¹ Revue Bénédictine 52 (1940) 15–84, especially 30 (analysis), 61f. (a poem ‘In die Apostolorum’).Google Scholar

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¹³ 2 vols. Berlin 1905.Google Scholar

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¹⁸ London 1940.Google Scholar

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²⁴ In the series, S. Mason, A. (ed.), Cambridge Patristic Texts; Cambridge 1922.Google Scholar

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²⁶ Two parts: AH 51, 52 (Leipzig 1908, 1909).Google Scholar

²⁷ Two parts; the second in two volumes: AH 53-55 (Leipzig 1911-1922). AH 51-55 are the work of Blume, 53-54 in collaboration with Bannister, H. M. The introductions to the three volumes of the Prosarium are especially valuable for the discussion of the literary form of the sequence, the analysis of its development by periods, and the characterization of the full-blown sequence of Adam of St. Victor.Google Scholar

²⁸ To illustrate this change in Blume's attitude it will be enough to refer to certain features in AH 55. Apart from his introduction, where he discusses the relationship of South-German and French sequences, Blume adds in this volume notes to many sequences, explaining their pattern, referring to certain interconnections, supplying interpretation of the texts, etc. Compared with the procedure of the early volumes of AH, these features show the editor's new orientation. Typical explanatory remarks are found on pp. 270, 284, 287, 288, 290, 298, 302, 308, 310, 320, 323, 325, 330, 335, 336, 353, 364, 381, 391, 408, 409, 410, etc. Cf. also pp. xi, 17, 22,58, 76, 79, 81, 98, 117, 118, 138, 141-42, 146, 147, 153, 173, 178, 179, 183-84, 223, 242, 255, 274, 277, 304, 359 etc.; and also AH 53 ix (introduction by Blume-Bannister): ‘Die Analecta Hymnica … lieferten und liefern … die Bausteine für die einzelnen Teile des zukünftigen Baues … Der eigentliche Bau mit dem so herbeigeschafften Material, an dem alsdann noch manches zu meisseln und auszubessern und anderes zu sortieren sein wird, hat erst mit der von Anfang an geplanten Geschichte der Hymnodie zu beginnen,’Google Scholar

²⁹ The term ‘hymn’ is applied in this study, in a general sense, to a wide variety of types: hymns of the breviary, processional hymns, sequences, tropi, ‘Pia Dictamina,’ rhythmical prayers, rhythmical offices (‘Reimoffizien’), etc. Cf. Manser, A., ‘Hymnen,’ LThK 5.221-223.Google Scholar

³⁰ Kleinschmidt, B., Die heilige Anna (Düsseldorf 1930).Google Scholar

³¹ Meisen, K., Nikolauskult und Nikolausgebrauch im Abendlande (Düsseldorf 1931).Google Scholar

³² Rosenfeld, H. F., Der hl. Christophorus (Leipzig 1937), and a general survey, including beliefs, superstitions, calendar customs, ecclesiastical and folk cult: Sz, J.övérffy, Der hl. Christophorus und sein Kult (Forschungen zur Deutschen Volkskunde 10; Budapest 1943). Some new aspects are discussed in the article: Sz, J.övérffy, ‘Beiträge zur Christophorus-Frage,’ Die Nachbarn: Jahrbuch für vergleichende Volkskunde 2 (Göttingen 1954) 62-88.Google Scholar

³³ Kleinschmidt, B., Der hl. Antonius (Düsseldorf 1931).Google Scholar

³⁴ Cf. Sz, J.övérffy, Der heilige Petrus in der Hymnendichtung des Mittelalters (Habilitationsschrift, Univ, of Fribourg; typescript, Fribourg-Hauterive 1950).Google Scholar

³⁵ Dreves, AH 3.16f. Dreves, ibid. 14-17, identifies Albert, prior of the Prague char treuse 1386-1392, with the author of the poems contained in a late-fourteenth-century MS of the Prague University library, and (103-168) publishes these poems as the work of Albertus Pragensis. See Autore, S. in DHGE 1 (Paris 1912) 1442 s.v. Albert (29). On Conrad, see Raby, , Christian-Latin Poetry ² 455.Google Scholar

³⁶ Cf. Aarne, A., Verzeichnis der Märchentypen (F[olklore] F[ellows] C[ommunication] 3; Hels nki 1910); Aarne, A.-Stith Thompson, The Types of the Folk-tales (FFC 74; Helsinki 1928).Google Scholar

³⁷ Thompson, Stith, Motif-index of Folk-literature (FFC 106-109, 116-117; Helsinki 1932-1936). Also issued as Indiana University Studies, Nos. 96-97, 100-101, 105-106, 108-112 (1932-1936).Google Scholar

³⁸ A few aspects of the analysis of hymns are discussed by Sz, J.övérffy, ‘Zur Analyse der Christophorus-Hymnen: Spuren von Gemeinschaftstradition und volkstümlicher Heiligenverehrung,’ to appear in Zeitschrift für deutsche Philologie 74 (1955) 1–35.Google Scholar

³⁹ AH 14a.39; cf. 44.270.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Ibid. 14a. 128. Cf. Th. Graesse, Jacobi a Voragine Legenda Aurea (Breslau 1890) 784–785.Google Scholar

⁴¹ AH 4.142, 4.143.Google Scholar

⁴² Ibid. 12.200.Google Scholar

⁴³ Cf. Klapper, J., Exempla aus Handschriften des Mittelalters (Sammlung mittellateinischer Texte 2; Heidelberg 1911) 62–63.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Mone, F. J., Lateinische Hymnen des Mittelalters III (Freiburg im Breisgau 1855) 92; AH 55.324.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Günter, H., Die christliche Legende des Abendlandes (Religionswissenschaftliche Bibliothek 2; Heidelberg 1910) 99; Saintyves, P., Essais de folklore biblique (Paris 1922) 59-137: ‘La verge fleurie d'Aaron ou le bâton sec qui reverdit.’Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Paul. Aemil. Sanctorius (d. Archbishop of Urbino 1635), Acta Petri Apostoli, S. 32 ‘Illud quoque miraculum summa in fama est. Nam, cum duos ipse ex discipulis, Gregorium et Martialem (etsi alii Frontonem dicunt…) ad enuntiandam populis Christi veritatem dimisisset,… Gregorius, cum inediam ferre non posset, itineris labore exanimatus, fato fungitur; tristisque Martialis, carissimo orbatus comite, flensque ad Petrum revertitur,… quem Petrus statim repetere iter, scipionemque, cui innitebatur, admovere defuncti cadaveri jubet…; factoque ut illi Petrus injunxerat, statim Gregorius jam XL dierum intervallo, e vivis exemptus, lucem solemque adspexit.’ — These Acta of Peter, S., first published at Rome in 1597 (along with those of St. Paul by the same author), are reprinted in the Bollandists’ Acta Sanctorum — in the original edition: Iun. VII (Antwerp 1717) 2-16; in the Carnandet reprint: Iun. VII (Paris-Rome 1867) App. 2*-15*. The text is cited here by the sections observed in both these printings of the AS.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Lietzmann, H., Petrus und Paulus in Rom (2nd ed. Berlin 1927) 229ff., 236.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ A. Lipsius, R., Die apokryphen Apostelgeschichten und Apostellegenden (Brunswick 1883-1890) passim (see the Sachregister). — The work is in three volumes: I, II 1, II 2 plus Ergänzungsheft. Following the usage of the Register, volumes II 1 and II 2 will be called respectively II and III.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ AH 18.12; 39.89.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Ibid. 24.197.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Ibid. 14b.245.Google Scholar

⁵² Ibid. 12.106.Google Scholar

⁵³ Ibid. 19.126.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Ibid. 11.138.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Ibid. 37.214.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Ibid. 44.216.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Ibid. 37.252.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Ibid. 34.266.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Ibid. 12.230.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Ibid. 44.256.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Ibid. 53.346.Google Scholar

⁶² Ibid. 18.253.Google Scholar

⁶³ Ibid. 13.41. Cf. Saintyves, P., En marge de la Légende dorée (Paris 1930) 143: St. Ansgarius’ vision.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ AH 37.177; 42.162; 22.43.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Ibid. 18.37.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Ibid. 44.127.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Ibid. 34.191.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Ibid. 17.127.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Ibid. 7.180, 182; cf. 19.207, 208. On the title of AH 7, Prosarium Lemovicense, cf. Blume-Bannister, ibid. 53.vii.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Ibid. 43.254.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Ibid. 24.271.Google Scholar

⁷² Ibid. 28.174, 12.227. Of a sequence on Sts. Savinianus and Pontianus (AH 55.330f) Blume says: ‘Die Heimat … ist … Sens, wo Sabinianus … wirkte und zwar in der 2. Hälfte des dritten Jahrhunderts, während die Legende sie [Savinianus and Pontianus] zu Aposteljüngern stempelt.’ Savinianus seems to have had several legends, different from each other. One particular stage of development of his legends is thus described by Günter: ‘Um Troyes (St.-Savine) verehrte man einen hl. Savinianus— ohne Historia. Oder sollte seine Geschichte Verwandtes bereits geboten haben? Ich weiss nicht. Kurz, als St. Christophorus aus dem Osten kam,… entsprach er den Bedürfnissen derer von Troyes, und so stellt sich heute uns St. Savinianus in allen wesentlichen Zügen als das getreue Abbild des grossen Christoph dar: er stammt aus Samon, bekommt den glühenden Helm aufgestülpt, wird auf einem zwölf Ellen langen Rost — secundum staturam ejus — gebrannt, und im Feuer mit Öl überschüttet; der Kaiser stürzt zu Boden; der Heilige wird mit Pfeilen beschossen,… Savinianus ist bis ins kleinste der hl. Christophorus… Wann die Übertragung erfolgte, wird schwer zu sagen sein’ (Christliche Legende [cit. supra n. 45] 144-145).Google Scholar

⁷³ AH 39.294.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Ibid. 19.208.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ St. Domnio of Salona and not St. Domnius. Cf. Dreves, AH 45a.54; Delehaye, H.S.J.(, in Analecta Bollandiana 47 (1929) 78–83.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Cf. Saintyves, , En marge (cit. supra n. 63) 335f.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ AH 3.109.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Ibid. 43.204.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ See Haase, F., ‘Julian von Le Mans,’ LThK 5.710.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Hist. Franc. 1.30 (ed. Krusch and Levison, MGH, Scr. rer. Merov. 1.1² [1937–1942] 23). The first sentence is stated by Gregory to have come from a Passio S. Saturnini. Google Scholar

⁸¹ Bigelmair, A., ‘Maternus,’ LThK 6.1019f.Google Scholar

⁸² AH 44.256.Google Scholar

⁸³ Cf. P. Kirsch, J., ‘Silvanus,’ LThK 9.558; Delehaye, H., ‘Sanctus Silvanus,’ Analecta Bollandiana 25 (1906) 158–162.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Manitius, M., Bildung, Wissenschaft und Literatur im Abendlande vom 800 bis 1100 (Crimitschau 1925) 49.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ See van Gennep, A., La formation des légendes (Paris 1929) 127.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Manitius, , Bildung 57.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ Coens, M., ‘La Vie ancienne de Front, S. de Périgueux,’ Anal. Boll. 48 (1930) 324–360.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ Ibid. 331 and 331 n. 3.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ See the refs. in DACL 14.1 (1939) 655.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ Fillion, L., art.’ Pierre (Saint),’ in Vigouroux, F., Dictionnaire de la Bible 5 (Paris 1912) 370.Google Scholar

⁹¹ R. James, M., The Apocryphal New Testament (2nd ed. Oxford 1926) 300f., 302.Google Scholar

⁹² Lipsius, , Apokr. Apostelgesch . (cit. supra n. 48) II 203; cf. ibid. 278, 306; III 10, 15, 404.Google Scholar

⁹³ AH 22.227.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ Lipsius II 251, 409, 412, etc.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ Allemang, G., ‘Martial,’ LThK 6.978.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Bigelmair, in LThK 6.1019.Google Scholar

⁹⁷ Coens, ‘S. Front’ (cit. supra n. 87) 348.Google Scholar

⁹⁸ Ibid, 349.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ Cf. Sanctorius, Acta Petri, S. (cit. supra n. 46) 32: ‘Enimvero, quid tale umquam Judaeus vidit? commemoret licet Eliae atque Elisei miracula. Quid? nulla hic circumplicatio manuum, non flatus in ora ingestus, non pectora calcata pectoribus, non praesentia cantusve verborum, nec madefacta lymphis corpora; sed sicca virga vitales in extinctos afflantur aurae.’Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ Acts 8.9ff. especially 20: ‘Pecunia tua tecum sit in perditionem, quoniam donum Dei existimasti pecunia possideri.’Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ Cf. Lipsius, Apokr. Apostelgesch. passim; James, Apocr. NT 288, 304ff., 470, 485, etc,Google Scholar

¹⁰² Cf. Lipsius, passim, esp. vol. II; Sanctorius, Acta Petri, S. 59-75.Google Scholar

¹⁰³ AH 55.324.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ Ibid. 55.316.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ Ibid. 14a.60, 2.88: ‘Beatus Christi famulus,’ and AH 17.66: ‘Principis ecclesiae.’ Cf. II, Lipsius 406, 408, 414.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ Cf. Lipsius II 257; W. Hackwood, F., Christ Lore (London 1902) 194; Graesse, Legenda Aurea (cit. supra n. 40) 182.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ Cf. Graesse, Legenda Aurea 371; James 304f.; Lipsius passim, in especial II 7, 9, 44, 48, 62, 176, 215, 218, 220, 236, 281.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ It is stated that the conflict of St. Peter and Simon Magus influenced the legend of St. Patrick; see Frenken, G., Wunder und Taten der Heiligen (Munich 1925) 104f. The matter remains doubtful.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ Also Chevalier, U., Poésie liturgique du moyen âge (Paris 1893) 195f. Google Scholar

¹¹⁰ Sanctorius, Acta Petri, S. 63-65; Lipsius, Apokr. Apostelgesch. II 188, 198, 201, 206, 253, 265, 267, 277, 368, 418; James, Apocr. NT 325-28.Google Scholar

¹¹¹ Sanctorius 65: James 325-328, 329.Google Scholar

¹¹² Legenda Aurea 372. See G. Turcio, further, ‘San Pietro e i cani,’ Ecclesia 7 (1948) 297–299, with consideration of representations in art, from the fourth to the fifteenth century.Google Scholar

¹¹³ In a sequence published by Bannister from a 15th-cent. Prosarium of Poissy (Seine-et-Oise), MS Egerton, B.M. 2701 (AH 40.271), we find a strophe that, in spite of the wide geographical separation, deserves comparison with the passage in question in the Ripoll MS: Ripoll MS Dat gregibus documenta sacra Atque Dei monimenta pia Aegraque corpora salvificat Functaque somata vivificat. Or have we here the simple workings of chance? Poissy MS Dulce gregi / praebet edulium Umbra morbos / curat languentium In plerisque / mortis dominium / demolitur.Google Scholar

¹¹⁴ According to one of these additions, St. Clement's father was bewitched by Simon Magus and disenchanted by St. Peter (see Greven, J., Die Exempla aus den Sermones feriales et communes des Jakob von Vitry [Sammlung mittellateinischer Texte 9; Heidelberg 1914] 45). St. Clement's family story embraces many episodes and is recorded also in the Golden Legend (cf. Graesse 777-782). An allusion to this story appears in a rhymed ‘Gaude’-prayer from a 16th-cent. MS of Liège (AH 29.102): Gaude, Clemens, praesul Christi, Qui per Petrum invenisti Parentes mirifice. Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ AH 37.244. Cf. Saintyves, En marge (cit. supra n. 63) 98.Google Scholar

¹¹⁶ Chevalier, Poésie liturgique 195-197.Google Scholar

¹¹⁷ AH 55. 317, strophe 17; cf. ibid. 322, strophe 20: ‘magus crepat’ and AH 39.251, strophe 8b. Cf. Sanctorius 75; James 332.Google Scholar

¹¹⁸ The same motif is repeated in several other hymns together with the alliteration. E. g. ‘Nero fremens furibundus’ (AH 40.272) and variations, ‘Nero fremit iracundus / et pro mago furibundus’ (ibid. 10.289).Google Scholar

¹¹⁹ Legenda Aurea (cit. supra n. 40), 374-375.Google Scholar

¹²⁰ Legenda Aurea 374; James 470.Google Scholar

¹²¹ Legenda Aurea, loc. cit.; James 333.Google Scholar

¹²² Lipsius, Apokr. Apostelgesch. II 92, 111, 118, 139.Google Scholar

¹²³ James 334ff.Google Scholar

¹²⁴ Cf. Delehaye, H., Les légendes hagiographiques (3rd ed.: Subsidia Hagiographica 18; Brussels 1927) passim; Günter, Christliche Legende (cit. supra n. 45) 148, 153, etc.Google Scholar

¹²⁵ Cf. Sanctorius 87; James 470.Google Scholar

¹²⁶ Reprinted in many collections. I quote only: AH 2.55; Mone (cit. supra n. 44), III 88; Walpole (cit. supra n. 24) 94-97. Walpole states that the word ‘volens’ used of St. Peter in this hymn (‘sed volens mortem subegit asperam’ line 19f.) refers to the ‘Quo vadis’ legend (cf. ibid. 92-93 and n. on line 19). I have some doubts in this respect; but, in any case, the single word can not be regarded as a legendary motif of full value. Thus, this passage can be eliminated as an echo of legends in early hymns.Google Scholar

¹²⁷ AH 2.54; Walpole 395-397. For the later history of the hymn, see Paris, P., ‘Hymne,’ in Bricout, J. (ed.), Dictionnaire pratique des connaissances religieuses 3 (Paris 1926) 836–838.Google Scholar

¹²⁸ Bede's comment on Acts 8.13 (‘Tum Simon et ipse credidit’) goes beyond the Biblical data and refers to certain ‘historiae’ concerning Simon Magus (Expositio Actuum Apostolorum … ed. Laistner, W.M.L. [Cambridge, Mass. 1939] 36 f., esp. 37.1-2). Non-Biblical allusions to Simon Magus are also contained in a letter quoted by Bede as Ceolfrid's (Hist. eccl. 5.21: 1.343 Plummer; cf. 2.335, 354) but believed by Plummer (2.332) to be Bede's own. — Cf. in general also Grant Loomis, C., ‘The Miracle Traditions of the Venerable Bede,’ Speculum 21 (1946) 404–418.Google Scholar

¹²⁹ Cf. P. Ker, W., The Dark Ages (Edinburgh-London 1923) 142. According to Ker, Bede was a typical representative of his time: ‘It is unfair to the seventh century not to take Bede's works as representing the learning and intelligence of the time. He did not in his reading or writing go beyond the sources or the models that were commonly accessible’ (141).Google Scholar

¹³⁰ Relevant data were collected from the surviving poems of the Carolingian period. St. Peter is mentioned, e.g., in MGH, P(oetae) L(atini) A(evi) C(arolini) I (ed. Dümmler, E.; 1881): pp. 5, 60, 113, 116, 127, 136, 199, 230, 247, 307, 311, 315, 330, 334, 335, 338, 341, 476, 479, 523, 535, 562, 571, and in a few other pages not registered in the Index: 90, 98 128 (cf. AH 27.228) 136 (cf. AH 2.53), 140, 210, 245, 258, etc. (but no trace anywhere of the legends dealt with above); II (also ed. Dümmler; 1884): pp. 5, 35, 78, 85, 126, 151, 161, 170, 192, 205, 207, 211, 217, 221, 224, 226, 227, 229, 231, 233, 249, 251, 255, 393, 408, 426, 427, 447, 481, 509, 511, 513, 515, 518, 520, 522, 523, 533, 540, 581, 585, 586, 588, 590, 591, 596, 655, 679, 680, 686, etc. The texts vary widely in character but little appears that is in the nature of a hymn; this is true also of the further volumes of PLAC: III (ed. Traube, L.; 1886-1896): pp. 84, 87, 134, 170, 174, 175, 187, 192, 203, 207, 210, 222, 237, 253, 263, 379, 411, 458, 474, 475, 502, 556, 569, 570, 592, 634, 636, 639, 652, 661, 731, 740, 741; IV. 1 (ed. von Winterfeld, P.; 1899); IV.2, 3 (ed. Strecker, K.; 1914-1923): pp. 18, 42, 71, 136, 154, 199, 207, 240, 331, 332, 337, 398, 413, 418, 481, 490, 502, 503, 533, 564, 565, 575, 720, 767, 777, 969, 1014, 1049, 1050, etc. Among the few hymns published in PLAC, we may note: Paulinus Aquileiensis, ‘O Petre, petra ecclesiae,’ and ‘Felix per omnes’ (both I 136); Hrabanus Maurus, ‘Sanctorum pariter’ (II 250).Google Scholar

¹³¹ In PLAC I-IV no more than two poems deal with the Simon Magus legend; neither is a hymn and the allusion in each case is brief: Sedulius Scottus, ‘De virtutitus petri Apostoli’ (lines 24, 29f.: III 188); Johannes Diaconus, ‘Versiculi de Cena Cypriani’ (epilogus, strophe 5, line 4: IV 2.900 [quoted infra, n. 159]). We may regard the ‘Versiculi’ as a precursor of a type of poem often recorded later, in the time of the church reform movement after the eleventh century; cf. also PLAC I 258, lines 41-46.Google Scholar

¹³² Traube, L., ‘O Roma nobilis,’ Abhandl. der Königl. bayer. Akad. der Wiss. 1. Cl. 19.2 (1891) 299–309, re-editing the text (p. 300), also found AH 51.219f. and elsewhere. For an example of the now general acceptance in principle of Traube's dating (yet see the following note), see Manitius, M., Geschichte der lat. Literatur des Mittelalters I (München 1911) 635f. On various aspects of the hymn see the recent article of M. Peebles, B. (‘O Roma nobilis,’ American Benedictine Review 1 [1950] 67-92), whose assistance in connection with this poem and in many other ways I here gladly acknowledge.Google Scholar

¹³³ The original dating (Niebuhr's) in the last years of the Roman empire was approved by Manitius in his earlier work, Geschichte der christlich-lateinischen Poesie bis zur Mitte des 8. Jahrhunderts (Stuttgart 1891) 378. Blume's mature opinion (cf. AH 51.219 for the earlier) was that the poem comes from the end of the eleventh or the beginning of the twelfth century (Ein Jahrtausend lateinischer Hymnendichtung [Leipzig 1909] II 347; cf. Raby, Christian-Latin Poetry ² 234 n. 2).Google Scholar

¹³⁴ Cf. AH 49.130 (no. 294) and 11.192 (no. 353).Google Scholar

¹³⁵ AH 7.187.Google Scholar

¹³⁶ AH 19.208; the legendary tradition of St. Mark's activity in Aquileia is reflected in the earliest examples of Carolingian court poetry, e.g. ‘Carmen de Aquilegia’ (PLAC II 151), and a hymn attributed to Paulinus II (PLAC I 140 = AH 50.143); cf. supra, p. 283. Yet these records of conversion, baptism and the like attributed to St. Peter are read in other poems but never in hymns. Cf. the ‘Martyrologium’ by Wandalbertus Prumiensis, lines 271-274 (PLAC II 585).Google Scholar

¹³⁷ Ibid. 27.145f.Google Scholar

¹³⁸ Ibid. 7.102.Google Scholar

¹³⁹ Ibid. 22.43; 14a.103.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁰ Ibid. 53.300f. Only a few of the earliest examples of the kind have been given here. A complete list would not, however, yield a more exact impression.Google Scholar

¹⁴¹ This period is always referred to as a period of change with little explanation. Thus Julian declares: ‘The greatest change, however, which took place at this period in Church Song had relation to the Blessed Virgin… A similar change and revolution took place in and after the 14th century in the Western Church with the hymnody which related to the Apostles, Saints, Martyrs, Confessors, and Virgins… Several [sequences] are of St. Peter and the other Apostles singly, most of which are narratives of their lives and martyrdom… Several are of Peter and Paul jointly, two or three of which are in our early English books’ (Dictionary [cit. supra n. 11] 650f.).Google Scholar

¹⁴² St. Petronilla is mentioned without details of her legend in some texts of the Carolingian period, PLAC II 207, 218, 586. Alcuin refers to her as ‘Petronilla patris praeclari filia’ (PLAC I 341), and Wandalbertus inserted her name in his ‘Martyrologium,’ lines 304, 566 (PLAC 586, 594).Google Scholar

¹⁴³ AH 39.249f., composed very likely in the twelfth century.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁴ Ibid. 10.289-290; 34.261.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁵ The reference is vague: ‘Petrus, virtute sancta / vincens Simoniaca monstra, / triumphat in gloria’ (strophe 4a).Google Scholar

¹⁴⁶ Manitius, Bildung (cit. supra n. 84) 29.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁷ Harster, W., Walther von Speier, ein Dichter des 10. Jahrhunderts (Munich 1877), and Harster, W., Vualtheri Spirensis Vita et Passio Christophori Martyris, S. (ibid. 1878); cf. Raby, Christian-Latin Poetry ² 209.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁸ Cf. Fliche, A., La chrétienté médiévale (Histoire du Monde 7; Paris 1929) 188ff. Raby characterizes the period as follows: ‘The tenth century had seen the life of the Church at a low ebb… The sense of danger produced a strong movement towards reform from within the Church. It was a movement whose driving force was the monastic ideal of the separation of the Church from the world as understood by the monks of Cluny’ (op. cit. 250).Google Scholar

¹⁴⁹ Fliche 269ff., 281ff., 318ff.; Tellenbach, G., Church, State and Christian Society at the Time of the Investiture Contest (Oxford 1940) 126–161; Southern, R. W., The Making of the Middle Ages (London 1953) 118-169.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁰ Ulich, R. - Manitius, M., Vagantenlieder: Aus der lateinischen Dichtung des 12. und 13. Jahrhunderts (Jena 1927) ii. On the recurrence of the simony theme, cf. Wesselski, A., Mönchslatein (Leipzig 1909) 124; Raby, A History of Secular Latin Poetry in the Middle Ages (2 vols. Oxford 1934) II 27, where account is taken of lines in the De simonia of Petrus Pictor (early 12th cent.) as a typical outburst against Rome, ‘the headquarters of simony’ (‘iam totam Romam sibi vindicat ambitus eris…’), also II 49ff. (esp. 53), for the diatribe on simony in Bernard of Cluny's De contemptu mundi.Google Scholar

¹⁵¹ Cf. Dobiache, O.-Rojdestvensky, Les poésies des Goliards (Paris 1931) 74, 76, 78, 82, 86, 92, 97, 100, 111, etc.Google Scholar

¹⁵² Luke 22.35-38.Google Scholar

¹⁵³ On the MS, see V. Zingerle, I. in Sitzungsb. Wien 54 (1866) 293–340; for the poem ‘De duobus gladiis,’ p. 309 (on ‘B1. 15a’).Google Scholar

¹⁵⁴ It is interesting to compare a passage from Petrus Pictor: Sic Magus in Petrum transit vice pontificali, inque Magum Petrus migrat vice simonali… (quoted by Raby, Secular Latin Poetry II 27).Google Scholar

¹⁵⁵ AH 33.284; 15.270, strophes 12-13.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁶ Ibid. 15.262f.: ‘Hymnus confundens Gregorium, alias Errorium, olim papam.’ This, of course, comes from the imperial, anti-reform camp.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁷ AH 40.270 (cit. supra, n. 145).Google Scholar

¹⁵⁸ Cf. Raby, Christian-Latin Poetry ² 250-252.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁹ It is characteristic that a Carolingian poem recording the Simon Magus story deals also with problems of Church reform. We read in the poem by Johannes Diaconus (cf. supra n. 131):Google Scholar

(‘Versiculi de Cena Cypriani,’ epilogus, strophe 2, lines 1-4; strophe 3, line 1; strophe 5, lines 3-4: PLAC IV 899f.). One should advert to the fact that there is no exact indication of whether the poet refers to the legend of Simon Magus or only to the scene described in the Acts (cit. supra n. 100). Cf. also PLAC I 258 (lines 41-46). — We may suppose that the tradition of quoting Simon Magus and his legend as prototype of abuses in the Church and especially of ‘simony’ is older than the Church reform movement of Cluny. Even if it is so, the final amalgamation of the two ideas is completed only after the spread of the reform. A parallel case is that of the ‘Goliardic’ poetry, whose authors had forerunners as early as the ninth century according to Jarcho B. I., ‘Die Vorläufer des Golias,’ Speculum 3 (1928) 577.

¹⁶⁰ A survey of the relationship of thirty-one St. Peter-sequences written between the 11th and the 16th cent. will be published in a separate study. Most of the sequences referred to above belong to the group dealt with in this forthcoming work.Google Scholar

¹⁶¹ von der Leyen, Fr., Das deutsche Märchen (Leipzig 1917) 29; Das Märchen (Wissenschaft und Bildung 96; Leipzig 1925) 110ff., 157.Google Scholar

¹⁶² B. Taylor, A., An Introduction to Medieval Romance (London 1930) 214.Google Scholar

¹⁶³ Zuidweg, J.J.A., De Duizend en Een Nacht der Heiligenlegenden (Amsterdam 1948) 183.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁴ Taylor, , Introduction 210.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁵ The best Latin edition is that of Graesse (cit. supra n. 40); its French translation: Th. Wyzewa, de, La Légende dorée (2nd ed. Paris 1930).Google Scholar

¹⁶⁶ Hug, W., ‘Quellengeschichtliche Studie zur Petrus- und Paulus-Legende der Legenda Aurea’ Historisches Jahrbuch 49 (1929) 604–624.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁷ Cf. Rosenfeld, op. cit. (supra n. 32) 473.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁸ According to Zuidweg, op. cit. 182, this legend must be regarded as one of the most phantastic stories in the Golden Legend. In addition to the Golden Legend, we find a number of prose and metrical (or rhythmical) narratives dealing with the Simon Magus legend hardly less extensively than does Jacobus: e.g. Harster, G., Novem vitae sanctorum metricae… (Lipsiae 1887) 1–14 (a double ‘Passio’ and a series of ‘Epigrammata’ found in two 11th-ccnt. Munich MSS).Google Scholar

¹⁶⁹ Graesse, , Legenda Aurea 369.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁰ Ibid. 370.Google Scholar

¹⁷¹ Ibid. 370-371.Google Scholar

¹⁷² ‘Ejus martirium Marcellus, Linus papa, Hegesippus et Leo papa scripserunt’ (ibid. 369); cf. also 371, 372, 373 (‘ut refert Leo’).Google Scholar

¹⁷³ Ibid. 374f.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁴ Ibid. Google Scholar

¹⁷⁵ . Ibid. 376f.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁶ AH 3.109, strophe 9.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁷ Graesse, , Legenda Aurea 369f. — A group of aetiological stories is attached to St. Peter's tears: see Dähnhardt, O., Natursagen (Leipzig 1909) II 199; S. Rappoport, A., Medieval Legends of Christ (London 1934) 187.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁸ Graesse 343.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁹ Ibid. 70-78. In St. Peter's place, the Holy Ghost is mentioned.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁰ Ibid. 457.Google Scholar

¹⁸¹ Blume's opinion is thus expressed: ‘Leider mussten auch jetzt noch alle Dichtungen, für die er als Autor in Betracht kommen kann, mit einem die Unsicherheit verratenden «Ascribitur» versehen werden’ (AH 55.vii). On Adam and the sequences ascribed to him, see Raby, , Christian-Latin Poetry ² 345-375. The most recent edition of Adam's sequences with German translations: Fr. Wellner, Adam von St. Victor: Sämtliche Sequenzen (Wien 1937).Google Scholar

¹⁸² AH 54.xv (of a list of 45 sequences comprising all that in any way can be thought of as having been composed by Adam): ‘welche derselben wirklich von ihm stammen, das zu ermitteln bleibt noch immer eine schwierige, aus inneren Kriterien allein wohl nie lösbare Aufgabe der Hymnologie.’Google Scholar

¹⁸³ AH 55.318.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁴ For the manuscripts preserving ‘Gaude Roma,’ see AH 55.314f.; two or three of them might be from the 12th cent., unlike those recording ‘Roma Petro glorietur’ (cf. ibid. 322). As regards ‘Tu es Petrus,’ see supra. Google Scholar

¹⁸⁵ Cf. Wrangham, D. S., The Liturgical Poetry of Adam of St. Victor (London 1881) II 250: ‘Here Adam leaves the Scripture history and follows the Golden Legend, “De Sancto Petro Apostolo,” which, according to Gautier, is filled with marvels too fabulous to be reproduced.’Google Scholar

¹⁸⁶ AH 53.335f.; from Benevento. The development of the regular St. Peter sequences and their forerunners are discussed in my forthcoming survey (cf. supra n. 160).Google Scholar

¹⁸⁷ The Simon Magus episode is reduced in extent to a minimum in one of these sequences for the Feast of St. Peter's Chains, and it is very difficult to determine if it is derived from the legend or (as is more likely) from the scene in the Acts: Discipulo gratiae Sub obtentu veniae Offertur spes copiae Temporalis… (AH 10.289).Google Scholar

¹⁸⁸ ‘Alma virtus’ (AH 8.205), ‘Sion laude debita’ (39.250), ‘Corde puro’ (55.319), ‘Senatores caelestis’ (40.267), ‘Sanctorum devotio’ (10.288), ‘Summa summi’ (8.204), ‘Senatores summi regis’ (40.274), etc. (see supra n. 160).Google Scholar

¹⁸⁹ Included: AH 3.49f. (on St. Peter alone); supplying only negative evidence: ibid. 48f. (on Sts. Peter and Paul).Google Scholar

¹⁹⁰ Ibid. 3.179f.Google Scholar

¹⁹¹ St. Etto (Etho) hymns: AH 45a.56; 52.172. St. Firminus: 13.144. St. Fulgentius: 43.147. St. Servatius: 4.233. St. Ursula: 10.321. St. Willibald: 23.296.Google Scholar

¹⁹² St. Geminianus sequence: AH 37.173 (No. 196, strophe 6a).Google Scholar

¹⁹³ St. Etto hymn: AH 52.172. On the motif: Saintyves, En marge (cit. supra n. 63) 27-33 et passim. Google Scholar

¹⁹⁴ Cf. Saintyves, En marge 219-281; Delehaye, H., Cinq leçons sur la méthode hagiographique (Subsidia Hagiographica 21; Brussels 1934) 138; also (too recent to be considered here) Moretus Plantin, H., Les passions de saint Lucien et leurs dérivés céphalophoriques (Namur-Louvain-Paris 1954).Google Scholar

¹⁹⁵ Cf. AH 11.209: Fert caput abscissum stadiis tribus haec ad asylum Petri vel Pauli, quo libat illud ibi. See Saintyves, , En marge 263, 270, 275, 525; Günter, Christliche Legende (cit. supra n. 45) 155.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁶ Cf. AH 28.159: Quam post almam Ad vitae palmam Transtulit cum laetitia Capite secto Corpore erecto Ad Petri aedificia. Cf. Saintyves, En marge 250, 278, 526; Günter, Christliche Legende 155.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁷ St. Benedict hymns: AH 40.152; 50.273; 19.88. St. Maurus: 12.190; 37.230; 9.226.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁸ St. Francis of Assisi: AH 40.189; 10.175; 26.44. St. Jerome: 33.92.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁹ Cf. Lietzmann, Petrus and Paulus ² (cit. supra n. 47) 136; MacCulloch, J. A., Medieval Faith and Fable (London 1932) 89.Google Scholar

²⁰⁰ AH 40.283; 28.36.Google Scholar

²⁰¹ Ibid. 29.148. Graesse, Legenda Aurea 196-197.Google Scholar

²⁰² St. Pancratius hymn: AH 8.197, strophes 6a-6b.Google Scholar

²⁰³ St. Clement hymns: ibid. 27.145-146; 14a.128. Cf. Graesse, Legenda Aurea 784f.Google Scholar

²⁰⁴ St. Necterius: AH 12.200 (No. 367, strophe 2).Google Scholar

²⁰⁵ E.g. ‘Ad te cunctipotens’ (AH 7.205f.), ‘Alleluja festivum’ (34.258f.), ‘Alleluja nostra’ (9.240f.), ‘Almiflua turba’ (37.238), ‘Laudes Christo’ (34.260), ‘Pollet alma’ (9.241), ‘Pretiosa solemnitas’ (53.332), ‘Principis ecclesiarum’ (53.335f.), ‘Psallat vox’ (44.241f.), etc.Google Scholar

²⁰⁶ ‘O princeps apostolorum’ by Eusebius Bruno (d. 1081) (AH 48.82-83); ‘Apostolorum principem’ (23.259-260). Besides these, the St. Peter hymns in early Irish hymnody: ‘Audite fratres,’ ‘Sanctus Petrus,’ and ‘Sancte Petre’ (51.347-9, 349, 349f.). Cf. Kenney, J. F., The Sources for the Early History of Ireland I (New York 1929) 267 (No. 94), 670 (No. 524), 725 (No. 579 [xi]), 728 (No. 587).Google Scholar

²⁰⁷ A few examples: ‘Angelico fretus’ (AH 49.143), ‘Angelus excuteret’ (ibid. 146), ‘Petro ad ostium pulsanti’ (ibid. 10), the Prosula ‘Apostolorum princeps’ (47.291), etc.Google Scholar

²⁰⁸ On the popularity of the Golden Legend, see F. Seybolt, R., ‘Fifteenth Century Editions of the Legenda Aurea,’ Speculum 21 (1946) 327–338, and ‘The Legenda Aurea, Bible and Historia Scholastica,’ ibid. 339-344.Google Scholar