¹ The author would like to express his thanks to Professor A. R. Lewis of the University of Texas for the opportunity to read and to benefit from the manuscript of his address on the position of women in Southern France and Cataloni a given a t the annual dinner of the Mediaeval Academy of America, at the meeting of the American Historical Association inNew York, December, 1960.Google Scholar

² Cf. Balon, J., La structure et la gestion du domaine de i'eqlise au moyen age dans I’ Europedes Francs (Ius Medii Aevi 1; Namur 1959.)Google Scholar

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⁷ Naples, no. 591, 11 May 1108. References to chartularies and parchment collections are cited in the notes according to their place of provenience. For full bibliographical references, see the explanation given in the bibliographical Appendix.Google Scholar

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¹¹ Novalesa, no. 2, 5 March 739. Edited likewise in Grenoble p. 35 and France - Diplo mata, no. 559.Google Scholar

¹² Volturno, no. 176, 874, ‘Nomina servorum de Flaturno. ‘ The similar, undated list of ‘servi’ owned by the monastery in the Valle Tritana shows four out of fifty-six bearing a matronymic (ibid. I 333).Google Scholar

¹³ Ghent - Saint-Pierre, no. 220, 1137. See also no. 391.Google Scholar

¹⁴ …generatio eorum semper ad inferiora declinentur’ according to the Lex Ribuaria 58.11 (ed. A. Eckhardt, Weimar 1934, p. 174).Google Scholar

¹⁵ Children of colliberti, serfs widely found in the records of North-Western France, were usually divided between their parents’ lords. Cf. Marmoutier—Chartularium vindocinense no. 161, 1071, ‘Guillelmus calumpniatus est nobis medietatem filiorum, propter colibertam patris sui.’ Where no formal division was made, each lord could apparently claim half of each collibertus. Marmoutier - Livre des serfs, no. 55, 1163, ‘… abbas et monachi assere- bant predictos quidem ejusdem Huberti colibertos esse ex matre, monachorum vero ex patre.’ The frequently divided ownership over these serfs deriving from the marriages of serfs of different lords may be an explanation for their somewhat mysterious name, as the suffix con- or col- suggests some sort of joint ownership. Cf. Balon, Domaine de l'église I 175-81.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Capua, no. 11, Dec. 1109.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Above, n. 7.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Florence — Santa Maria (Badia), no. 70, 23 March 1070.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Cf. Pisa, no. 143, 16 Feb. 1060, in which Ermingarda, ‘filia bone memorie Vuille,’ includes among those for whom prayers are requested ‘Eriti qui fuit genitor suus.’Google Scholar

²⁰ Cf. Camaldoli, no. 682, 13 Oct. 1106, ‘Bernardinus Sidonie filius, ‘ and no. 705, Oct. 1109, where the same man is identified as ‘Bernardinus filius olim Feralmi.’ See also nos. 567, 568, 639, 791 and 814. Feralmus, Bernardinus’ father, figures in nos. 558-60, 1090, and was apparently not a cleric. See also Gorze, no. 33, 21 Dec. 795, where the same man figures as ‘Deodatus filius Agliberti’ in the text of the charter and ‘Deodati filii Teudradane’ in the subscription.Google Scholar

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²² Maguelone, no. 103, ‘Eu Raymons de Castrias, filz de Guilhelma, per mandamen de meteissa Guilhelma et de Raymond de Gastrias, mon payre …’Google Scholar

²³ Cluny, no. 2984, 1049–1060 and no. 3031, 1049–1109. Cf. also Vienne — Saint-André-le- Bas, no. 64*, ca. 1090, ‘ego Vigo comes, filius Gotelenne’ (Guigues-le-Gras, son of Guigues- l'Ancien). For Germany, see Lorsch, no. 228, end March 782, Heimricus comes filius domne nostre Willisuuinde.Google Scholar

²⁴ In order, Eslonza, no. 122, 1199; Liébana, no. 96, 20 Sept. 1067; Reggio — Liber grossus, no. 16, 1 Apr. 1198; Chartres — Saint-Père, no. 54, 1101–1115.Google Scholar

²⁵ Montpellier — Guillems. The editor, A. Germain, provides a genealogical table in the introduction.Google Scholar

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²⁸ Silos, no. 38, 1 Apr. 1126; see also nos. 45 and 46 and Vega, no. 33, 10 May 1125, ‘Ade- fonsus rex filius regine domne Urrace.’ Liber feudorum maior, no. 278, 5 Nov. 1053 for Sicardis and no. 289, 1062 for ‘ Geralli filius Sichardis.’Google Scholar

²⁹ Morlaas — Sainte-Foi, no. 8, 1173–1223. Gaston's father was Guillaume de Moncade; this is one of many examples which could be cited in which a son bearing a matronymic has a name different from his father's.Google Scholar

³⁰ Cf. Ganshof, F. L., Feudalism (transi. Grierson, P., London - New York 1952) 119–22; M. Bloch, La société jéodale I (Paris 1949) 310; P. Guilhermoz, Essai sur l'origine de la noblesse en France au moyen âge (Paris 1902) 199.Google Scholar

³¹ MGH, Constitutions 1 (ed. L. Weiland, Hanover 1903) 89–91 no. 45.Google Scholar

³² Cf. Richard, A., Histoire des comtes de Poitou 778-1204 (Paris 1903) I 237–265.Google Scholar

³³ Cf. Barchewitz, J., Von der Wirtschaftstätigkeit der Frau in der vorgeschichtlichen Zeit bis zur Entfaltung der Stadtwirtschaft (Breslau 1937); Grosse, E., Die Formen der Familie und die Formen der Wirtschaft (Freiburg-Leipzig 1896).Google Scholar

³⁴ De Germania 14, 25 (ed. C. Halm, Leipzig 1911, pp. 227-8 and 232).Google Scholar

³⁵ M GH, Capit. 2 (Hanover 1897) 517-30.Google Scholar

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³⁸ Aragon — Liber feudorum maior, no. 489, 1056, ‘Et dono tibi illud mobile quod est in conveniencia dandum castellanis per unumquemque annum.’Google Scholar

³⁹ Aragon — Liber feudorum maior, no. 278, 5 Nov. 1053.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Miracula s. Bononii abbatis presb. ASS 40 (Aug. VI) 633 Ε: ‘Non mihi est … tantarum copia opum, quae mihi, et omnibus a me petentibus sufficere possit.’ For the identification, see H. Bresslau, Jahrbücher des deutschen Reiches unter Konrad II I (Leipzig 1879) 393.Google Scholar

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⁴² Annalista Saxo, M GH, Scriptores 6.608.Google Scholar

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⁴⁸ See Herlihy, ‘Church Property.’Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Marmoutier — Chartularium vindocinense, no. 126, 1060–1080.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Auch — Chapitre cathédrale, no. 64, ca. 1146.Google Scholar

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⁵³ So Bernard states in a letter to Pope Eugenins, cited by V. Berry in Κ. M. Setton, A History of the Crusades I (ed. Baldwin, M., Philadelphia 1955) 472.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Translated by Jeanroy, A., La poésie lyrique des troubadours II (Toulouse 1934) 299.Google Scholar