικρòν κατασχóντων τὴν νσον ἐφ’ὄλοις ἒτεσι τρισί, καὶ τoὺς πλείoυς διεγασαμένων, καὶ πάντα ληïσαμένων τὰ αὐτς καὶ πεδίον ἀποφηνάντων ἀφανισμο ὡς μηδἓτι τς παλαις εὐδαιμονίας ἳχνη ἐκεσε ὁρv, τς τν τότε ἀνθρώπων εὐταξίας καὶ καταστάσεως (Cozza-Luzi 13; Papaoikonomos 70–71). Vasiliev 429 n. 6. Bέης , Aἱ ἐπιδρομαί 349–50.Google Scholar

⁵² See Vasiliev, , Byzantium and the Arabs II, 133.Google Scholar

⁵³ According to recent studies the battle at Bulgarophygon took place either in 896 (Zlatarsky, V., History of the Bulgarian State I 2 [Sofia 1927] 317–18; in Bulgarian) or in 897 (Runciman, S., A History of the First Bulgarian Empire [London 1930] 147).Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Vasiliev, A., The Slavs in Greece 429–30. My presentation was based on the works of Hilferding and Jireček. N. Bees fails to mention my study.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ See Niederle, L., Manuel de l'antiquité slave I (Paris 1923) 101. K. “Αμαντος, Σκλάβοι, Σκλαβησιάνοι καὶ βάρβαροι, Πρακτικὰ τς ‘Ακαδημίας ‘Aθηνν 7 (1932) 333. Δ. A. Ζακνθηνάς, Ol Σλάβοι ἐv ‘Eλλάδι. Συμβολαὶ εἰς τὴν ἱστορίαν τομεσαιωνικο ‘Eλληνισμο (Athens 1945) 54 n. 6.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Μὴ ἒπὶ τλέον aἲρεσϑaι τὴν Σκυθικὴν ὀφρν καὶ ‘Aγαρηνὴν ἐάσητε καθ’ ἡμν. Encomium in Cosmam et Damianum ch. 27 (Cozza-Luzi 70; Papaoikonomos 126).Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Uspensky, F., An Unpublished Sermon on Bulgaro-Byzantine Relations in the first half of the tenth century (Letopis of the Historico-Philological Society at the University of Novorossiya 4, Byzantine section 2 [Odessa 1894]) 67–68 (in Russian). The author of this sermon may be Arethas, archbishop of Caesarea. See Shanguin, M. A., ‘The Byzantine Writer Arethas—Author of the Sermon on the Peace with the Bulgarians in 927,’ in the Russian magazine, Istoric-Marxist 1939, No. 3, p. 177. Idem, ‘Byzantine Political Personalities of the First Half of the Tenth Century,’ Vizantisky Sbornik (Moscow-Leningrad 1945), 230 (in Russian).Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Tabari, ed. de Goeje, III, 2152–53. German translation in Abicht, R., ‘Der Angriff der Bulgaren auf Constantinopel im Jahre 896 n. Chr.,’ Archiv für slavische Philologie 17 (1895) 478, and in Marquart, J., Osteuropäische und ostasiatische Streifzüge (Leipzig 1903) 519; Russian trans. in Vasiliev, A., Byzantium and the Arabs II, priloženiya, p. 11. See Zlatarsky, V., History of the Bulgarian State, 12, 319.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Vita S. Lucae Junioris, PG 111, 449: Συμεὼν γὰp ὁ το Σκυθικο ἒθvoυs ἂρχωv (Boυλγάρoυς αὐτοὺς oἲδαµεv συνήθως καλεȋν).Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Uspensky, F., An Unpublished Sermon 59 (ch. 1–4); 97–98; cf. pp. 84–85 (ch. 18).Google Scholar

⁶¹ Mysians was another term for Bulgarians.Google Scholar

⁶² Zlatarsky, , History of the Bulgarian State I 2, 431.Google Scholar

⁶³ Zlatarsky, , ‘The Political Activity of the Tsar Symeon (893–927),’ Bulgarian Historical Library I, 4 (Sofia 1928) 25 (in Bulgarian).Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Sathas, K., Χρονικòν ἀνέκδοτον Γαλαξιδίου ἢ ἱστορία ‘Aμφίσσης, Ναυπάκτον, Γαλαξειδίου, Λοιδορικίου καὶ τ ν περιχώρων (Athens 1865) 191–221. This edition was reprinted in Athens in 1914 without any changes. I am using the first edition. The portion of the Chronicle (pp. 192–195) which deals with the events that interest us here has also been reproduced by Bees, , Aἱ πιδρομαί 351. In passing, Hopf used this Chronicle from Sathas’ edition (p. 70; 135 n. 62). See also Miller, W., The Latins in the Levant (London 1908) 34 n. 1.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Sathas, C. et Legrand, E., Les exploits de Digénis Akritas (Paris 1875) cxvii.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Sathas 194; reprint 1914, p. 201; Bees 353.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ See Σ. Λάμπρoς, Ἱστορικὰ μελετήματα (Athens 1884) 127–29. Idem, Nέoς κ διζ το Χρονικο Μονεμβασίaς, Nέoς Ἑλληνομνήμων 9 (1912) 245–51; on the necessity of a new study of the Chronicle and its sources, see p. 250. On a new scholium of Arethas, see Σ. Koυγέας, Ἑπὶ το καλουμένου Χρονικο пϵρὶ τς κτίσϵως τς Μονϵμβασίας, ibidem 473–80. See also Σύμμικτα, ibidem 312. Idem, Ὁ καισαρείας ρέθας καὶ τò ἒρτγον αὐτο (Athens 1913) 60. On this question see an interesting article by Charanis, P., ‘Nicephorus I, the Savior of Greece from the Slavs,’ Byzantina Metabyzantina I (1946) 75–92.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ See Sathas 126, 129; Bees 353–54. Hopf had already rejected Sathas’ alteration (135 n. 62). See also Runciman, , A History of the First Bulgarian Empire 174 n. 4.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Bees 353–54. Idem, ‘Zur Sigillographie’ (n. 42 supra) 94.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ See Runciman, S., The Emperor Romanus Lecapenus and His Reign (Cambridge 1929) 62.Google Scholar

⁷¹ See Grumel, V., ‘Notes de chronologie byzantine,’ Echos d’ Orient 35 (1936) 333–35. In the official Tomus Unionis, which is exactly dated as of July 920, Romanus is still named basileopater, the high title which he received in 919. Here is the original text: Ό τόμος τς ἑvώσεως, ἢτοι, ἒκθεσις τς γενομέης τς ἐκκλησίας ἐνώσεως, ἐπὶ κωνσταντίνου καὶ ωμανo το μὲν βασιλεύοντος, το δὲ τò τηνικατα τ το βασιλεωπάτορος ἀξιώματι διαπρέοντος . von Lingenthal, Zachariae, Jus Graeco-Romanum III (Leipzig 1857) 228. Zepos, , Jus Graecoromanum I (Athens) 193. The date of December 17, 920 was given without any supporting evidence for its choice by Murait, E., Essai de chronographie byzantine I (St. Petersburg 1855) 409, and much more recently by Zlatarsky, V., History of the Bulgarian State I 2, 412.Google Scholar

⁷² Sathas 192–195, Bees, , Aἱ πιδρομαί 351. By misprint Bees cites p. 165. Sathas’ reprint of 1914, pp. 200–202. Hopf's quotation of Sathas’ edition is correct (Hopf 135 n. 62).Google Scholar

⁷³ Miller, W., The Latins in the Levant 33–34. The same text in Miller, W., Essays on the Latin Orient (Cambridge 1921) 63. See Rodd, Rennell Sir, The Princes of Achaia and the Chronicles of Morea I (London 1907) 76. Diehl, Ch., Oeconomos, L., Guilland, R., Grousset, R., L'Europe Orientale de 1081 à 1453 (Paris 1945) 540. On Amphissa-Salona see a very substantial essay by Sathas, K., Χρονικòν ἀνέκδοτον Γαλαξεδίου 44–106.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ For example, verse 3294: ὁ ἀφέντης γὰρ το Σάλωνς, μισὶρ Toµς ἐκεȋvoς. See a very fine summary on the question of Salona in Π. Π. καλωνάρος, Tò Χρονικòν το Μωρέως (Athens 1940) 142, note to verse 3294. Kalonaros says that the name of Salona is in all probability derived from Salonika (ἐκ το “Σαλονίκη“). See variants for the name of Salona in Sathas, , op. cit. 96–97. Bees also gives some variants: Σόλωνος, Σαλώνου, Σαλώνων (Aἱ πιδρoρaί 353). Kalonaros reproduces a picture of Salona (between pp. 304 and 305).Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Miller, W., The Latins in the Levant 80. In another part of the same book (p. 97), W. Miller writes: ‘The monastery of the Saviour at Galaxidi, on the Gulf of Corinth, which, though now ruined by earthquakes, was still inhabited in the eighteenth century, when it produced the short, but interesting Chronicle of Galaxidi, which is one of our authorities for the history of Frankish and Turkish Greece.’ On Oἰάvθη-Oeanthe see Sathas, op. cit. 107–122. In ancient times Oeanthe (Οἰάνθη) or Oeanthia (Οἰανθεία) was a town of the Locri Ozolae, near the entrance of the Crissaean Gulf. See Enciclopedia Universal Ilustrada Europeo-Americana 25 (Barcelona 1924) 436–37: ‘Galaxidi or Galaxidion. in a bay of the northern shore of the Gulf of Lepanto. Occupies the site of the ancient Oenanthia’ (in Spanish). Oenanthia is, of course, Oeanthia.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Bees, , Aἱ πιδρομαί 348–49 (about 922; before 924); p. 355 (about 922). Idem, ‘Zur Sigillographie’ (n. 42 supra) 92–93 (in 922). Krumbacher (Ehrhard) 167, 6: after 920.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Bees, , Aἱ πιδρομαί 355; 356. Idem, ‘Zur Sigillographie’ 93–94. Idem, ‘Vie de saint Théoclète’ (n. 43 supra) 19 n. 1. See Zakythinos, D. A., who follows Bees: ‘… the invasion of the Peloponnesus by the Bulgarians of the Tsar Symeon, between the years 924 and 927,’ Οἱ Σλάβοι v Ἑλλάδι (n. 55 supra) 89.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Most scholars attribute the interview to the year 924 (September 9). Among recent historians see, for example, Dölger, Franz, Regesten der Kaiserurkunden des oströmischen Reiches I (München-Berlin 1924) 74, No. 604 (ca. 924). Dölger calls the interview ‘the peace with the Bulgarian Tsar Symeon.’ Runciman, S., The Emperor Romanus Lecapenus 91; A History of the First Bulgarian Empire 169–72. Ostrogorsky, G., Geschichte des byzantinischen Staates (München 1940) 188 (in the autumn, 924; but he says that this dating is as arbitrary as any other proposed dating). Zlatarsky dates the interview September 9, 923. History of the Bulgarian State I 2, 466–68. M. Canard: at the end of 923. ‘Arabes et Bulgares au début du X^e siècle,’ Byzantion 11 (1936) 223. See the picturesque description of the interview in Rambaud, A., L'empire grec au dixième siècle (Paris 1870) 333–36. Rambaud's description is reproduced in C. Sathas et Legrand, E., Les exploits de Digénis Akritas (Paris 1875) cxviii–cxx. The two recent historians of Bulgaria, Zlatarsky and Runciman, often disagree with each other in their account of the events from 914 to 927, particularly in regard to chronology.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Vita S. Lucae Junioris, PG 111, 453: Οὐ γὰρ πολὺ τò ἐv μέσῳ καὶ ὁ μὲν ἀλιτήριος Συμεών, καὶ πoλλν αίμάτων Χριστιανν ἐκχύσεως αἲτιoς, ἐξ ἀνθρώπων γίvεται. ἐκδέχεται δὲ τὴν τούτου ἀρχὴν Πἐτρoς.: Ὃς εὐθὺς χαίρειν εἰπὼν αἲματι καὶ πολέμοις, εἰρήνην τὴν μεθ'ἡμν ἠπάσατο … ἡνίκα καὶ πάντων ἐπὶ τὰς οἰκείας πόλεις τε καὶ κώμας καὶ τὰς ἑστίας αὐτὰς ἀνασωζομἑνων, καὶ ὁ θεȋος Λουκς εἰς τὴν κατὰ τòν Ἰωαννίτ ζην περιπόθητον ἡσυχίαν ποθεινς ἐπανήει. Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Panchenko, Β., Izvestiya of the Russian Archaeological Institute in Constantinople 13 (1908) 100–101, No. 361 (386). See Bees, N. A., ‘Zur Sigillographie’ 92–94. Idem, Aἱ πιδρομαί 356–57.Google Scholar

⁸¹ A partial text of the Life in PG 111, 441–80. Complete text in Γ. κρμος. Φωκικά I (Athens 1874) 25–62. Since Kremos’ edition is very rare, E. Martini published the additional passages of the Life which are lacking in Migne. Martini, E., ‘Supplementum ad Acta S. Lucae Iunioris,’ Analecta Bollandiana 13 (1894) 81–121. A Latin version of the Life in Acta Sanctorum, Febr. II, 83–100 (under February 7). The passages which are particularly important for this study are all given in Migne. See Diehl, Ch., L'église et les mosaïques du couvent de Saint-Luc en Phocide. Choses et Gens de Byzance (Paris 1926) 1–121. This is a reprint from Bibliothèque des écoles de Rome et d'Athènes 55 (Paris 1889). Also Hopf, K., Geschichte Griechenlands (Leipzig 1867) 135. Hopf used the Latin version of the Acta Sanctorum. Google Scholar

⁸² PG 111, 449–51: oἱ δὲ πρòς τὴν Ε βοιάν τε καὶ τὴν το Πέλοπος ἀπεσώζορτο … εἳθ’ oὓτως ἐπαvελθóvτωv, πλοίου ἐπιτνχὼν ἐκεȋvoς (Luke), σὺν ὃλῳ γέvει καὶ γvωστοȋς περαιoται εἰς κόρινθον. The Greek text and Bulgarian translation in Zlatarsky I 2, 406.Google Scholar

⁸³ For the year 917, Diehl, Ch., Choses et Gens de Byzance 3. Σ. κουγέας, Ἒρευvαι περὶ τς ἑλληνικς λαoγραφίας κατὰ τoὺς μέτους χρóvoυς, Δελτίov τς Ἑλληνικς Λαoγραφικς Ἑταιρείας 4(1912–13) 266. N. Bέης, Aἱ πιδρομαί 343–348; 354–355. Zlatarsky (I 2, 405–406) ascribes Luke's story to the year 920. Runciman is inclined to favor the year 916 (First Bulgarian Empire 159 n. 3). M. Drinov accepts the year 919. Drinov, M. S., The Southern Slavs and Byzantium in the Tenth Century (Moscow 1875) 21; Drinov's Works , ed. Zlatarsky, V. I (Sofia 1909) 391 (in Russian). G. Ostrogorsky is for the year 918. Geschichte des byzantinischen Staates 187 n. 1.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ PG 111, 453.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ On the later years of St. Luke, in the thirties of the tenth century, see Vasiliev, A., Byzantium and the Arabs II, 270, and Diehl, Ch., L'église et les mosaïques du couvent de Saint-Luc. Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Cecaumeni Strategicon et incerti scriptoris De officiis regiis Libellus edd. Wassiliewsky, B. et Jernstedt, V. (St. Petersburg 1896) 32–33 (ch. 82): … ἢv τις πάλις ἐv Ἑλλάδι πολυάνθρωπος ἀγωνισάμενος οὒν πολλὰ Συμεὼν ὁ ἅρχων, Βουλγάρων ὁ τòτε τύραvvoς εἰς τò ταύτην χειρώσασθαι, εἰς κεvòv αὐτ γἑγovεv ὁ κóπoς … A Russian translation of this entire chapter by Vasilievsky, V., ‘Advices and Stories of a Byzantine Nobleman (boyar) of the eleventh century,’ Journal of the Ministry of Public Instruction 215 (June 1881) 284; Greek text, p. 285. A Bulgarian translation in V. Zlatarsky I 2, 406 n. 2.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ Vasilievsky, , ‘Advices and Stories,’ 286. On the life and writing of Cecaumenus see the preface to Vasilievsky-Ernstedt's edition of the Strategicon, 1–15, and a beautifully written essay of Schlumberger, G., L'Epopée Byzantine à la fin du dixième siècle (Paris 1896) 620–41. Also Diehl, Ch., Un précurseur de La Rochefoucauld à Byzance (Paris 1912); this pamphlet was reprinted in his Dans l'orient byzantin (Paris 1917) 149–66 (ch. VIII). In English, Diehl, Ch., Byzantine Portraits, translated by Harold Bell (New York 1927) 326–38 (The Wisdom of Cecaumenus).Google Scholar

⁸⁸ Zlatarsky loc. cit. attributes Cecaumenus’ story, like the story in the Life of St. Luke, to the year 920.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ The scholium has been printed several times. Sonny, A., Analecta ad Dionem Chrisostomum (Kiev 1896) 105. Bees, N., Aἱ πιδρoµαί, 337. The two words at the very beginning are mutilated. Here is the text: Ὃτι Θηβαȋα Βοιώτιδι καὶ Nέρωovoς καὶ Oὐεσπεσιανο φαύλως ᾠκοντο μóνης τς Kαδµείας συνισταμένης ὣσπερ καὶ νν εἰ μὴ καὶ ταύτην Βούλγαροι κατεστρέψαντο. Kougeas restores the beginning thus: Ὃτι Θβαι Βοιωτικαὶ ἐπὶ Nέρωνoς, etc . Kougeas, S., Ἒρεvvαι (n. 83 supra) 265–66. He refers the episode to the year 917.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ ὡς καὶ φυγ χρήσασθαι χρόνῳ ἐφ’ ἱκαν . καὶ τοτο δηλοȋ καὶ ὁ περὶ φυγς αὐτ λóγoς γραφείς (ch. 9: Cozza-Luzi 6; Papaoikonomos 64).Google Scholar

⁹¹ καὶ ταύτην ἀπέτεκε τὴν καλὴν ὠδȋνα τv λóγωv, ὡς καὶ αὐτὰ δηλοȋ τα τούτου ἐκπονηθέντα συγγράμματα (ch. 7: Cozza-Luzi 5; Papaoikonomos 63).Google Scholar

⁹² All four orations were published by Cozza-Luzi 20–80 (with a Latin translation) and Papaoikonomos 76–136 (Greek text only, with introductions).Google Scholar

⁹³ Cozza-Luzi 31–51. Papaoikonomos 91–106.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ Rudakov, A., Sketches of Byzantine Culture (n. 42 supra) 230.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ Petri Episcopi Argorum Sermo in conceptionem Sanctae Annae ch. 15: Cozza-Luzi 29; Papaoikonomos 88. About a century ago, a professor of the Collegio Romano, Carlo Passaglia, became interested in this oration and used a copy of the Codice Greco-latino which is preserved in the Public Library of the Collegio Massimo in Palermo. Like many others, he thought that Peter of Argos was born in Sicily, and erroneously attributed his life to the time of the Emperor Michael II the Stammerer (820–829). Passaglia printed a complete Italian translation of this oration: Passaglia, Carlo, ‘Documenti del IX secolo sull’ Immaculata Concezione di Maria,’ La scienza e la Fede: Raccolta religiosa scientifica, letteraria ed artistica 28 (Naples 1854) 97–110. Our text, p. 110 (in his translation, ch. 13).Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Encomium in s. gloriosos thaumaturgos Cosmam et Damianum ch. 27: Μὴ ἐπὶ πλέoν αἵρεσθαι τὴν Σκυθικὴν ὀφρν καὶ Ἀγαρηνὴν ἐάσητε καθ’ ἡμν (Cozza-Luzi 70; Papaoikonomos 126). See Deubner, L., Kosmas und Damian: Texte und Einleitung (Leipzig-Berlin 1907) 4; 17; 45; 53 n. 2.Google Scholar

⁹⁷ Rudakov, A., Sketches of Byzantine Culture 26–27.Google Scholar