Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-mkpzs Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-24T14:11:08.115Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

The Grand Style and the ‘genera dicendi’ in Ancient Rhetoric

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  29 July 2016

Debora K. Shuger*
Affiliation:
University of Michigan

Extract

The standard, and practically the only, study of the genera dicendi in classical rhetoric, ‘The Origin and Meaning of the Ancient Characters of Style,’ was published in 1905 by G. L. Hendrickson. In it Hendrickson argued that the plain style or genus tenue originated in and remained firmly associated with philosophical dialectic, while the oratorical style (including both the genus grande and genus medium) descended from sophistic and, in particular, Isocratic prose. The effect of this paper has been two-fold: a simultaneous exaltation of the plain style as the only rhetorical expression of serious and original thought and the conflation of the other two genera, these being criticized on the grounds that they appealed to the ear rather than the mind and were designed to exploit the emotions rather than inform reason. This effect can be observed most clearly in the subsequent scholarship on English prose style, particularly in the seminal essays of Morris Croll, who (to simplify a good deal) basically treats Renaissance prose style as the triumph of an introspective, searching, plain style over the musical formalism of Ciceronian concinnitas. Since Croll, the term plain style has generally become an honorific appellation in English scholarship at the expense of an inadequately differentiated grand and middle style (these in turn being identified with Ciceronianism).

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © The Fordham University Press 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Hendrickson, G. L., 'The Origin and Meaning of the Ancient Characters of Style,’ American Journal of Philology 26 (1905) 249–90.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

2 Croll, Croll, 'Attic' and Baroque Prose Style: Essays by Morris Croll, edd. J. Max Patrick and R. O. Evans with John M. Wallace (Princeton 1966).Google Scholar

3 Hendrickson, , ‘The Origin’ 254.Google Scholar

4 Ernesti, Ernesti, Lexicon technologiae Latinorum rhetoricae (1797; rpt. Hildesheim 1962) 189–90.Google Scholar

5 Hendrickson, , ‘The Origin’ 286.Google Scholar

6 However, one notes several, apparently unsuccessful, attempts to enlarge the scope of the plain style, making it the oratorical style as well. See Hendrickson, ‘The Origin’ 272–73; Hans von Arnim, Leben und Werke des Dio von Prusa (Berlin 1898) 56–57. Google Scholar

7 Arnim, Arnim 42, 68, 80–84, 89, 97, 113.Google Scholar

8 De finibus 4.3.5–6.Google Scholar

9 'Demosthenes' 15. In The Critical Essays I, trans. Usher, Stephen (Cambridge, Mass. 1974).Google Scholar

10 Arnim, Arnim 97–98.Google Scholar

11 For example, Dionysius of Halicarnassus classifies Plato and Demosthenes together as representatives of the middle style. Neither Demetrius nor Longinus makes any fundamental distinction between oratory and other forms of artistic prose. Google Scholar

12 Ernesti defines it as ‘genus illud dicendi, quod in splendore, gravitate, sublimitate, amplitudine, et robore quodam cerneretur’ (190). Google Scholar

13 Panegyricus 11. See Wesley Trimpi, Muses of One Mind: The Literary Analysis of Experience and its Continuity (Princeton 1983) Chapter 7.Google Scholar

14 Quadlbauer, Quadlbauer, 'Die genera dicendi bis Plinius d. J.,’ Wiener Studien 71 (1955) 60–61, 64–68.Google Scholar

15 Hendrickson, , ‘The Origin’ 286–87; Trimpi, Muses, Chapter 7.Google Scholar

16 Quadlbauer, 64.Google Scholar

17 Trimpi, , Muses 138–39.Google Scholar

18 See Cope, Edward M., The Rhetoric of Aristotle with a Commentary, rev. ed. Sandys, John E. (Cambridge 1877); Hendrickson, ‘The Origin’ and 'The Peripatetic Mean of Style and the Three Stylistic Characters,’ American Journal of Philology 25 (1904) 125–46.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

19 Cope, 3.18.Google Scholar

20 See Rhetorica ad Herennium 1.4.6.–1.6.9; De oratore 2.115. Google Scholar

21 Solmsen, Solmsen, 'The Aristotelian Tradition in Ancient Rhetoric,’ American Journal of Philology 62 (1941) 35–50, 169–90.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

22 Hendrickson, , ‘The Origin’ 266, 276.Google Scholar

23 Cope, 3.146.Google Scholar

24 Hendrickson, , ‘The Origin’ 290.Google Scholar

25 Quadlbauer, 61; See also Margorie J. Milne, ‘A Study in Alcidamas and his Relation to Contemporary Sophistic’ (Ph.D. diss., Bryn Mawr 1924). The distinction between a meticulous and passionate style is closely parallel to the modern distinction between analytic/written and agonistic/oral composition. See Walter J. Ong. S.J., Orality and Literacy: The Technologizing of the Word (London 1982) 43–45.Google Scholar

26 Ernesti, Ernesti, Lexicon technologiae Graecorum rheioricae (Leipzig 1795) 306.Google Scholar

27 Poetics 1449a.Google Scholar

28 Ibid. 1459b.Google Scholar

29 Isocrates, , Antidosis 47.Google Scholar

30 For example, On the Parts of Animals 1.5.; Metaphysics 1.2.; Nicomachean Ethics 6.7 and 10.7. Google Scholar

31 Trimpi, Trimpi, 'Horace's “Ut Pictura Poesis”: The Argument for Stylistic Decorum,’ Traditio 34 (1978) 35, 41–42, 49.Google Scholar

32 Ibid. 45.Google Scholar

33 Quadlbauer, 65, 68.Google Scholar

34 Brutus 55.203.Google Scholar

35 Hendrickson, , ‘The Origin’ 259–61, 272–73.Google Scholar

36 Wit may be another aspect of the sophistic legacy of the plain style. In the Frogs (965), Euripides claims that he was the first to have introduced witticisms into tragedy. Also note that while for Cicero wit characterizes the Attic plain style, for Demetrius it is a feature of the sweet style. Google Scholar

37 Orator 19.64. 'Umbratilis' refers to the shaded gardens of the Academy and, by extension, to the dimly-lit schools of the declaimers—as opposed to the dust and sun of the forum. The contrast is simply the literary counterpart to that between the contemplative and active lives.Google Scholar

38 Quadlbauer, 61.Google Scholar

39 Ibid. 72.Google Scholar

40 Ibid. 65–68.Google Scholar

41 See Russell, D. A. on and in his introduction to Longinus' On the Sublime (Oxford 1964) xxxvii–xli. Also note the presence of in Aristotle's terminology in the Nicomachean Ethics. Google Scholar

42 Quadlbauer, 63; Hendrickson, ‘The Origin’ 255.Google Scholar

43 Hendrickson, , ‘The Origin’ 256–57.Google Scholar

44 Caplan, Harry, trans, and ed., Ad C. Herennium: de ralione dicendi (Rhetorica ad Herennium) (Cambridge, Mass. 1954) 256.Google Scholar

45 See Vossius, Vossius, Commentariorum rhetoricorum sive oratoriarum institutionum libri sex (Leyden 1643) 2.501–2, where Vossius distinguishes three kinds of beauty. The first he finds excessive, curled, and affected; this is the style of the sophists and of decadent Latin. Its opposite is that dignity which gives lustre to the orations of Cicero and Demosthenes. Between these two is the sweet (γλαϕνϱóχ) style, which Vossius associates with demonstrative oratory and the style of Catullus, Petronius, Herodotus, and Lucian. The second two represent the old opposition between the true grand style and sophistic Kunstprosa. Google Scholar

46 Arnim, Arnim 10, 86–87, 97.Google Scholar

47 Ibid. 8, 113.Google Scholar

48 See his famous praise of Socrates in Tusculan Disputations 5.10: 'Socrates autem primus philosophiam devocavit a caelo et in urbibus collocavit et in domus etiam introduxit et coegit de vita et moribus rebusque bonis et malis quarere.’ Google Scholar

49 De Oratore 2.82.33–2.83.338.Google Scholar

50 Trimpi, , ‘Horace’ 29–73.Google Scholar

51 See Quintilian, 8.Pr.20.Google Scholar

62 De oratore 3.31.125. See also ‘Ars poetica’ 310–11.Google Scholar

53 De optimo genere 3.9. The term Attic possesses several quite different meanings in antiquity, a situation which leads to considerable confusion. Depending on the context, Attic may mean (1) the characteristic qualities of the masterpieces of Athenian literature, especially oratory. (2) A simpler, more succinct and conversational style, best exemplified in the speeches of Lysias. This is the Attic style prized by Brutus and Calvus, which Cicero describes at length in Orator 75–90. (3) The mannered extreme of (2), deliberately cultivating an archaic roughness and harsh, unrhythmic composition or an over-anxious and deadening meticulousness. This brand of Atticism survived from the mid-first century B.C. through the first century A.D., and is frequently associated with the inappropriate imitation of Thucydides. Such mannered Atticism is also frequently very difficult to distinguish from the sententious form of Asianism, described by Cicero in Brutus 325. (4) While (2) and (3) represent movements in Roman oratory, the fourth type of Atticism is primarily Greek and refers to the demand for linguistic purity based on the idiom of Classical Athens. This type of archaistic Atticism survives into Byzantium, and, in its basic tendencies, is similar to the Ciceronianism of the sixteenth century (see R. R. Bolgar, The Classical Heritage and its Beneficiaries [Cambridge 1958] 72–84). A few more points may be helpful here: Cicero, Quintilian, the first-century Greek critics, and Romans like Messala in Tacitus' Dialogus are all Atticists in the first sense; ‘Attic’ here often simply means 'the best.’ Atticism, in its second and third senses, possesses a number of different connotations, the most important of which are: an intelligent urbanity (Orator 75–90), a Socratic (and Stoic) analysis of moral experience (see Wesley Trimpi, Ben Jonson's Poems: A Study of the Plain Style [Stanford 1962] 5–6, 10), inartistic roughness (Seneca, Moral Epistles 114.15; Orator 28–32), and a graceful delicacy (Quintilian 12.10.35–38). Throughout this article, I have tried to distinguish these various senses of ‘Attic’ by calling the partisans of (1) true Attic, of (2) Attici, and of (3) hyper-Attici. Sense (4) is not particularly relevant to my discussion.Google Scholar

54 Quadlbauer, 72.Google Scholar

55 'Lysias' 13, in The Critical Essays. Google Scholar

56 Quadlbauer, 88, 91.Google Scholar

57 Moral Epistles 100.Google Scholar

58 Cicero's contrast between the school and the forum hearkens back to a passage in Plato's Theaetetus, where Socrates compares the philosopher and the orator. Plato, of course, prefers the philosophical manner, but the nature of the opposition suggests how easily philosophic inquiry could slip over into the cultus of the secluded academy. The speaker in the courts, Plato argues, is a slave to the judges, the clock, and to circumstances; he must be brief, to the point, and wary. There is no time for detached reflection, since in the law courts matters of vital personal concern, even one's life, are at stake. Oratory is, therefore, the language of emotional engagement, not intellectual detachment. The philosopher, on the other hand, is free; he possesses the leisure to ramble digressively from one point to the next as he chooses (172 ce) and can range at will among various arguments (173 b ). If such a man, Plato continues, enters the forum, he seems absurd, since he is accustomed to an abstracted leisure, remote from whatever is close at hand (173 d). The word Plato uses for ‘leisure’ is particularly interesting; leisure is σχoλη, which also means school (172d ). Thus the philosophical style is, in Cicero's sense, scholastic; it deliberately retreats from civic life in order to wander leisurely among ideas, removed from the urgency of personal or political concerns. Significantly, by the first century A.D., the term ‘scholastica’ comes to be a synonymn for the declamatory controversiae (Seneca the Elder, Controversiae 1.Pr.12). Although Plato usually thinks of philosophical discourse as a series of brief, dialectical exchanges as opposed to the copious, unbroken speech of oratory (Prot. 337 e -338 a; Sophist 230 a -231 b; Gorg. 448 de), from this curious passage in the Theaetetus one can easily see how the philosophic style could become vulnerable to a rambling, sheltered, umbratical digressiveness, how naturally it approaches a smooth, relaxed, and graceful middle style—like the style of Cicero's own philosophic dialogues. (See Friedrich Solmsen, 'Greek Ideas about Leisure,’ Wingspread Lectures in the Humanities [The Johnson Foundation 1966] 1: 25–38 for a history of the tension between the philosophic ideal of leisure and rhetorical engagement in civic action.)Google Scholar

59 On the problem of dating these works see Russell, D. A., xxii–xxx; and W. Rhys Roberts' introduction to the Loeb Library edition of On Style 268–77.Google Scholar

60 Russell, xxxii–xxxiii.Google Scholar

61 De oratore 3.26.103.Google Scholar

62 On Literary Composition [OLC], ed. and trans. Rhys Roberts, W. (London 1910) 119–21.Google Scholar

63 Ibid. 120–21.Google Scholar

64 Perhaps Dionysius' distinction is based on a misreading of Rhetoric 3.12. See Cope 3.146. Google Scholar

65 'Demosthenes' 45, 47.Google Scholar

66 'Lysias' 13.Google Scholar

67 'Demosthenes' 18.Google Scholar

68 'Lysias' 3, 4, 8.Google Scholar

69 'Demosthenes' 2.Google Scholar

70 'Demosthenes' 15.Google Scholar

71 'Lysias' 13 Google Scholar

72 'Demosthenes' 1.Google Scholar

73 'Thucydides' 24.Google Scholar

74 'Demosthenes' 1. See also ‘Thucydides' 23–24. On Thucydides’ style see Eduard Norden, Die antike Kunstprosa vom VI. Jahrhundert v. Chr. bis in die Zeit der Renaissance (Leipzig 1898) I 95–100.Google Scholar

76 'Demosthenes' 22.Google Scholar

76 Ibid. Google Scholar

77 Hendrickson sharply distinguishes Dionysius' concept of the middle style from Aristotle's notion of decorum as a flexible mean between clarity and distinctiveness. See ‘The Peripatetic Mean’ 143. Google Scholar

78 'Demosthenes' 8, 10.Google Scholar

79 Cicero, Cicero (Orator 13.41–42), Dionysius has a deep respect for the noble idealism of Isocrates, whom he explicitly dissociates from the sophists. See ‘Isocrates’ 1–5, 12, 14.Google Scholar

80 'Demosthenes' 32.Google Scholar

81 OLC 209–10.Google Scholar

82 'Demosthenes' 38; OLC 233.Google Scholar

83 'Demosthenes' 40.Google Scholar

84 Ibid. 38; OLC 237.Google Scholar

86 OLC 247.Google Scholar

86 'Demosthenes' 43, 50.Google Scholar

87 'Thucydides' 24.Google Scholar

88 'Demosthenes' 58.Google Scholar

89 Trimpi, , ‘Horace’ 55 on Vergil's adaptation of the oral, epic style of Homer to the literary epic.Google Scholar

90 Quadlbauer, 75.Google Scholar

91 Trimpi, , Ben Johnson 60–68.Google Scholar

92 Demetrius, 5.243, 253–55.Google Scholar

93 Roberts, , Introduction to On Style 267.Google Scholar

94 Demetrius, 3.128–32, 152–55, 164–66, 173.Google Scholar

96 Demetrius, 4.192–93, 196–98, 203.Google Scholar

96 Demetrius, comments: ‘Ornament, however, it [the plain style] may have in the shape of friendly bits of kindly advice, mixed with a good few proverbs. This last is the only philosophy admissible in it — the proverb being the wisdom of a people, the wisdom of the world’ (4.232).Google Scholar

97 In the Renaissance, the sublime is not distinguished from the genus grande. Note, for instance, the titles of early translations of On the Sublime: Liber de grandi sive sublimi orationis genere … (1554), Dionysii Longini … liber de grandi loquentia sive sublimi dicendi genere (1612), A Treatise of the Loftiness or Elegance of Speech (1680). See also Russell, xliii and xxiv; Vossius 2.432–33; Thomas Farnaby, Index rhetoricus, scholis & institutione tenerioris aetatis accommodatus (London 1625) 30. Renaissance dictionaries also treat the sublime as equivalent to the grand style; for example in Glossaria duo, Estienne defines νψoχ as altitudo, amplitudo; see also the definition of sublimis as ‘high, that is above us … Verses of an high stile’ in Thomas Cooper's Thesaurus linguae Romanae & Britannicae, tarn accurate congestus. (London 1584).Google Scholar

98 Trimpi, , Muses Chapter 7.Google Scholar

99 Russell, xxxvii.Google Scholar

100 Longinus 18–27. Corresponding to the change in emphasis from the body to the soul of discourse, one perceives a very un-Aristotelian tendency to blur the distinction between the stylistic and ethical connotations of literary terminology (see Russell xxi). Thus Longinus distinguishes between a true and false grandeur, where the latter possesses all the stylistic trappings of elevation, but lacks inward truth. On the other hand, ‘the true sublime, by some virtue of its nature, elevates us: uplifted with a sense of proud possession, we are filled with joyful pride, as if we ourselves produced the very thing we heard’ (7). A passage from Seneca suggests that this joy results from the sudden perception of (Stoic) natural law. The Roman offers an observation, similar to the passage from Longinus quoted above, on the effect of maxims; these ‘need no special pleader; they go straight to our emotions, and help us simply because nature is exercising her proper function. The soul carries within itself the seed of everything that is honourable, and this seed is stirred to growth by advice, as a spark that is fanned by a gentle breeze develops its natural fire. Virtue is aroused by a touch, a shock’ (Moral Epistles 94.28–29). Google Scholar

101 Russell, 57–62.Google Scholar

102 Quadlbauer, 75–76.Google Scholar

103 Russell, xxxvii–xxxviii.Google Scholar

104 Norden, 254–98.Google Scholar

105 Ibid. 307.Google Scholar

106 Cicero, , De finibus 4.3.5; Quintilian 10.1.84.Google Scholar

107 Tacitus, 26.1–2. Note the similar association of harshness and the genus grande in Demetrius and Dionysius.Google Scholar

108 See, for example, Quintilian 12.11.42–44. Google Scholar

109 Quintilian, 2.15.59–2.16.10.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

110 Arnim, Arnim 8, 98.Google Scholar

111 Quadlbauer, 88.Google Scholar

112 At one point Quintilian takes up the relative demands of oral and written composition and finally decides that the differences between them are not very important (12.10.50–51). Google Scholar

113 Throughout the Institutes, Quintilian lavishes careful criticism on the mannerism and artificial preciosity of contemporary authors, and Seneca in particular. He returns to this theme at the close of Book Twelve, posing the same problem Aper posed Messala: do changes in public taste require us to give up the Ciceronian ideal for something more flashy and sensational? He concedes that the very difficulty of such virtuoso feats inspires admiration (12.10.75), but denies that such aesthetic appreciation is the effect of great oratory, in whose presence ‘such displays … sink into insignificance and fade out of sight… . Such passages shine only in the absence of the sunlight, just as certain tiny insects seem transformed in the darkness to little flames of fire’ (12.10.75–76). For a detailed study of the classical attitudes toward meticulous intricacy versus a bolder and heartier roughness, see Trimpi, ‘Horace’ 29–49. Google Scholar

114 Caussin, Caussin, s.j., De eloquentia sacra et humana, libri XVI (Paris 1630) 105–6, 170–72.Google Scholar

115 Pliny, , Letters 1.20. All quotations from Pliny come from Ancient Literary Criticism: The Principal Texts in New Translations, edd. D. A. Russell and M. Winterbottom (Oxford 1972) 426.Google Scholar

116 Pliny, 429.Google Scholar

117 Auerbach, Auerbach, Literary Language and Its Public in Late Latin Antiquity and in the Middle Ages, trans. Manheim, Ralph, Bollingen Series 74 (New York 1965) 30–58. James J. Murphy, Rhetoric in the Middle Ages: A History of Rhetorical Theory from Saint Augustine to the Renaissance (Berkeley 1974) 58–65.Google Scholar

118 Hendrickson, , ‘The Origin’ 276f.Google Scholar

119 Augustine, Augustine, On Christian Doctrine, trans. Robertson, D. W. Jr. (Indianapolis 1958) 4.24.53; See also Quintilian 12.10.62.Google Scholar

120 Auerbach, 56.Google Scholar

121 Brown, Brown, Augustine of Hippo: A Biography (Berkeley 1967) 277–82.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

122 Philodemus, , The Rhetorica of Philodemus, trans. and ed. Hubbell, Harry M., Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences 23 (1920) 335; see also 302, 314, 340.Google Scholar

123 Hendrickson, , ‘The Origin’ 281.Google Scholar