¹ Among many works dealing with this subject the following are of most value: J. von Döllinger, ‘Der Weissagungsglaube und das Prophetentum in der christlichen Zeit,’ Historisches Taschenbuch ⁵ 1 (1871) 259–370; F. von Bezold, ‘Zur deutschen Kaisersage,’ Sb. Akad. Munich 14 (1884) 560–606; Schröder, R., Die deutsche Kaisersage (Heidelberg 1891); von Grauert, H., ‘Zur deutschen Kaisersage,’ Historisches Jahrbuch 13 (1892) 100–143; Bousset, W., Der Antichrist in der Überlieferung des Judentums, des neuen Testaments und alten Kirche (Göttingen 1895); Kampers, F., Kaiserprophetien und Kaisersagen im Mittelalter (Munich 1895), also published as Die Deutsche Kaiseridee in Prophetie und Sage (Munich 1896); Rohr, J., ‘Die Prophetie im letzten Jahrhundert vor der Reformation als Geschichtsquelle und Geschichtsfaktor,’ Historisches Jahrbuch 19 (1898) 29–56; Sackur, E., Pseudo-methodius, Adso und die Tiburtinische Sibylle (Halle 1898); Rosenkrantz, A., ‘Prophetische Kaisererwartungen im ausgehende Mittelalter,’ Preussische Jahrbücher 119 (1905) 508–24; Preuss, H., Die Vorstellungen vom Antichrist im späteren Mittelalter bei Luther und in der konfessionellen Polemik (Leipzig 1906); Peuckert, W., Die Grosse Wende (Hamburg 1948); Folz, R., Le souvenir et la légende de Charlemagne (Paris 1950); Cohn, N., The Pursuit of the Millennium (London 1957).Google Scholar

² The pessimistic expectation was based on such Biblical passages as Matth. 24.Google Scholar

³ Sackur, op. cit.; Folz, op. cit.; Kampers, Die Deutsche Kaiseridee 5–44. The most widely disseminated texts embodying this tradition are the Tiburtine Sibyl (4th century), the tract of Pseudo-Methodius (7th century) and Adso, De ortu et tempore Antichristi (10th century). These have been edited and studied by Sackur. The Last Emperor will rule the earth in peace and tranquillity. Men will be eating, drinking and making merry, as in Noah's days, when suddenly the gates of the north will open and the people shut up by Alexander will pour in. The Emperor will go to Jerusalem, and when Antichrist appears he will place his crown upon the Cross on Golgotha and render up his rule and his soul to God, leaving the final destruction of the forces of evil to the divine intervention of Christ from on high. I hope elsewhere to deal more fully with the relation of Joachimism to the earlier tradition.Google Scholar

⁴ See Reeves, M. and Hirsch-Reich, B., ‘The Seven Seals in the Writings of Joachim of Fiore,’ Recherches de Théologie ancienne et médiévale 21 (1954) 222–3, 228–29, 245–7.Google Scholar

⁵ Super Hieremiam (Venice 1516) fol. 46^r.Google Scholar

⁶ Ibid. fol. 11^v. 14^r, 15^v, 18^v, 45^v-46^v, 58^v, 62^r; ‘Vaticinium Sibillae Erithreae’ (ed. Holder, O.-Egger), Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde 15 (1889) 165–8, 176–7; Neues Archiv 30 (1904) 332–4; ‘De oneribus,’ Neues Archiv 33 (1907) 144–5, 150–3, 156–73, 181–5; also 109, 114; De oneribus (with additional unpublished passages) in British Museum, MS Royal 8.F.XVI, fol. 41^r; Super Esaiam (Venice 1517) fol. 10^v, 13^v, 15^r, 19^r-^v, 27^r, 29^v, 35^r, 37^r-^v, 39^v-40^v, 42^v, 46^v-47^v, 59^r-^v; Oraculum Cyrilli ed. Piur, P., Vom Mittelalter zur Reformation II 4 (Berlin 1912) Appendix 308–9. Frederick II appears as the seventh head of the dragon in some versions of the Praemissiones, a pseudo-Joachimist figure collection which usually precedes the Super Esaiam; see the earliest MSS, Vat. lat. 4959, fol. 2^v; Ross. 552, fol. 3^v; also British Museum, Additional 11439, fol. 101^v.Google Scholar

⁷ Apart from the famous prophecies of the two new orders, the main theme of Salimbene's citations from Joachim (chiefly from the pseudo-Joachimist writings) is the role of the evil emperor which he believes to be fulfilled in Frederick II (MGH Scriptores 32.31, 201, 240–53, 347, 349, 359–60, 446, 494–5). At Hyères, where ‘multi notarli et iudices atque medici et alii litterati’ gathered in the chamber of Hugh de Digne, the question raised by a sceptical Dominican was ‘Volo quod probes michi per Ysaiam sicut docet Ioachym abbas quod vita Friderici imperatoris in LXX annis debeat terminari … et quod non possit interfici nisi a Deo.’ For proof Hugh cites the pseudo-Joachimist De oneribus and the prophecies of Merlin.Google Scholar

⁸ Probably the earliest, though concealed, reference to a revived Frederick II or Frederick III occurs in the pseudo-Joachimist Vaticinium Sibillae Erithreae (ed. cit. 15.168): ‘Oculos eius morte claudet abscondita, supervivetque; sonabit et in populis “Vivit non vivit”.¹ According to Holder-Egger, this work was written between 1252 and 1254 (ibid. 149). See Salimbene's, reference to this prophecy: ‘… quod multi crediderint eum non esse mortuum, cum vere mortuus esset, et ex hoc impletum fuit Sybille vaticinium que dicit: Sonabit et in populis: “Vivit et non vivit” et premittit quod mors eius esset abscondita’ (ed. cit. 347). The earliest specific references to the Third Frederick seem to be in the De oneribus: ‘De radice, inquit, colubri previi sc. Frederici egredietur regulus alius, sc. Fredericus cuius semen F. tercius, iuxta Rainerium, superbos populos absorbcbit’ (ed. cit. 173); ‘… unus egrediens quem Rainerius tercium autumat Fredericum, sine manibus conteretur, Erithrea dicente: Erit mors abscondita …’ (ibid. 182). It seems clear from these and other passages in the De oneribus that it was closely associated with the Vaticinium Sibillae Erithreae and that the prophecy of Frederick III was disseminated in an otherwise unknown prophecy under the name of Rainerius. Popular discussions on the significance of Federick II and of a future Hohenstaufen are reflected in Thomas of Pavia's Distinctiones, written just before 1260 (Archivum Franciscanum historicum 16 [1923] 27–8). Thomas has clearly seen a version of Joachim's dragon figure in which the sixth head, named Frederick II, is joined at the neck to the seventh, labelled Antichrist. Cf. MSS Vat. lat. 4959, fol. 2^v and Ross. 552, fol. 3^v, where this is so.Google Scholar

⁹ Under the year 1248, Albert of Stade (MGH Script. 16.371) mentions the abominable Swabian sect of Frater Arnold, a Dominican whose heresy seems to have consisted in the expectation that the Emperor would forcibly reform the depraved Church in this sixth age of tribulation and bring in the seventh of renovatio. His views were put forward in a tract De correctione Ecclesiae (ed. Winkelmann, E., Berlin 1865), written in the period 1248–50. The idea of the Emperor as the chief agent of the renovatio was fostered by Frederick II's propaganda; see, for example, Huillard, J.-Breholles, Historia diplomatica Friderici secundi 5.2 (Paris 1859) 1131; 6.2 (1861) 707; Winkelmann, E., Acta Imperii inedita saeculi XIII et XIV 2 (Innsbruck 1885) 50.Google Scholar

¹⁰ ‘Continuatio,’ Chronica Minor Auctore Minorita Erphordiensi, MGH Script. 24.207. Cf. infra at nn. 55, 128. The original Fredericus orientalis was probably Frederick, Landgrave of Thuringia, a grandson of Frederick II. On the association of this prophecy with Cardinal John of Porto, see Bloomfield, M. and Reeves, M., ‘The Penetration of Joachism into Northern Europe,’ Speculum 29 (1954) 790. Another pro-imperial verse which had considerable currency at this time, beginning ‘Gallorum levitas,’ expresses the prophetic hope thus: ‘Papa cito moritur, Caesar regnabit ubique’ (ed. Holder, O.-Egger in Neues Archiv 33 [1907] 125–6, from MS Vat. lat. 3822). It is quoted in the following chronicles: Cotton, B., Historia Anglicana (Rolls Series 1859) 239; Walter of Coventry, Memoriale (Rolls Series 1872) I 26; Appendix to Peter de Langtoft, Chronicle (Rolls Series 1868) II 450; Annales Monastici (Rolls Series 1869) IV 514; Corpus Chronicorum Bononiensium, RIS² 18 (1906) I 17. Infra, nn. 128, 166, for later references to this verse.Google Scholar

¹¹ Grundmann, H., Alexander von Roes, De Translatione Imperii und Jordanus von Osnabrück, De Prerogativa Romani Imperii (Leipzig 1930) 2.Google Scholar

¹² Ibid. 30. Infra, at n. 58 for later quotations of these prophecies from Alexander von Roes.Google Scholar

¹³ See Is. 11.1 and 1 Mach. 1.10. The radix peccatrix was first applied to the Hohenstaufen in the Super Esaiam fol. 19^r, 27^r.Google Scholar

¹⁴ See, for example, Super Hieremiam fol. 7^v-8^v, 43^v, 60^r; Super Esaiam fol. 6^v, 10^r, 16^v 44^r-45^v, 59^r; De oneribus, ed. cit. 140–1, 174–6. The symbol is derived from Is. 36.6.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Supra, n. 3.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Joachim's caution prevented him from specifying the institutions of the Third Age too closely. He clearly believed, however, that the contemplative Church would be led by a spiritually regenerated Pope, whom he saw symbolized in Joseph: Liber Concordie (Venice 1519) fol. 89^r. See also Expositio in Apocalypsim (Venice 1527) fol. 120^r. The process by which among the Joachites this idea crystallized into the Angelic Pope, the symbol of the Third Age, can hardly be traced. Roger Bacon appears to be the first who, in 1267, clearly pointed to an expected Pope who would purge and reunite the Church: Opus tertium, (Rolls Series) 86. No doubt the concept was worked out among the Spiritual Franciscans, for it is in a group of writings dating from the early fourteenth century and emanating from Spiritual Franciscan circles that the figure of the Angelic Pope, indeed of a series of Angelic Popes, first clearly emerges. On these, the Vaticinia de summis pontificibus, the Liber de Flore and related works, see Grundmann, H., ‘Die Papstprophetien des Mittelalters,’ Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 19 (1928) 77–138; ‘Liber de Flore,’ Historisches Jahrbuch 49 (1929) 33–91. On the whole subject of the Angelic Pope, see Baethgen, F., Der Engelpapst Schriften der Königsberger Gelehrten Gesellschaft 10.2; Halle 1933).Google Scholar

¹⁷ The most complete and authoritative study of his life and writings is Bignami, J.-Odier, Études sur Jean de Roquctaillade (Johannes de Rupescissa) (Paris 1952).Google Scholar

¹⁸ Ibid. 116–7, 125, summarizing the Liber secretum eventuum (1349), and 164–6, 170–2, summarizing the Vade mecum in tribulatione (1356). Rupescissa adopts the subtle combination of traditional pessimism and optimism, which, as we have seen, characterizes Joachim's view, cf. supra, 324. The rapid dissemination of the Francophile prophecies is illustrated by a prophecy said to have been made ‘per uno Frate minore nel 1368,’ in which the Angelic Pope, the ‘Reparatore del mondo,’ was to arise after 1378 and, together with To Re di Francia, imperadore di Roma,’ reform the world, see Diario d'Anonimo fiorentino dall’ anno 1358 al 1389, ed. Gherardi, A in Documenti di Storia Italiana 6 (Florence 1876) 390.Google Scholar

¹⁹ The most complete study of the author and the various redactions and MSS of his work has been made by Donckel, E., ‘Die Prophezeiung des Telesforus,’ Archvum Franciscanum historicum 26 (1933) 29–104.Google Scholar

²⁰ ed. Venice 1516 fol. 8^v; Donckel, op. cit. 81–2, from Paris, Bibl. Nat. MS lat. 3184, fol. 106^r,Google Scholar

²¹ Rupescissa, Like, Telesphorus makes a synthesis of the older tradition and the Joa chimist expectation. His scheme is complex, since the various manifestations of evil seem to split up the Third Age thus: (a) the tribulation of Schism, Anti-Pope and German Tyrant; (b) the Age of beatitude under the Angelic Popes and the French Emperor, when Satan is imprisoned; (c) the loosing of Satan in the great Antichrist, when the Emperor gives up the ghost; (d) Antichrist destroyed by the Archangel Michael, Satan bound again, the age of beatitude returns, when the Jews are converted; (e) Satan loosed for the final persecution of Gog and Magog; (f) the forces of evil finally beaten by Michael and the angelic hosts, Satan locked in the abyss forever, the final age of reform and beatitude under the Pope until the Last Judgment.Google Scholar

²² Bibl. Marc. MS lat. Cl. III.177 (formerly cod. 44 chart.), fol. 35^v. This was written by a monk, Andreas of St. Cyprian, in 1469. Valentinelli, J., Bibliotheca Manuscripta ad Marci Venetiarum, S. (Venice 1868) II 215, thought this prophecy was the incipit of the Tractatus de Antichristo of John of Paris, which follows it without a break. This was almost certainly the manuscript used by the 1516 editor of Telesphorus’ libellus, infra at n. 180. For the association of this prophecy with Telesphorus in the sixteenth century, infra, n. 163.Google Scholar

²³ Chaume, M., ‘Une prophétie relative à Charles VI,’ Revue du Moyen Age latin 3 (1947) 27–42.Google Scholar

²⁴ For an analysis of the sources of the Second Charlemagne prophecy, see Chaume, , op . cit. 37–42. A physical description occurs in the Interpretatio sibyllinorum librorum, PL 110.1181–6 and in Godfrey of Viterbo's Pantheon, MGH Script. 22.146–7. See also Folz, , op. cit. (note 1 supra) 138–9.Google Scholar

²⁵ This seems most likely, but in one detail the version in the Vatican and Venetian MSS is more correct: it gives the age of Charles VI at his coronation correctly as 13, not 14. Chaume, M. uses the erroneous age of 14 in his argument to show that the prophecy was written before Charles’ coronation on 4 November 1380. He may be right, in which case the Italian version has been corrected; or, on the other hand, the original may have been 13, wrongly transcribed as 14, in which case the prophecy need not have been written as early as Chaume supposes.Google Scholar

²⁶ A note to the prophecy adds: ‘Haec prophetia superius transcripta fuit ex exemplari antiquissimo, quod havitum fuit a domino Iohanne Marcello de Sancto Vitali de verbo ad verbum, sicut ibidem erat, non obstante inconcina latinitate que in ea est. A. D. MCCCCXV quinto martii.’ The text has been edited by Graf, A., Roma nella memoria e nelle immaginazioni del medio evo (Turin 1883) II 489 n. 37. It is the only version in which the physical features have been altered. In its extensions also it stands apart from other texts.Google Scholar

²⁷ Bibl. Nat. MS lat. 3598 fol. 45.Google Scholar

²⁸ The prophecy, applied to Charles V, begins: ‘But fyrst Charles the sonne of Philip of the most Illustrious Lilie having a longe forehead high Browes great eyes …’ It occurs in a sixteenth-century collection of prophecies in prose and verse which includes Rupescissa's De fine mundi. Google Scholar

²⁹ The chief sources for this prophecy are the long extracts given by Lazius, W., Fragmentum vaticinii cuiusdam … Methodii … (Vienna 1547) fol. 34^v and Wolf, J., Lectionum memorabilium et reconditarum centenarii XVI (Laving 1600) I 720–1. Wolf gives as his source a sermon preached in Hamburg by Johann Wünscheiburg in 1409. A version in the vernacular is given by Reifferscheid, A., Neun Texte zur Geschichte der religiösen Aufklärung in Deutschland (Greifswald 1905) Document 9. See also Kampers, , op. cit. (note 1 supra) 126.Google Scholar

³⁰ Wolf, op. cit. 720.Google Scholar

³¹ Ibid. Google Scholar

³² Ibid. 721.Google Scholar

³³ On the various collections of St. Bridget's prophecies see Jürgensen, J., St. Bridget of Sweden, tr. Lund, I. (London 1954) I 300ff.Google Scholar

³⁴ This is the view taken by Jörgensen, op. cit. II 78, 223, though it is difficult to find precise proof of this in the Revelations.Google Scholar

³⁵ Onus mundi (ed. undated, no place, no pagination) cap. 8, ‘De Duce venturo qui erit future tribulationis executor.’Google Scholar

³⁶ Ibid. c. 9.Google Scholar

³⁷ Liber celestis Imperatoris ad Reges (ed. undated, no place, no pag.) c. 18.Google Scholar

³⁸ See Liechtenberger, J., Prognosticatio (Strasbourg 1488; no pag. 1, 3: ‘Unde Brigida in Libro Revelationum: Sub aquila grandi que ignem fovebit in pectore conculcabitur ecclesia et vastabitur. Nam potens est deus alemanos altos provocare contra ecclesiam qui magis de humana potentia quam dei confidunt. lusto iuditio hostilibus incursibus conculabitur navicula petri et clerus turbabitur. Et necesse est ut petrus succinctus effugiat ne squalorem publice servitutis incurrat. Et sic videat ipsa ecclesia occidentalis ne sit sibi baculus harundinis ponata (sic) gallicana in qua confidit cui siquis innititur perforat manus eius. Datur intelligi quod Alemani scorpioniste confederationem inibunt cum rege Francie sub quo ecclesia crucem lamentationis humeris propriis probabit.’ See also Mirabilis liber (Paris 1522) fol. xii^r, and for another version, Lazius, op. cit. fol. 44^r. The author of this text, whether Bridget or another, is almost certainly quoting pseudo-Joachimist works in the following phrases: ‘que ignem fovebit in pectore’: Vat. Sibillae Erithreae 168 (supra, n. 6 for full reference); ‘necesse est ut petrus succinctus effugiat’: Super Hieremiam fol. 3^v; ‘ne sit sibi baculus harundinis ponata gallicana in qua confidit cui siquis innititur perforat manus eius’: ibid. fol. 7^v.Google Scholar

³⁹ Cited by Aytinger, W., Tractatus de revelatione beati Methodi (Basel 1498, no pag.) c. 2. A prophecy attributed to Bridget, beginning ‘O desolata civitas,’ is associated with the libellus of Telesphorus in MSS Vat. lat. 3816, fol. 62^r and Venice, Bibl. Marc. lat. Cl. III. 177, fol. 16^r, and also in the Venetian printed edition of 1516, fol. 5^v.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ See Dan. 8.23. The essential core of this oracle is as follows: ‘Exsurget tunc Rex pudicus facie qui regnabit ubique sub quo Ecclesiae collapsae status reformabitur et clerici plurimum molestabuntur … ultimo Franciae Rex succumbet et Rex pudicus facie regnabit ubique et ingredietur nidos veterum Aquilarum et imperium solus obtinebit ab Oriente ad Occidentem.’ This is quoted or referred to in the following: Tractatus de Turcis, written in 1474, printed at Nuremberg 1481, fol. 18, 22^v; Liechtenberger, op. cit. 1.1, 3; 2.3, 17; Aytinger, op. cit. c. 2; Maister Alofresant, Alle alten Prophecien von Keyserlichen Maiestat (Strasbourg, no date) fol. 9^r (in German); Gengenbach, P., Der Nollhart (Basel 1517, no pag.); Mirabilis liber, fol. xii^r; Lazius, op. cit. fol. 44^r; Prophetia de santa Brigida (Venice 1525, no pag.) (in Italian verse). Liechtenberger and Alofresant also associate St. Francis with this prophecy.Google Scholar

⁴¹ The central core of this runs: ‘Nam de bono gallo antiquum propheticum invenietur ita: Aquilae grandi sociabitur lilium et movebitur ab occidente in orientem contra Leonem, Leo carebit auxilio et decipietur a lilio. Fragrabit lilium in Alemania, unde laus sua ultima volabit sub Aquila.’ See Liechtenberger, , op. cit. 2.17; Mirabilis liber, fol. xxviii; Torquatus, A., Prognosticon (Antwerp 1544) fol. 9^v (quoting the last phrase only).Google Scholar

⁴² Tractatas de Turcis, fol. 22^v. See Aytinger, , op . cit. c. 3: ‘… Qui rex Romanorum … reformabit ecclesiam … terram infidelium sibi subiiciet, novos praedicatores evangelii eliget et novam reformationem ecclesie faciet. Et de illis reperitur in revelationibus sancte Brigite et Hildegardis.’Google Scholar

⁴³ See the extract quoted ‘de revelationibus fratris Reynhardi lolhardi’ by Liechtenberger, op. cit. 2. 3, 5, 13, 26; Aytinger, op. cit. c. 7; Alofresant, op. cit fol. 9; Lazius, op. cit fol. 45^r (cf. Liechtenberger 2.3); Wolf, op. cit. I 748. Alofesant calls him ‘bruder Rainhards des Nolhards’ and he can probably be identified with Gengenbach's Der Nollhart (infra at n. 127). Wolf dates his prophecy 1413.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Wolf, op. cit. I 748; cf. Liber concordie fol. 56^r, 127^r.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Altmann, A., Eberhart Windeckes Denkwürdigkeiten zur Geschichte des Zeitalters Kaiser Sigmunds (Berlin 1893) 1; Theodoricus de Monasterio, Panegyricus in Concilio Constantiensi dictus in Walch, C., Monumenta Medii Aevi (Göttingen 1757) I 2, 96; Schilling, D., Schweizerchronik (Lucerne 1862) 42.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Altmann, op. cit. 350.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ ed. Boehm, W., Friedrich Reiser's Reformation des Kaisers Sigmund (Leipzig 1876); Beer, K., Die Reformation Kaiser Sigmunds (Stuttgart 1933).Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Boehm, op. cit. 238. Cf. Lib. Concord. fol. 69^v: ‘Futurus est enim ut ordo unus convalescat in terra similis ioseph et salomonis … et dominabitur a mari usque ad mare et a flumine usque ad terminos orbis terrarum… .’ The common quotation from Ps. 72.8 could be coincidence but the words ‘tempore terno et novo’ suggest that the author is thinking in Joachimist terms, while the figure of Esther symbolized to Joachim the Third Age, cf. Lib. concord. fol. 119ff., especially 122^v, where the sublimation of the papacy is foretold in the exaltation of Mordecai.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Boehm, op. cit. 242–50; Beer, op. cit. 138–43.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Beer, op. cit. 72.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Bezold, op. cit. (note 1 supra) 591–2.Google Scholar

⁵² See Cohn, , op. cit. (note 1 supra) 107ff.; Schultheiss, G., Die deutsche Volkssage vom Fortleben und der Wiederkehr Kaiser Friedrichs II (Historische Studien 94; Berlin 1911) 1–133. Among those who wrote of these beliefs in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, see especially Rothe, J., Düringische Chronik, ed. von Liliencron, R., Thüringische Geschichtsquellen III (Jena 1859) 426, 466; John of Winterthur, Chronik, in MGH, Script. rer. Germ. N.S. 3.280; Theodoric Engelhus, Chronicon, ed. Leibniz, G., Scriptores rerum Brunsviciensium … (Hanover 1707–11) II 1115; Oswald der Schreiber, ed. Zarncke, , Abh. Ges. Wissensch. Leipzig 7 (1879) 1004ff.; Peter von Zittau, Chronicon, ed. Loserth, J., Fontes Rerum Austriacarum 8.424ff.; Die Detmar Chronik von Lübeck, in Chroniken der deutschen Städte, 19 (1884) 333, 367; Ottokar, Oesterreichische Reimchronik, in MGH Deutsche Chroniken 5.1.423ff. In Cologne people believed that at his coronation Sigismund received the new name of Frederick (Bezold, op. cit. 584).Google Scholar

⁵³ ed. Pibram, A., in Mittheilungen des Instituts für oesterreichische Geschichtsforschung, Ergänzungsband 3 (Innsbruck 1890) 38–222.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Ibid. 143. Ebendorfer introduces the prophecy thus: ‘Unum tamen in calce huius hystorie, quam sine fictione didici et sine invidia communicare ac exarare disposui, addicere (sic) volui, quod quidam timoratus michi in partibus Reni ab antiquissimo libro se professus est excerpsisse <et> sua manu scriptum obtulit, eciam presentibus annectere pro memoriali in hac forma:… .’+sua+manu+scriptum+obtulit,+eciam+presentibus+annectere+pro+memoriali+in+hac+forma:…+.’>Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Supra, at n. 10. Another version of this prophecy in its original form, beginning ‘Regnabit Manfredus,’ is quoted by the fifteenth-century German historian Theodoricus Paulus in his Speculum historiale, ed. Focke, W. (Halle 1892) 78. Infra, at n. 128ff. for further references to this text.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Ebendorfer, op. cit. 143.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Ibid. Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Supra, at n. 12. The same passage from Alexander von Roes is quoted in MS Cod. Vindob. 3402 in fifteenth-century notes added to the Chronicon pontificum et imperatorum Ratisponense, see MGH Script. 24.285 n. 2. Lot, F., ‘Origine et signification du mot “carolingien,”’ Revue historique 46 (1891) 69, cites another example of this quotation from a Bavarian chronicle.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Ebendorfer, op. cit. 149.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Ibid. Google Scholar

⁶¹ Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini, Historia rerum Friderici III imperatoris, ed. Schilter, J. in Scriptores rerum Germanicarum (Strasbourg 1687) 45. MS Vat. lat. 3816 contains a collection of prophecies made in 1448 by an Italian who saw the Third Frederick as the manifestation of evil (fol. 59^v-62^v) and expected the Second Charlemagne (fol. 63^r) and Angelic Pope (fol. 64^v).Google Scholar

⁶² Trithemius, J., Chronicon Hirsaugiense (St. Gall 1690) II 423. The author continues: ‘Et notandum quod multi spiritum sibi Prophetiae temeraria praesumptione usurpantes multa de Friderico Imperatore III mala praedixerunt esse futura, quod videlicet esset futurus Ecclesiae Romanae persecutor, Romanorum Pontificum, Praelatorum Ecclesiae Universalis inimicus et destructor, Cleri et pauperum oppressor, tyrannus impius, crudelis, maleficus, infidelis et fidei Christianae hostis, desertor et osor, quae omnia, frivola, ficta, falsa et mentita fuerunt. Constat enim omnibus qui noverunt eum, quod cunctis diebus regni sui simul et Imperii per annos 53 in fide Christi semper princeps fuit Catholicus et Christianissimus, nunquam Ecclesiae molestus, nunquam tyrannus, nunquam crudelis … Manifestum est ergo praedictiones de illo malas omnes extitisse mendaces.’Google Scholar

⁶³ Montigel, Rudolf, ed. von Liliencron, R., Die historischen Volkslieder der Deutschen vom 13. bis 16. Jahrh. (Leipzig 1866) II 26; Hermann von Sachsenheim, Die Moerin, ed. Martin, E., Bibliothek des historischen Vereins in Stuttgart 137 (Tübingen 1878) 209–10.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ The main title reads: ‘Incipit Tractatus de Turcis prout ad presens ecclesia sancta ab eis affligitur collectus diligenti discussione scripturarum a quibusdam fratribus praedicatorum ordinis.’Google Scholar

⁶⁵ See Sackur, , op. cit. (n. 1 supra) 53f.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Tractatus, fol. 6^r. To prove that Rome must be destroyed the authors cite ‘quedam dicta Merlini et quedam alia dicta cuiusdam discipuli abbatis Joachim que eciam in quadam antiqua biblia regis Aragonum reperiuntur, que expressissime videntur loqui de quadam devastacione Ytalie fienda per Turcos et hec prophecie communiter habentur in Ytalia in plerisque civitatibus’ (fol. 4^v).Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Ibid. fol. 7^r.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Ibid. fol. 20^v-21^v: ‘… Secundo quod de imperio Romanorum erit idem rex non quo ad sanguinis notabilitatem aut rei publice gubernacionem prout ipse presens fridericus tercius gubernacula imperii tenens existit. Tertio, quod de exiguis et non de maioribus Christianorum regibus idem rex futurus regnabit … Hec particula sic declaratur quia futura victoria obtinenda in exterminium turcorum non fiet per presentem imperatorem fridericum tercium sed per aliquem de exiguis Christianorum regibus …’ The case for Frederick is then examined, including his probity, but is dismissed: ‘Ex quibus concluditur quod licet in imperatore videatur probitas vite, hoc est tamen quo ad privatam suam personam. Quantum vero existit communis persona quo ad regimen et tuitionem ecclesie, ibi plurimum asseritur defectuosus utpote qui nec proprias oves ab incursibus infidelium defendit, qui tamen totius ecclesie advocatus existit et hoc patuit in depopulatione karinthie et carniole provinciis …’Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Ibid. fol. 21^v-22^r ‘… licet de rege hunorum sive ungarorum alique scripture faciant mentionem, in dubium tamen vertitur an de presenti vel alio aliquo futuro tales scripture fuissent locute … Unde per presentem regem ungarorum plures estimant terminari presentem afflictionem. Sed hec omnia manent in divina dispositione.’Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Ibid. fol. 22^v. Supra, at n. 42 for the continuation of this passage.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Infessura, S., Diario della Città di Roma, in Muratori, RIS 3.2.1250.Google Scholar

⁷² Supra, n. 38. On Liechtenberger, see Kurze, D., ‘Prophecy and History,’ Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 21 (1958) 63–85.Google Scholar

⁷³ Mirabilis liber fol. viii^r-xxx^v, in Latin, with no author named; La Prophétie merveilleuse de madame saincte Brigide (Lyon 1545), a French translation attributing authorship to St. Bridget.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Liechtenberger's quotations from Joachimist works are as follows: Lib. concord.: pt. 2, cap. 36: not a direct quotation but probably a reference to 89^r or 122^v. — Super Hieremiam: pt. 1.2: abbreviation of fol. 3^r-^v; pt. 2.3: phrases from fol. 3^v, 7^v, in the quotation from Bridget, cf. supra, n. 38; pt. 2.6: one phrase from fol. 3^v; the rest of the quotation is unidentified (but similar to a passage in Lib. Conc. fol. 98^r); pt. 2.7: adaptation with revised dates from the Preface. — Liber Cyrilli and Vaticinium Sibillae Erithreae, as quoted in the libellus of Telesphorus: pt. 2.13, 14: quotations from fol. 11^r, 15r^v, 20^v; pt. 2.35: general reference to fol. 10^v-15^r. — Liber multarum tribulationum: pt. 2.3, 5: quotation from an unpublished work, see MS Reggio, fol. 1^v-2^v. — Liber Lamentationem Jheremie: pt. 2.15: this quotation cannot be found in the printed editions of the Super Hieremiam and, since it appears to be a genuine quotation from a Joachimist work, must be presumed to derive from a lost one under this title. — For passages from Reinhard, supra, n. 43; for prophecies ascribed to Bridget, supra, nn. 38, 40, 41. — Liechtenberger's ‘quotations’ are often adaptations or, so it seems, compositions of his own containing a few identifiable phrases.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Ibid. 1.2, 3; 2.2, 7, 9, 13, 15, 19, 35; 3.1–8.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Ibid. 2.21, 22, 25, 26. He also holds the traditional belief that ‘cessante enim sacro Imperio, necesse est saeculum consummari’ (2.7).Google Scholar

⁷⁷ See, for instance, the following passages: Liechtenberger 2.13 (quoting the Liber Cyrilli): ‘In quo tempore tribulatio magna erit et resurget novus ordo et novus restauratio in ecclesia et multi pseudo-pontifices erunt ante reformationem …’; 2.35: ‘Unde quidam servus nomine theophilus (i.e. Telesphorus) pro presbitero in libro prophetarum … in quo libro spiritualiter continentur omnia que futura sunt de regimine ecclesie et qualiter debeat renovari, sicut deus longo tempore revelavit servo suo Joachim abbati et sancto Cirillo …’; 3.14: ‘Depost stabit … ecclesiastica persona in bona pace et sceptrum discordie auferetur ab eis eritque nova reformatio, nova lex, novum regnum.’Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Ibid. 2.4 (entitled cap. Decimum): ‘Unde Sibilla Chumaea prophetico spiritu loquitur in vaticinio suo: Post haec, i.e. post modicum temporis, egredietur Aquila de Germaniae rupibus multis associata Griffonibus, qui irruens in ortum crismatis sedentem in sede pastoris …’ (source unknown, see infra, n. 94); 2.9: ‘O plebs misera … quia regulus novus surrexit in te, non gubernator sed desolator fidelium, non consolator sed depredator spiri tualium, non protector sed depressor orphanorum et viduarum in tota alta Alemania. Novus destructor … radix peccati a Scorpionistis esurget peior Antiocho …’ (supra, nn. 6, 8, 13, for the thirteenth-century sources from which the regulus and the radix peccati derive); 2.13: ‘Unde Sibilla Erithrea: … Post hec veniet altera Aquila que ignem fovebit in gremio sponse Christi et erunt tres adulteri, unusque legittimus qui alios vorabit …’ (supra, n. 6, for the thirteenth-century source); 2.35: ‘Continetur insuper in eodem libro Cirilli quod antequam ecclesia renovetur deus permittit vacante papatu oriri maxima scismata inter imperatorem alemanum, qui de sua confisus potentia intendet ordinare ac constituere papam et romanos ac ytalos qui resistere conabuntur aquile grandi, que aquila furore incensa non solum alemanos sed et de omni genere gentes pessimas quas poterit associabit ad suum exercitum et armata manu intrabit romam …’ (based on the libellus of Telesphorus, fol. 11^r-20^v). This passage is followed by a picture with the caption: ‘Hic Imperator ingreditur Romam cum sevitia et eius timore fugiunt Romani clerici et laici ad petras et silvas et multi detruncabuntur.’Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Ibid. 1.3: ‘Unde Brigida in libro Revelationum: Sub aquila grandi que ignem fovebit in pectore conculcabitur ecclesia et vastabitur. Nam potens est deus alemanos altos provocare contra ecclesiam qui magis de humana potentia quam dei confidunt …’ (supra, n. 38 for the continuation of this passage); 2.3: ‘Unde Franciscus et Brigida canunt: Surget rex pudicus facie. Multi dicunt hunc regem esse Fridericum tercium. Ego volo quod sit Maximilianus quia sub eo conculcabitur ecclesia, clerusque turbabitur ubique … demum gallus succumbit et pudicus facie regnabit ubique.’Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Supra, n. 79.Google Scholar

⁸¹ Liechtenberger 2.21: ‘Tu solus clipeum crucis Christ adversus thurcos erexisti … Sed post te exurget maior te, flagellum longiturniter percutiens canes infidelissimos … ipseque reformabit ecclesiam Pragensem et sancte Zophie templum Constantino (sic). Scandetque ad ardua inter catholicos sed non de sanguine Mathie sed de rupibus alemanie orietur et exiet rex sincerissimus.’ See also 2.20.Google Scholar

⁸² Supra, n. 79. See also Liechtenberger, 2.4 (entitled cap. Decimum): ‘O Maximiliane, isti duo eunuchi sunt infideles subditi tui, qui fraudis et malicie venenum gestantes contra pudicam faciem tuam, ut fideles tuos et te interficiant’; cap. 5: ‘Unde in libro multarum tribulationum Joachim dicitur ad ruinam Ihericho … reges multi contra Israhelitas Alemanos advenient sed expugnabuntur propter Maximilianum quia sublime clipeum elevabit expectando auxilium non solum ab hominibus sed a domino et resurget volando ad ardua.’ Liechtenberger seems to associate Reinhard in particular with the prophecies of Maximilian (which would suggest a later date for him than that assigned by Wolf, J., supra, n. 43), but it is difficult to tell when Liechtenberger is quoting and when adapting Reinhard's oracles. See especially 2.26: ‘… Sub monarcha Maximiliano vel primogenito Acharlingis (sic) purum ac nitidum felicitatis tempus accidet.’Google Scholar

⁸³ Ibid. 2.16. Cf. infra, at n. 95.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Ibid. 2.7, adapting the Super Hieremiam, Preface.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ Ibid. 2.17. Cf. supra, n. 41.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Ibid. 2.36: ‘Depost esurget quidam vir solitarius magna sanctitate perspicuus sicut Joachim in libro concordie dicit: Vir magna sanctitate in Romana sede sublimatus ut apostolicus per ilium faciet deus tanta miracula quod omnis homo reverebitur illum nec quisquam audebit contraire suis constitutionibus …’ This is not a direct quotation but would seem to be a reference to Liber concordie fol. 89^r.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ Liechtenberger 2.37: ‘Subsequenter confestim deus suscitabit alios tres viros sanctissimos unum post alium, in virtutibus et miraculis consimiles, qui facta et dicta antecessoris confirmant. Sub quorum regimine status ecclesie recrescet. Et hi appellabuntur pastores angelici.’ On the Angelic Popes, supra, n. 16.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ The only specific statement is 2.35: ‘Tandem extirpatis et eradicatis vepribus et spinis malorum hominum [by the German eagle] veniet vir sanctus, pacabit ipsam aquilam cum ecclesia. ‘Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Besides the editions mentioned here, it was published at Cologne in 1475 and Memmingen in 1497.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ The name Constantine, with its Pseudo-Methodian implication of Last Emperor, was given to him; see Ulmann, H., Kaiser Maximilian I (Stuttgart 1884) I 205. On popular expectations centering around Maximilian, see also Gothein, E., Politische und religiose Volksbewegungen vor der Reformation (Breslau 1878) 97. On the expectations of a humanist, see Knepper, J., Jakob Wimpfeling (Freiburg im Breisgau 1902) 156–7.Google Scholar

⁹¹ Published at Basel, 1495, no pagination.Google Scholar

⁹² von Liliencron, R., op. cit. (note 63 supra) II 307–8. The exhortation to Maximilian is repeated in another poem as late as 1518, ibid. III 215.Google Scholar

⁹³ Supra, n. 39. Aytinger's work had already been published at Augsburg in 1496. Brandt published a second edition in 1515. For another collection of prophecies belonging to the same period, see Haupt, H., ‘Ein Oberrheinischer Revolutionär aus dem Zeitalter Kaiser Maximilians I,’ Westdeutsche Zeitschrift für Geschichte und Kunst, Ergänzungsheft 8 (Trier 1893) 196–7.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ References are to his Tractatus super Methodium, which follows the Methodian prophecy. He knows the Abbot Joachim chiefly from a reputed prophecy of the failure of Frederick I's crusade (cc. 1 and 4). Two quotations in c. 2 from Joachimist works are taken from Liechtenberger, op. cit. 2.15, 35, cf. supra, n. 74; one passage (c. 5) appears to be quoted directly from the Super Hieremiam, but in fact is only loosely based on c. 49, fol. 60^v-61^r. Other passages from the Sibyls, Bridget and Reinhard appear to be taken mainly from Liechtenberger. In c. 2, Aytinger quotes a prophecy beginning ‘Egredietur aquila de Alemanie rupibus multis associata griffonibus,’ which Liechtenberger (2.4, quoted supra, n. 78) cites under the authorship of the Cumaean Sibyl but which I have been unable to trace further back. Aytinger prefaces it by another Sibylline prophecy beginning ‘Postquam I. octavus et F. tertius delati fuerint et A. sextus nascetur …’ This is obviously written after the election of Alexander VI and is therefore not the work of Liechtenberger, but possibly of Aytinger himself. It becomes amalgamated with the following prophecy and the two are cited as one prophecy from the Sibylla Erithrea in a vernacular prophecy of 1522 (infra, n. 127): by Purstinger, B., Onus Ecclesiae (no place, 1531) c. 41; by Lazius, op. cit. fol. 43^r; by Graminaeus Ruraemondanus, T., Mysticus Aquilo (Cologne 1576) 154 (as from the Cumaean Sibyl).Google Scholar

⁹⁵ Op. cit. c. 5. In the 1515 edition Brandt substituted for the nomine P. of this prophecy nomine Petrus. Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Published at Louvain, undated, unpaginated. The current expectation that this savior would be a French king was utilized by Pius II when seeking to persuade Louis to lead a crusade: ‘nam pugnare cum Turcis et vincere et Terram Sanctam recuperare Francorum regum proprium est’ (cited by Chaume, op. cit. n. 23 supra, 36).Google Scholar

⁹⁷ Commentary on Apoc. 18 and 19.Google Scholar

⁹⁸ To the objection that Christ said, ‘My Kingdom is not of this world,’ he replies: ‘Ad hoc firmissime tenentes respondemus quod nedum in futuro seculo sed etiam in presenti Christus solus habet monarchiam iuridicam … Christi monarchia est temporalis etiam in hoc seculo… . Nedum celestis sed etiam terrestris. Atque ita Agnus cum populo latino … pugnabit temporaliter cum bestia et saracenis et Agnus vincet illos… . O quanto erit gloria latinorum …’ (Commentary on Apoc. 17). To the view that ch. 19 describes events at the Last Judgment, he replies: ‘Ad hos firmiter respondemus quod hoc capitulum non potest de alio statu ad litteram intelligi quam de temporali monarchia ecclesie, primo, quia totus iste liber ad litteram est de statibus ecclesie militantis in terra, non triumphantis in celo. Ergo de militia temporali intelligitur; secundo, quia post monarchiam iudicii ultimi religabitur diabolus in sempiternum … sed post hanc victoriam diabolus religabitur solum per mille annos èt postea solvetur et seducet gentes … Ergo intelligitur de monarchia que erit ante iudicium’ (Commentary on Apoc. 19).Google Scholar

⁹⁹ Commentary on Apoc. 18, 19, 20. The verse Apoc. 20.1, ‘Vidi alium angelum descendentem de celo’ etc. was interpreted by Joachim in terms of the ushering in of the Third Status (Expos. fol. 210^r-211^v).Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ Commentary on Apoc. 21.Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ Ibid. Google Scholar

¹⁰² He actually uses this phrase: ‘sequitur ergo tercius status in reformatione ecclesie’ (Commentary on Apoc. 21). Joachim is cited in the commentary on ch. 17 in an unidentifiable quotation also used by Aytinger, supra, n. 94.Google Scholar

¹⁰³ For the prophetic background to Charles VIII's expedition, see de Cherrier, C., Histoire de Charles VIII (Paris 1868) I 394; Delaborde, H., L'expédition de Charles VIII en Italie (Paris 1888) 314; Hauser, H., Les sources de l'histoire de France: XVI^e siècle 1 (Paris 1906) 107–8, 243–5, 264.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ Vergier d'Honneur, cited in Marquis de la Grange, La prophécie du Roy Charles VIII de Maître Guilloche Bourdelois (Paris 1869) xxvi; de Cherrier, op. cit. I 394.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ Published at Strasbourg in 1509, no pag. The poem is addressed Ad Carolum Regem Franciae. Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ ed. de la Pilorgerie, J., Campagne et Bulletins de la Grande Armée d'Italie commandée par Charles VIII (Nantes-Paris 1866) 431–3. The title continues: ‘et qu'il sera de tous les roys de terre le souverain et dominateur sur tous les dominions et unique monarche du monde.’ The climax of his triumph is described in these eschatological terms: ‘Et tu seras très plein de felicité, roy des roys et seigneur des seigneurs et prince des princes de la terre et non pas tout seulement seras nommé Charles roy de France mais le fervent et integerrime reformateur … juste et misericors du monde … l'expectation des gens, le désir de tous …’Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ Printed in full by de Cherrier, op. cit. I 487–90; de la Grange, op. cit. 1–9, with a commentary 10–50; Chaume, op. cit. (n. 23 supra) 32–3. Guilloche appears to have used the original French version, for the coronation age is given as 14 and the Telesphorean ending is lacking, cf. supra, at nn. 22–25.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ Chaume, op. cit. 32.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ Ibid. Google Scholar

¹¹⁰ Ibid. 33.Google Scholar

¹¹¹ Ibid. 34.Google Scholar

¹¹² Ibid. Google Scholar

¹¹³ Cited in Marquis de la Grange, op. cit. xxiv. It is reported that when Charles saw the mystery play of David and Goliath, he interpreted it as his fight with the Turk.Google Scholar

¹¹⁴ So far as I am aware, Florence was not coupled with Rome as the chief objects of the destruction carried out by the chastiser-king until the Second Charlemagne prophecy.Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ i.e. his crossing of the Appennines and advance down the west side, instead of either going by sea from Genoa, as many French invaders of Naples had done, or following the Via Emilia into the Romagna, as the Papal-Neapolitan army expected him to do.Google Scholar

¹¹⁶ Venice 1496. See Bk. I (beginning). The quotation continues: ‘Ita ut eius auspiciis Hispania, Germania et Italia perdomita facile Graecia, Asia, Syria, ac Egyptus ilium tanquam deum veneraretur: et adepta Hierosolyma deposita humi (sic) corona sepulchrum Christi veneraretur, victor triumphans suprema die in coelum raperetur.’ Notice the triumphant apotheosis in place of the Methodian collapse.Google Scholar

¹¹⁷ Guicciardini, F., La Storia d'Italia, ed. Gherardi, A. (Florence 1919) I 22–3.Google Scholar

¹¹⁸ ‘Prophetia Cataldi, S. … reperta A.D. 1492 in ecclesia tarentina vivente adhuc et regnante Ferdinando alphonsi primi filio, nuper autem … in lucem edita per fratres Marie, S. montis oliveti, a quibus inventa fuit in Sicilia in biblioteca regis alphonsi secundi …’. On the finding of the oracle, see Infessura, , op. cit. (n. 71 supra) 1240; Alexander ab Alexandro, Genialium diariorum libri sex (Paris 1539) fol. 67^v-68^r; Moroni, B., … Cataldiados … libri sex (Naples 1614) 173ff.; Cronica di Napoli di Notar Giacomo, ed. Garzilli, P. (Naples 1845) 173. The text, or part of it, appears in Tizio, S., Historia Senensium (cited Delaborde, op. cit. [n. 103 supra] 317); Mirabilis liber (Paris 1522) fol. xl^r.; Galatinus, P. (Columna), De ecclesia destituta, lib. 8 c. 1, cited by Moroni, who says that he himself saw the prophecy in Naples and that a certain brother found it in Galatinus’ work in the library of the Aracaeli Church in Rome. It also occurs in a MS in the Bodleian Library, Laud MS Misc. 588.Google Scholar

¹¹⁹ Cited Delaborde, op. cit (n. 103 supra). 317. See also Guicciardini, , op. cit. I 52.Google Scholar

¹²⁰ Infessura, op. cit. 1236. There are echoes of Joachimism in his account of this prophet: ‘… reducebat ad concordiam Testamentum Vetus et Novum et dicebat multa bona et subtilia verba: … [after great tribulations in Rome, Florence, etc.] tertio anno 1493 Clericus absque temporali dominatione reperietur, eritque tunc Angelicus Pastor qui solum vitam animarum et spiritualia curabit.’Google Scholar

¹²¹ Cited Hauser, op . cit. (n. 103 supra) 264.Google Scholar

¹²² The question of the real relation between Savonarola's thought and Joachimist expectation still awaits thorough investigation. It is, of course, well known that he himself, although citing Joachim, expressly dissociated himself from the Abbot, but this does not prove that the real sources of his expectation were not Joachimist. Opposite views on this question have been taken in some of the more recent lives (e. Schnitzer, g. J., Savonarola [Munich 1924] and Ridolfi, R., Vita di Girolamo Savonarola [Rome 1952]), but there has been too much parti-pris in the discussion. Weinstein, D.'s short paper ‘Savonarola and the Millennarian Tradition,’ Church History 27 (1958) 3–17, points the way to a more detailed analysis of the elements in Savonarola's thought, but, in my view, the question cannot be dealt with unless first the development of Joachimist thought is closely studied. In this perspective the debt of Savonarola to Joachim becomes more positive: it is not only that Savonarola's final conception of a New Age after the fight with Antichrist ‘was close to the Joachimites’ idea of a World Sabbath’ (Weinstein, op. cit. 10), but that the very figures he uses, the Chiesa renovata and Papa angelicas, derive from Joachim's ideas, as modified and popularized in the intervening centuries.Google Scholar

¹²³ Krauss, S., ‘Le Roi de France, Charles VIII, et les espérances messianiques,’ Revue des études juives 51 (1906) 87–95.Google Scholar

¹²⁴ Giovanni Baptista Spagnuoli or Mantuanus continued, however, to celebrate in verse the expected French savior, see Fastorum libri duodecim (Lyons 1516) 5: ‘De sancto angelo Carmelita’ and ‘Exhortatio ad insubres,’ which is a eulogy of Louis XII.Google Scholar

¹²⁵ Univ. Libr. MS Kk. 6.16, fol. 185^v.Google Scholar

¹²⁶ Supra at nn. 83, 95.Google Scholar

¹²⁷ Gengenbach, P., Ditz sind die prophetien sancti Methodii und Nollhardi (Basel 1517). In a pamphlet of similar type, Von ainem Waldbrüder wie er underricht gibt Babst Kaiser König und allen ständen (no place 1522), the Pope, the King of France, the Kaiser and others question the Waldbrüder, Bridget and the Sibyl on the future, with the same outcome: that the future Imperium belongs to the German Kaiser. There are echoes of Liechtenberger here, and the prophecy ‘Postquam I. octavus’ discussed supra, n. 94, is given by the Sibyl in a vernacular version.Google Scholar

¹²⁸ fol. 9^v. Alofresant says that this was taken in 1498 from an ancient book by Maternus Hatten of Spire. For earlier versions of this prophecy, supra, at nn. 10, 55. Wolf, op. cit. (n. 29 supra) I 722, quoted it from Alofresant, and in 1630 Cornelius Crull, probably quoting from Wolf, applied it to the Elector Frederick of the Palatinate, see Praetorius, J., Alectryomantia seu divinatio magica (Frankfurt-Leipzig 1680) 70–1. Alofresant also uses the other thirteenth-century pro-Imperial verse, Gallorum levitas, cf. supra, n. 10.Google Scholar

¹²⁹ A pamphlet published in 1532, Erzelung der Kunigreich in Hispanien … Mer ein alte Prophecey Kay. Carl betreffend, introduces the prophecy at the end thus: ‘Dise Prophecey ist gefunden worden in Italien, in der stadt Verona in einem fast alten buch.’ See also Lazius, , op . cit. (n. 29 supra) fol. 46^r, giving the date 1505, and Purstinger, B., op . cit. (n. 134 infra) c. 48.Google Scholar

¹³⁰ Lazius, op. cit. (n. 29 supra) fol. 56^v.Google Scholar

¹³¹ Supra, n. 129.Google Scholar

¹³² Calendar of State Papers: Venice II, 1509–1527 (London 1867) No. 1301, p. 566. Bezold, op. cit. (note 1 supra) 600, cites another MS example of what appears to be the Second Charlemagne prophecy at Munich, with the following note appended in a sixteenth-century hand: ‘Hec prophecia compilata est per me fratrem Johannem Peregrinum de Bononia monasterii Antonii, S. de Veneciis ex quodam antiquissimo libro quem apud me habeo qui liber antiquitus scriptus fuit. a. M.CCCC.XIII per quendam Blasium Mathei… . Et ista est prophecia nona abbatis Joachim tercio regis (sic) cap. XIII^o.’Google Scholar

¹³³ Cf. the German vernacular version in the pamphlet cited supra, n. 129: ‘und mit wunderparlichen zaichen seinen geist aufgeben im fünff und dreissigsten jar seines Reichs und wirt dasselbst gekrönt werden von dem Engel, und wirt werden der erst gekrönt Keiser nach Keyser Friderich dem dritten.’Google Scholar

¹³⁴ Published anonymously 1524, and under his name 1531, no place, no pagination.Google Scholar

¹³⁵ In c. 2, ‘De novis Prophetiis ac modernis revelationibus,’ he cites not only Joachim but several Joachites as well; his analysis of the seven states of the Church is taken from Libertino da Casale (c. 5); he constantly cites Joachim, Ubertino and Telesphorus and his final program is explicitly Joachimist in its affirmation of the three status and its identification of the third status with the Seventh Age of history, after the maximus Antichristus but before the Last Judgment (cc. 61, 66, 67, 70).Google Scholar

¹³⁶ Ibid. c. 2.Google Scholar

¹³⁷ Ibid. cc. 16, 38, 39, 41.Google Scholar

¹³⁸ Ibid. c. 48.Google Scholar

¹³⁹ Ibid. cc. 60, 61, 66, 69.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁰ Sabinus, G., De electione Caroli V historia (Helmstadt 1666) 24, 39.Google Scholar

¹⁴¹ Folz, R., op. cit. (n. 1 supra) 561.Google Scholar

¹⁴² Sabinus, op. cit. 25.Google Scholar

¹⁴³ Gebviler, H., Libertas Germaniae … (Strasbourg 1519, no pag.), at the end: ‘Quem [i.e. Charles V] toto Christiano orbe pacato, et Romane ecclesie monstroso statu in melius reformato, ferocissima immanium Turcorum gentem oppressurum, ac Christiane religionis suavissimo iugo facile subditurum dubitamus minime … Cui proculdubio Caroli magni vestigiis innixuro, totus orbis olim acclamabit: Carolo Augusto a Deo coronato, magno et pacifico Imperatori vita, victoria.’ See also the following contemporary pamphlets: Franz von Sickingen, Eyn Sendbrieff … (Wurtemberg 1521), hailing Charles as, without doubt, the great champion against Antichrist; Sauromanus, G., Hispaniae consolatio (? Louvain 1520) fol. 10^v-14^v; Hypothesis sive argumenta spectaculorum … (Antwerp 1520) fol. 9^r:Google Scholar

Commenting on this literature, Folz, op. cit. 561, says: ‘Sur ce plan … l'élection du petitfils de Maximilien ne fut pas que le triomphe de la technique financière des Fugger, mais, dans une large mesure, celui du Charles allemand.’

¹⁴⁴ The Reformation Sigmunds, with references to Charles V, was published anew in 1520, 1521, and 1522. In 1519, in two editions at Augsburg and Landshut, the German legends were disseminated in the Volksbuch vom Kaiser Friedrich (ed. Haupt, M., Zeitschrift für Deutsches Altertum 5 [1845] 250–68). In 1521 Hermannus a Nuevare addressed his Vita et gesta Karoli Magni to Charles V, ending his preface: ‘Tu vero huius viri sanctimoniam imitatus, iure optimo Karolus Maximus appellaberis.’Google Scholar

¹⁴⁵ Published at Antwerp in 1544 but dated as early as c. 1492, see Kurze, D., art. cit. (n. 72 supra) 68.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁶ Fol. 7^v: ‘Veniet a septentrione heresiarcha magnus subvertendo populos contra vota Romanae sedis, cum magnorum principuin Septentrionaliunum auxilio … Et apparebunt tunc hypocriti multi … Et erit confusio magna et persecutio in dei ecclesia maxima.’Google Scholar

¹⁴⁷ Ibid. fol. 9^v. Cf. supra, n. 41.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁸ Wolf, op. cit. II 295; Guicciardini, L., Il Sacco di Roma (Paris 1664) 174; Pecci, G., Memorie storico-critiche della Città di Siena (Siena 1755) III 248; Pecci, Notizie storico-critiche sulla vita di Bartolomeo da Petrojo chiamato Brandano (Lucca 1763) 20; Bernino, D., Historia di tutte l'heresie IV (Rome 1709) 368, 375; Raynaldus, O., Annales ecclesiastici 13 (Lucca 1755) 1, 10; Pastor, L., History of the Popes (tr. Kerr, R.) 9 (London 1910) 379–81.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁹ Lazius, op. cit. fol. 35^r, 44^v, 45^v, 46^v.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁰ Guicciardini, op. cit. 174; Lazius, op. cit. fol. 35^r. ¹⁵¹ Supra, n. 129.Google Scholar

¹⁵² De bello contra Barbaros (Venice 1532), appendix: ‘Appolinei Vatis Oraculum: … Foelix igitur ac nimium foelix cui septima fulserit aetas, annus scilicet 1530. Sed mage beatus qui superaverit Annum 1535. Siquidem tunc sacrosancta ecclesia reformabitur et aetas aurea passim per multos vigebit annos sub quodam pontifice beatissimo et Divo Caesare clementissimo, et antequam talis reformatio fiet interim maior pars hominum morietur fame, gladio, peste, ac timendum erit quod vix media aut tertia pars hominum totius orbis supervivet tunc temporis.’ It is curious that in 1564 a younger Benedetto Accolti was involved in a plot to remove Pope Pius IV in order to bring in ‘quale pontifice che ordinariamente dal populo Romano è chiamato pontifice angelico’ (Pastor, op. cit. 16.383–9).Google Scholar

¹⁵³ Carlo, J., Chronica (Lat. ed. Halle 1537) fol. 301^v. The first edition was published in 1532. He cites from the Super Hieremiam a text beginning ‘Veniet Aquila grandis quae vincet omnes.’ This is not traceable as a direct quotation in the printed edition, but must be derived from fol. 58^vff., a passage which is anti-German in sense. He quotes also from a Neapolitan astrologer, Laurentius Miniatensis, and a hundred-year-old prophecy from Magdeburg: ‘Ex sanguine Caroli Caesaris et regum Galliae imperator orietur Carolus dictus dominus in tota Europa, per quem et ecclesiae collapsus status reformabitur et vetus imperii gloria restituetur. ‘Google Scholar

¹⁵⁴ Martin du Bellay, Mémoires (Paris 1569) V fol. 142^v; VI fol. 167^r. For the case of the Marquis of Saluzzo, see also de Montaigne, M., Essais, Livre I, ch. 11, ‘Des Prognostications,’ and Mass, P.é, De l'Imposture et Tromperie des Diables, Devins … (Paris 1579) fol. 165^v-170^r.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁵ Mire, A., Bibliotheca ecclesiastica (Antwerp 1639–49), sub. nom. Google Scholar

¹⁵⁶ Vienna 1547, no pagination.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁷ Expos. fol. 8^v, 162^r-168^r, 190^v: Super Hieremiam, fol. 20^v, 45^v; Telesphorus, op. cit. fol. 15^r_v, 29^v.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁸ Lazius, op. cit. (n. 29 supra) fol. 49^v, cf. supra, n. 146. ¹⁵⁹ Ibid. fol. 35^r.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁰ Ibid. fol. 36^v: ‘Itemque Papae Germanici heresiarchae ac cuiusdam Regis Friderici factionum haeresiumque [Telesphorus] mentionem addit.’ [marginal note:] ‘Forte Saxoniae ducem sic insinuavit propheta.’ He also interprets a prophecy of Reinhard as referring to the Schmalkaldic League (fol. 45^r).Google Scholar

¹⁶¹ Ibid. fol. 36^r. See also fol. 33^v: ‘Porro Caesares nostros processisse de Burgundiae et Habspurgensi stirpibus, quarum utraque a Carolo Magno et veteribus Franciae Regibus defluxit, inconfesso est et a nobis in commentariis rerum Austriacarum ostensum.’ Lazius also quotes a passage beginning ‘In veteri Caroli magni historia,’ which must derive from the same source as Liechtenberger's prophecy, ‘Et dicitur in libro regum Francorum’ (cf. supra, at n. 83). See also fol. 35^r, 47^r.Google Scholar

¹⁶² Ibid. fol. 36^r (ascribed to Telesphorus of Cosenza); fol. 46^r (found at Verona and also quoted by the Bishop of Chiemsee); fol. 57^r (found at Verona and Louvain).Google Scholar

¹⁶³ Ibid. fol. 35^r-36^r. Lazius quotes long extracts which appear in the printed edition of Telesphorus’ libellus, fol. 20^r-25^v. From this he passes straight to the beginning of the Second Charlemagne text ‘Carolus autem coronatus ab isto angelico Papa, spinosa et lignea corona, filius Caroli magni erit, serenissimi lilii Francorum, habebit longam frontem’ etc. This differs from the usual opening (supra 292), which is that given by Lazius on fol. 46^r, yet, as we have seen, the Second Charlemagne prophecy is not to be found in the regular text of Telesphorus’ work, cf. supra, 293. Did he find this unusual version in a manuscript of the libellus? Lazius insists with great emphasis that this prophecy exactly fits Charles V (fol. 46^r).Google Scholar

¹⁶⁴ Ibid. fol. 44^v. Like Carion, Lazius ascribes this prophecy to Joachim at the end of the Super Hieremiam, but the only passage from which it could be derived cites the anti-German Erithraean Sibyl text. Cf. supra, n. 153.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁵ Ibid. fol. 44^v. Among other eagle prophecies, Lazius cites an oracle from Pilsen, Bohemia (fol. 38^v); a prophecy which he ascribes to the Erithraean Sibyl but which must have been composed at the end of the fifteenth century: ‘Egredietur Aquila postquam I. octavus et F. tertius … et A. sextus … Post haec egredietur Aquila de Almaniae rupibus multis societa Gryphonibus …’ (fol. 43^r, cf. supra, nn. 78, 94); prophecies from Reinhard of the grandis aquila and of two eagles, interpreted as Maximilian and Charles V (fol. 45^r_v, cf. supra, n. 43); a prophecy from Cyril: ‘Imperio grandis Aquila, rige pennis, ocyus expergiscere …’ (fol. 45^v), for the original of which (beginning ‘Imperio grandis aquila, nigra pennas’) see Oraculum Cyrilli (n. 6 supra) 308 and Telesphorus’ libellus fol. 16^r. This last prophecy is quoted correctly by Purstinger, op. cit. (n. 134 supra) c. 38.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁶ Lazius, fol. 46^v, cf. supra, n. 10. This is also included in his anthology by Wolf, op. cit. (n. 29 supra) I 722.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁷ Lazius, fol. 46^v-47^r.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁸ Ibid. fol. 51^v.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁹ Among the more obscure prophets cited are: St. Sigebold (fol. 28^rff.), St. Carsianus (fol. 36^v), Turkish prophecies (fol. 48^r_v), Laurentius Miniatensis (fol. 49^v), Cataneus, P. (fol. 49^v) in a prophecy ending: ‘Tunc fiet unum ovile et unus pastor et unus dominus qui mundum omnem suo imperio obtinebit et aurea etas declarabitur’.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁰ Ibid. fol. 52^r.Google Scholar

¹⁷¹ Ibid. fol. 44^v. Citing the Brigittine text ‘Exsurget tunc Rex pudicus facie,’ he caps it thus: ‘per Regem pudicum facie Carolum Caesarem nostrum citra omne dubium figuravit.’ See also fol. 54^v.Google Scholar

¹⁷² Ibid. fol. 34^v, 36^r, 37^r_v.Google Scholar

¹⁷³ Ibid. fol. 45^v.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁴ Ibid. fol. 32^v.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁵ Ibid. fol. 37^r. See also n. 169.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁶ Luther, M., De abrogando, missa privata … sententia, in Werke: Kritische Gesammtausgabe 8 (Weimar 1889) 475–6; (in German) Vom Miszbrauch der Messe, 561–2.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁷ Wolf, op. cit. II 114. Luther's words are again cited (through Wolf) in an oration by Cornelius Crull in 1630, quoted by Praetorius, op. cit. (n. 128 supra) 70.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁸ Wolf, op. cit. I 809; Grauert, op. cit. (n. 1 supra) 135; Rosenkrantz, op. cit. (n. 1 supra) 514.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁹ Published Cologne 1576.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁰ For the background to this publication, see Reeves, M., ‘Joachimist Expectations in the Order of Augustinian Hermits,’ Recherches de Théologie ancienne et médiévale 25 (1958) 128–135.Google Scholar

¹⁸¹ Supra, at n. 22.Google Scholar

¹⁸² The editor also omitted the name ‘Karolus’ from the incipit, cf. Paris, Bibl. Nat. MS lat. 3184, quoted by Donckel, op. cit. (n. 19 supra) 81–2, with that of the Venetian edition of 1516, fol. 8^v.Google Scholar

¹⁸³ 1516 edition, fol. 5^r, from a fifteenth-century prologue to Telesphorus’ work by Fr. Rusticianus. For the various layers in the 1516 edition, see the reference supra, n. 180.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁴ Ibid. fol. 5^r.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁵ Ibid. fol. 18^r, 21^v.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁶ Ibid. fol. 15^v, 21^r.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁷ Ibid. fol. 5^r, 20^v.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁸ Ibid. fol. 16^v, 22^r-23^r.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁹ Ibid. fol. 22^v-24^r. For the role of the English king the prophecies of Merlin are cited.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁰ Ibid. fol. 22^r.Google Scholar

¹⁹¹ Ibid. fol. 25^v.Google Scholar

¹⁹² Ibid. fol. 27^r-33^v.Google Scholar

¹⁹² The full title runs: ‘Livre Merveilleux Contenant en Bref La Fleur et Substance de Plusieurs traittez tant des Propheties et revelations, qu'anciennes Croniques, faisant mention de tous les faictz de l’Église universelle, commes des schismes, discords et tribulations advenir en l’Église de Rome, et d'un temps auquel on ostera et tollira aux gens d'Eglise et Clergé leurs biens temporelz, tellement qu'on ne leur laissera que leur vivre et habit necessaire. Item aussi est faicte mention des souverains Evesques et Papes qui apres regneront et gouvernont l'Eglise. Et speciallement d'un Pape qui sera appelle Pasteur Angelique. Et d'un Roy de France nommé Charles sainct homme.’ This title is derived from, but not a translation of, the original incipit. Whereas the Venetian editor in 1516 deleted the name ‘Karolus’ from the title (supra, n. 182), this edition restores it.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁴ I have not seen this work. It is cited at length by Wolf, op. cit. II 884–97. For the Second Charlemagne text, beginning ‘Exurget Rex Lilii qui frontem habebit longam …,’ see p. 893. Bezold, , op. cit. (n. 1 supra) 600, says that this prophecy was actually applied to Charles IX.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁵ De Landine, A., Manuscrits de la Bibliothèque de Lyon (Paris-Lyon 1812) I 181; L'amateur d'autographes, ed. Charavay, E., 10 (1872) 63–5.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁶ Supra at n. 73; infra at n. 197.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁷ See the author's preface on the title-page: ‘Ex his prophetiis et revelationibus intimis ocellis perlustratis facile cognosci poterit pontificem maximum vite sanctitate prefulgentem: brevi ex religiossissimo Francorum regno futurum qui deo optimo maximo duce pacem inter Christicolas omnes componere statusque hominum … iniuria fortasse temporum deformatos diligentissime reformare curabit: terras palestinorum … Grecorum, Turcorum et alias quam plurimas expediet: omnesque a Christiana fide abhorrentes veritatis lumine illustrabit.’ Fol. 1^v contains a dedication to the French king and seven proofs from prophecy of the great future foretold for him.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁸ The earlier prophecies represent the pre-Joachimist or pseudo-Methodian tradition: fol. ii^r, ‘Liber Bemecholi Episcopi’; fol. iiii^r, ‘Prophetia Sibylle’; fol. vii^v, ‘Prophetia Sancti Severi.’Google Scholar

¹⁹⁹ Mirabilis liber fol. xlviii^r. For a critical study of this and allied texts, see the references given supra, n. 16.Google Scholar

²⁰⁰ Ibid. fol. xxxvii, ‘De abbate Joachim viro singulari’ (passage quoted from St. Antoninus, Pars historialis [Nuremberg 1484] II fol. ccxxi^r); fol. xxxiiii^r, passage from Telesphorus (but differing from the printed version), with the added note: ‘Hanc prophetiam antiquitus scriptam reperies in clarissimo Gallorum regno apud Parrhisios in divi Victoris libraria … et in libro abbatis Joachim’; fol. xxxviii^v, ‘De beata Katherina de senis’ (passage from St. Antoninus, op. cit. III fol. ccxviii^v-ccxxii^r); fol. xxxix^r, ‘Ex pronosticiis beati Vincentii in antiquo veterbii reperto,’ a text not found in the printed revelations of St. Vincent; followed by ‘De Sancto Vincentio’ (passage from St. Antoninus, op. cit. III fol, clxxxiii^v); fol. lxvii^r, Revelationes of Joannes de Rupescissa; fol. viii^r-xxxv, Prognosticatio of Liechtenberger, including, of course, many references to St. Bridget; fol. xlv-lxv, Revelationes of Savonarola. Other prophets cited are St. Hildegarde and St. Elizabeth (fol. xxxv^r), Johannes de Vatiguerro (fol. xxxv-xxxvi) and a certain ‘Frater Bonavem,’ (fol. lxvi^r). The second part of the book is in French. The whole needs further analysis of content and sources.Google Scholar

²⁰¹ Supra, n. 198.Google Scholar

²⁰² A section headed ‘… De angelico pastore et eius bonitate’ (fol. xxxiiii^r) is clearly from Telesphorus’ work, although it is fuller than the corresponding passage in the printed edition (fol. 25^r_v).Google Scholar

²⁰³ Fol. xl^r. This passage is not to be found in the Prophetia Sancti Cataldi (supra, n. 118), nor does it agree with the passage quoted by Lazius, op. cit. fol. 38^r_v, although there are affinities. It consists of one long paragraph containing a reference to the Lily Prince (‘tunc nascetur inter lilia princeps pulcherrimus cui nomen novum inter reges erit’), and the Second Charlemagne prophecy in a separate paragraph beginning, ‘Surget rex ex natione illustrissimi lilii habens frontem longam’ etc.Google Scholar

²⁰⁴ Stuckius, J. G., Carolus Magnus Redivivus, hoc est Caroli Magni Germanorum, Gallorum, Italorum et Austrium Gentium Monarchae potentissimi cum Henrico Gallorum et Navarrorum Rege fiorentissimo comparatio (Zurich 1592). Note the prefatory verse by Wolphius, H.: ‘Carolus ecce tibi redivivus: pellege: dices/Henricus nunc est, Carolus ante fuit.’Google Scholar

²⁰⁵ Sire de Chavigny, Les Pléiades, Ou en l'explication des antiques Propheties conferées avec les Oracles du célébré et célébré Nostradamus est traictée du renouvellement des siècles, changement des Empires et avancement du nom Chrestien. Avec les prouesses, victoires et couronnes promises à nostre magnanime Prince, Henri IV Roy de France et de Navarre (Lyons 1603).Google Scholar

²⁰⁶ Ibid. 1. He describes it as ‘une vaticination de Cathaldi, S. iadis Evesque de Trente retirée d'un livre initulé Des calamitez de l'Italie.’ His version begins ‘Un Roy sortira de l'extraction et tige du lis tres-illustre, avant le front eslevé, les sourcils hauts, les yeux longuets, le nez aquilin’ etc. Cf. supra, n. 203.Google Scholar

²⁰⁷ Ibid. 53. The Joachimist renovatio mundi appears also in the title: renouvellement des siècles, cf. supra, n. 205.Google Scholar

²⁰⁸ Ibid. 96, commenting on an oracle of Laurent Miniati, which is translated as follows: ‘L'age meilleur qui bien tost suivra cestuy-ci, retranchera beaucoup de choses de nostre religion, dures par trop et aspres à supporter: et corrigera toutes sortes d'abus et les pompes sacrees. Et donnera un Roy clement et benin, qui avec toute equité et droiture gouvernera le monde. Cestuy regira vertueusement les peuples et soubsmettra à son empire la gent rebelle et fière. Et dominera sur tout l'univers.’ Lazius, op. cit. 49^v, also quotes a prophecy of Laurentius Miniatensis, cf. supra, n. 169.Google Scholar

²⁰⁹ See the article in Wetzer und Welter, Kirchenlexicon 6 (1889) 183–196.Google Scholar

²¹⁰ Interpretatio in Apocalypsim (Vienna 1850) 53.Google Scholar

²¹¹ Ibid. 69–70.Google Scholar

²¹² Ibid. 11.Google Scholar

²¹³ Ibid. 75.Google Scholar

²¹⁴ Ibid. 69, 185.Google Scholar

²¹⁵ Ibid. 185–6. It may be noted that certain Jesuits also saw the prophecies of the renovatio fulfilled in the spread of the Gospel to the Indies and Americas; this will be dealt with by Reeves, M. in a forthcoming article in Mediaeval and Renaissance Studies. Google Scholar

²¹⁶ Holzhauser, op. cit. 70, 186.Google Scholar

²¹⁷ Cf. Expos. fol. 88^v, 89^v, 175^v-176^v. For the further development of these Joachimist prophecies of new orders symbolized in the Angels of the Apocalypse, see Reeves, M., articles cited in nn. 180 and 215.Google Scholar

²¹⁸ Holzhauser, op. cit. 185–6, cf. Apoc. 10.1.Google Scholar

²¹⁹ Ibid. 264–5, Apoc. 14.14.Google Scholar

²²⁰ Ibid. 256, 261, 265.Google Scholar

²²¹ Ibid. 185–8.Google Scholar

²²² Ibid. 78, 200.Google Scholar

²²³ Ibid. 72.Google Scholar

²²⁴ Pareus, D., Commentary upon the Divine Revelation , tr. Arnold, E. (Amsterdam 1644) 440.Google Scholar

Additional Note. The Editors of Traditio have called to my attention the existence of a group of fourteenth-century prophecies and visions concerning the emperor, in an unnumbered Cistercian MS of the Marston Collection in Yale University Library which is briefly described by Dom Jean Leclercq, ‘Textes et manuscrits cisterciens dans les bibliothèques des États-Unis’ in the present volume, 166–169. I hope to analyze these texts at a later time.