¹ Aegidius Viterbiensis, Egidio da Viterbo. His family name was Antonini, not Canisio, as it sometimes appears. He entered the Order of Hermits of Saint Augustine at Viterbo in June of 1488, and was appointed vicar general of the order by Julius II (1503–1513) in 1506. He was elected prior general of the order at three successive general chapters, 1507, 1511, 1515. During this period as prior general he undertook a vigorous reform of the order. In 1512 he delivered the opening address for the fifth Lateran Council (1512–1517), Mansi 32.669–676. Leo, X (1513–1521) nominated him to the College of Cardinals in 1517, and Clement VII (1523–1534) appointed him bishop of Viterbo in 1523. He died on the night of November 11–12, 1532, in Rome, and he is buried there in the church of S. Agostino. Giuseppe Signorelli's biography of Giles is helpful but eulogistic, Egidio da Viterbo: Agostiniano, umanista e riformatore (Florence 1929). For an excellent survey of studies on Giles of Viterbo, see Francis, X. Martin, O.S.A., ‘The Problem of Giles of Viterbo: A Historiographical Survey,’ Augustiniana 9 (1959) 357–379; 10 (1960) 43–60. My own book contains a complete bibliography and a listing of studies published since Father Martin's survey appeared, Giles of Viterbo on Church and Reform: A Study in Renaissance Thought (Leiden 1968) 11–12, 192–206. Father Martin is now preparing his doctoral dissertation for publication, ‘Egidio da Viterbo, 1469–1518: A Study in Renaissance and Reform History’ (Cambridge University 1958).Google Scholar

² The manuscript bears the shelf mark CXVI/1–30. It will henceforth be cited simply as Évora MS. Luigi Torelli (1609–1683) reports, in his Secoli Agostiniani VII (Bologna 1682) 629 and VIII (1688) 178, that the discourse was printed. Torelli is the only source which lists this discourse among Giles's printed works, and I have been unable to find any evidence to corroborate this assertion.Google Scholar

³ Évora MS fol. 5^r. For some indications of the close relationship between Giles and Julius, see my book, Giles of Viterbo 6 and the Index of Persons.Google Scholar

⁴ Manuel's letter is to be found in I diarii di Marino Sanuto VII (ed. Fulin, Rinaldo, Venice 1882) 198–201. A less satisfactory transcription of this letter, taken from Vat. MS Reg. Lat. 557 fols. 88^v–90^r, was published in Corpo diplomatico Portuguez I (ed. Rebello, Luiz Augusto da Silva, , Lisbon, 1862) 116–119. Under the same date the king sent a shorter and less informative letter to the members of the College of Cardinals, Sanuto op. cit. 201–203. The letters arrived in Rome sometime between Dec. 10 and 14. We have a brief from Julius to Manuel dated Dec. 10, which makes no mention of the events the king describes in his letters of Sept. 25, Corpo diplomatico Portuguez I 119–121. Torelli, on the other hand, tells us that Giles records in his register under the date of Dec. 14 that the pope had received the news and asked him to read the king's letter in the church of S. Agostino for the benefit of the people of Rome in preparation for the solemn celebration which was to follow. See Torelli, , Secoli Agostiniani VII 569, as well as Pélissier, L.-G., ‘Pour la biographie du Cardinal Gilles de Viterbe,’ Miscellanea di studi critici in onore di Arturo Graf (Bergamo 1903) 803. Pélissier's article contains a transcription of the excerpts from Giles's registers which were made by Enrico Noris (1631–1704) and which are to be found in Laurenz. MS Ashb. 287. For a description of the entire MS, which is entitled ‘Vita et epistolae Aegidii Cardinalis Viterbiensis ab Henrico Norisio,’ and which also contains some letters, etc., see Rostagno, Enrico, ed., I codici Ashburnhamiani della R. Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana di Firenze 1.5 (Rome 1917) 355–357. On Giles's registers, especially as found in this MS and as utilized by Torelli, see Martin, Francis X., O.S.A., ‘The Registers of Giles of Viterbo,’ Augustiniana 12 (1962) 142–160, esp. 152. Giles's register indicates that he was also to read the letter during the function in Saint Peter's, but Paris de Grassis (Paride Grassi, ca. 1450–1528), the papal master of ceremonies, fails to mention such a reading as actually taking place, Vat. MSS Vat. Lat. 12268 fols. 143^r–144^r, and Vat. Lat. 12273 fols. 131^r–132^r .Google Scholar

⁵ These events are described by Danvers, Frederick Charles, The Portuguese in India I (London 1894) esp. 123–125, 149–150.Google Scholar

⁶ Évora MS fol. 5^r. The liturgical celebration is described in some detail by Paris de Grassis, Vat. MS Vat. Lat. 12268 fols. 143^r–144^r. It is de Grassis who describes Giles as ‘solemnis praedicator,’ fol. 143^v. For some further particulars, see Sanuto, Diarii VII 235–236, 238. The event is also recorded by Sebastiano di Branca Tedallini (? -ca. 1546) in his Diario Romano published in RIS² 23.3.317. The description of the occasion in Raynaldus, O., Annales ecclesiastici XI (Lucca 1754) 507–508, is based upon the account of de Grassis. It was by no means unusual in Rome publicly to acknowledge the accomplishments of the Christian princes. De Grassis, under date of Aug. 10, 1513, notes three such celebrations in honor of Manuel himself–in 1507, 1508, and 1513, Ang. MS Lat. 1457 fols. 30^v–31^v, and under date of Dec. 21, 1507, he notes one in honor of Ferdinand of Aragon (1474–1516) on Nov. 1, 1505, Vat. MS Vat. Lat. 12268 fol. 143^v. On June 17, 1509, Giles took part in a celebration in honor of Ferdinand, as reported in Torelli, Secoli Agostiniani VII 605. In 1510 he preached for two similar celebrations ordered by Julius in honor of Pedro Navarro's (1460–1528) capture for Ferdinand of the cities of Bougie and Tripoli, ibid. 617–618. From Tripoli Pedro Navarro, who had met Giles in Naples in 1506 and 1507, sent him two slaves, ibid. Giles does not seem to have been at all embarrassed by the gift, for he makes mention of it in his ‘Historia XX saeculorum,’ Ang. MS Lat. 502 fol. 266^v. On Giles and Pedro Navarro, see Martin, , ‘Egidio’ 166, 200–201, 324–326. On the reception in Rome of the famous embassy of Manuel to Leo, X, March 12, 1514, see Pastor, Ludwig, The History of the Popes (ed. Kerr, Ralph Francis, London 1923) VII 74–78, and Salvatore de Ciutiis, Une Ambassade portugaise à Rome au XVI ^e siècle (Naples 1899). For further information on the relations obtaining between the Holy See and the Portuguese crown in the sixteenth century, see MacSwiney, Patrice (de Mashanaglass), Les Épées d'honneur envoyées par les papes aux rois de Portugal au XVI ^e siècle (Paris 1898), and by the same author, Les Roses d'or envoyées par les papes aux rois de Portugal au XVI ^e siècle (Paris 1904). Giles's ‘libellus’ was not the only encomium of Manuel's accomplishments written in Italy in the early sixteenth century. Giovanni Francesco Poggio Bracciolini (1477–1522), for instance, composed an ‘elogium’ of Manuel, Emanuelis Portugalliae regis elogium, ex codice Laurent. Ashburn. MLXXVII, nunc primum editum (edd. Battelli, Guido and Coelho, Henrique Trindade, Documentos para o estudo das relaçôes culturaes entre Portugal e Italia 1; Florence 1934). Bracciolini takes specific note of the tribute being paid by Ceylon, ibid. xxiii.Google Scholar

⁷ Évora MS fol. 5^v .Google Scholar

⁸ Ibid. fols. 1^r–2^r. Besides this copy of the letter which prefaces the Évora codex, there is another with only minor variants in Siena MS G. X. 26 pp. 247–249. I have collated the letter from the Siena codex (S) with that of the Évora codex (E), as is clear from the apparatus. The transcription of the Siena letter by Signorelli, Egidio 233, contains a number of errors.Google Scholar

⁹ Évora MS fols. 5^v–6^r .Google Scholar

¹⁰ Naples MS V. F. 20 fol. 245^v: ‘Scribo de aurea aetate libellum stilo inaccurato ac tumultuario. Si supremam manum apponam ipse iudex eris.’ The complete letter appears on fols. 244^v–245^v, and is also to be found in Ang. MS Lat. 1001, fol. 205^r_v. On Ferri, see Signorelli, , Egidio 11, 135, and David Aurelius Perini, Bibliographia Augustiniana II (Florence 1931) 58. The phrase ‘stilo inaccurato ac tumultuario’ is echoed on fol. 78^r of the Évora MS, ‘inculto tumultuarioque stilo.’ This same evaluation of his style appears elsewhere in his writings, e.g., Siena MS G. X. 26 p. 129, and Naples MS V. F. 20 fol. 122^r. Giles is probably referring to the ‘libellus’ when he speaks of an ‘opusculum’ he wrote for the pope, letter to Gabriele della Volta (Gabriel Venetus, 1468–1537), March 25, 1508, Ang. MS 688 fol. 18^v, or Ang. MS Lat. 1001 fol. 281^r: ‘De concordia quotidie ago quantum in me est, et ut pontificem moueam etiam opusculum edidi quod uidebis, ut id agam quod debeo quacunque possum uia.’ On della Volta, Giles's successor in 1518 as prior general of the Augustinians, see Perini, , Bibliographia Augustiniana II 22–23. The ‘concordia’ of which Giles speaks possibly relates to the brief ‘Etsi ad benemerendum’ which Julius would issue on June 17, 1508, confirming the ‘Bulla aurea’ of Jan. 26, 1508. The ‘Bulla aurea’ assured to the Augustinians all the privileges which the Holy See had granted them in the course of their history. The fact that a second document had to be issued such a short time after the first suggests, according to Martin, that the officials of the Curia and others were still contending it. On June 30, 1508, Julius issued a third document, confirming and somewhat amplifying the provisions of the other two. See Martin, , ‘Egidio’ 203–208, 319–321. In any case, the brief ‘Etsi ad benemerendum’ begins with an expression of gratitude by the pope for the gift to him of the present discourse, Bullarium ordinis eremitarum S. Augustini (ed. Empoli, L., Rome 1628) 207: ‘Etsi ad benemerendum cum de vniuersi religione, tum praecipue de Augustiniana, cui tu praees, propensi magnopere sumus; libellus tamen, quem de Ecclesiae incremento edidisti, fecit Nos ad res vel tuas, vel tui ordinis longe propensiores.’ For these documents, see ibid. 204–212.Google Scholar

¹¹ Évora MS fols. 5^v–6^r: ‘Verum auream dicturus uitam, quam, te praeside, rex Lusitanus Indis gentibus dedit / paulo mihi altius repetendum fuit.’ Google Scholar

¹² Vat. MS Vat. Lat. 12268 fols. 143^v-144^r .Google Scholar

¹³ Ibid. fol. 143^v: ‘… habuit sermonem, primo Latinum, deinde contra bonas caerimonias uulgarem.’ De Grassis also tells us that the members of the Curia were disappointed with the sermon because Giles did not describe the victory which the king had won, which is what they had expected to hear, ibid. fol. 144^r. De Grassis himself was confused about the precise events which were being celebrated. He thought the naval victory was won over the king of Ceylon, ibid. fol. 143^r. See Évora MS fols. 4^v–5^r. Giles's register tells us that the theme for the sermon was ‘Audite, insulae, et attendite, populi de longe’ (Is. 49.1), Laurenz. MS Ashb. 287 fol. 20^r, or Pélissier, ‘Pour la biographie’ 803. This fact provides us with our best information for reconstructing the original sermon. In the discourse as it now stands, this quotation from Isaiah does not occur until fol. 46^v. From fol. 46^v to fol. 52^r we have something of a commentary on this forty-ninth chapter of Isaiah, as Giles explains the meaning of the ‘twelve golden acorns’ which Manuel has carried to the Indies. We can infer that the ideas Giles develops in this section of the discourse were important for the sermon as it was actually delivered. According to the register Giles spoke about the ‘capture’ of Ceylon and the king's victory, which events resulted in Pope Julius' possessing that of which even Julius Caesar was ignorant, thus showing Christian piety to be stronger than the armies of the Romans. The register makes no mention of the Golden Age as a theme of the sermon. Giles again compares the two great Juliuses in his letter to the pope, Aug. 18, 1508, Siena MS G. X. 26 pp. 203–206, or Signorelli, Egidio 235–236. Whereas the former Julius, thinking himself ruler of the whole world in fact ruled only half of it, the present Julius really does reign supreme over the whole human family. See also Ang. MS Lat. 502 fol. 194^r for Giles's report of how Bramante (ca. 1444–1514) juxtaposed the two Juliuses.Google Scholar

¹⁴ See Naples MS V. F. 20 fol. 245^v, quoted above in note 10, as well as Laurenz. MS Ashb. 287 fol. 21^v or Pélissier, ‘Pour la biographie’ 806.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Évora MS fol. 5^v. On the origins of the myth of a Golden Age and its insertion into the Christian tradition, especially through Lactantius (ca. 240-ca. 320), see Ladner, Gerhart B., The Idea of Reform (Cambridge, Mass. 1959) 12–14, 140–141. See also Lovejoy, Arthur O. and Boas, George, Primitivism and Related Ideas in Antiquity (Baltimore 1935) 23–53; Boas, George, Essays in Primitivism and Related Ideas in the Middle Ages (Baltimore 1948) esp. 33–41; Gombrich, E. H., ‘Renaissance and Golden Age,’ Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 24 (1961) 306–309. See also my book, Giles of Viterbo 17, 50, 103–104, 105, 109, 110, 184.Google Scholar

¹⁶ See Bullarium O.E.S.A. 207–209. This mention by Julius was recorded in Giles's register as prior general, Ang. MS Lat. 1118 fol. 143^r, and Laurenz, MS Ashb. 287 fol. 21^v or Pélissier, ‘Pour la biographie’ 806. On the Angelica MS, see Martin, , ‘Registers’ 151. It is at least conceivable that the pope avoided using the title ‘de aurea aetate’ in this brief confirming the ‘Bulla aurea,’ lest he give the impression from the similarity of titles that Giles's discourse concerned the bull. The discourse was described as ‘de ecclesiae incremento’ by Ambrogio Calepino, O.E.S.A. (Ambrosius Calepinus, 1440–1510) in the prefatory letter to Giles in his Dictionarium, as reported in Alonso Chacon's (Alphonsus Ciaconius, 1540–1599) Vitae et res gestae pontificum Romanorum et S. R. E. cardinalium III (Rome 1677) 397. See also Laurenz. MS Ashb. 287 fol. 21^v or Pélissier, ‘Pour la biographie’ 806. Calepino took the title from Julius's brief. Giles describes the ‘libellus’ as ‘de rebus tuis’ in his letter to Manuel, Évora MS fol. 1^r, and as ‘de uestro rege’ in writing to his subjects in the Augustinian province of Portugal, Siena MS G. X. 26 p. 195. These descriptions, given the original occasion, are certainly accurate, but apply more properly to the second part of the discourse as we now have it. In writing to the king and to his own Portuguese subjects Giles would naturally describe the ‘libellus’ in terms which interested his addressees. The letter to the Portuguese Augustinians was written in Rome. It is without date, but probably was written not long after the ‘libellus’ was finished, i.e., in the spring of 1508. In his register for June, 1508, Giles describes the ‘libellus’ as ‘de inuento orbe terrarum et Taprobane insula, de Lusitani regis uictoria, de aurea aetate,’ Laurenz. MS Ashb. 287 fol. 21^v or Pélissier, ‘Pour la biographie’ 806. See also Évora MS fol. 78^v .Google Scholar

¹⁷ The actual phrase, ‘ecclesiae incrementum,’ appears on fol. 60^r, and almost equivalent phrases such as ‘imperii incrementa,’ ‘religionem augendam,’ ‘multiplicandam religionem’ are found passim, e.g., fols. 50^r, 56^r, 60^v–61^r, 63^r, 66^r, 66^v, 72^v. The word ‘incrementum’ was used by Manuel in his letter to the pope of Sept. 25, 1507, and this usage may first have suggested the phrase to Giles and to Julius. See Sanuto, , Diarii VII 198: ‘Cui [tibi, papae] jam cognitum arbitramur misisse nos superioribus annis pro nobis viceregem [Francesco de Almeida, ca. 1450–1510] in terras illas orientales, qui pro rerum quotidie incremento, ut in bonum augeri solent quae adeo [sic] sunt, majoribus viribus et auctoritate expeditionem illam administraret.’ Google Scholar

¹⁸ Évora MS fol. 5^v .Google Scholar

¹⁹ Ibid. ‘… de aurea aetate deque partibus eius quattuor ….’ Google Scholar

²⁰ Ibid., e.g., fols. 11^r, 16^r, 21^r, 23^v, 28^r, 28^v, etc. Google Scholar

²¹ Ibid., e.g., fols. 9^r_v, 11^r, 16^v, 18^r, 24^v, 32^v, 37^r, 47^r–51^v .Google Scholar

²² Ibid., e.g., fols. 15^r–16^r, 24^v–25^r, 26^v, 27^v, 31^r, 36^v, 41^r–42^r .Google Scholar

²³ Ibid., e.g., fols. 8^v–9^r, 13^r_v, 17^v, 24^v, 37^v .Google Scholar

²⁴ Ibid., e.g., fol. 11^r .Google Scholar

²⁵ Ibid., e.g., fols. 28^r, 30^v–31^r, 38^v, 40^v–43^r. In Giles's major historical work, the ‘Historia XX saeculorum,’ he subscribes very clearly to the idea of more or less inevitable historical declines, Ang. MS Lat. 502, e.g., fols. 36^v, 42^v–43^r, 51^v–52^r, 56^r, 59^v, 321^v. Suggestions of this historical pessimism are not altogether missing from the present discourse, e.g., fols. 1^r, 10^v, 22^v–23^r, 24^r .Google Scholar

²⁶ Giles borrowed this set of initials from the De comentariis antiquitatum of Annio da Viterbo (Giovanni Nanni, O.P., 1432–1502), published in Rome in 1498, and listed as 2015 in the Gesamtkatalog der Wiegendrucke. See, e.g., fols. 171^r–174^r, 192^r_v, 196^r, 199^v. Giles's own copy of this book, with extensive marginal notations in his own hand, is to be found in the Vatican library, Inc. 11.274. For further use of F A V L by Giles, see his commentary on the first seventeen Distinctions of Peter Lombard's (ca. 1100–1160) Sentences, done ‘ad mentem Platonis,’ Vat. MS Vat. Lat. 6325 fols. 141^r, 164^v. For information on Annio and his forgeries, see Tigerstedt, E. N., ‘Ioannes Annius and Graecia Mendax,’ in Classical, Medieval and Renaissance Studies in Honor of Berthold Louis Ullman (ed. Henderson, Charles Jr., Rome 1964) II 293–310; Weiss, R., ‘Traccia per una biografia di Annio da Viterbo,’ Italia medioevale e umanistica 5 (1962) 425–441, and by the same author, ‘An Unknown Epigraphic Tract by Annius of Viterbo,’ in Italian Studies Presented to E. R. Vincent (Cambridge 1962) 101–120; Secret, F., ‘Egidio da Viterbo et quelques-uns de ses contemporains,’ Augustiniana 16 (1966) esp. 371–377.Google Scholar

²⁷ See Ang. MS Lat. 502 fol. 23^r, as well as Évora MS fols. 11^v, 12^v. For Annio da Viterbo there is an identification of Janus with a Golden Age, Antiquitatum, e.g., fols. 18^v–19^r, with a marginal notation by Giles.Google Scholar

²⁸ On the ‘Etruscan revival,’ see Chastel, André, Art et Humanisme à Florence au temps de Laurent le Magnifique (Paris 1961) 63–71. One of the principal promoters of this ‘revival’ was Annio da Viterbo, upon whom Giles was dependent. For some indications of the use to which Giles put his Etruscan lore, see ‘Etruscans, Etruria’ in the Index of Subjects in my book, Giles of Viterbo. Google Scholar

²⁹ Évora MS, e.g., fols. 11(a)^r_v, 23^v, 28^v, 54^r, 70^v–72^r. See also Ang. MS Lat. 502 fols. 8^r_v, 17^r, 39^r, 78^v, 84^v .Google Scholar

³⁰ Ang. MS Lat. 502 fol. 7^r .Google Scholar

³¹ Évora MS, e.g., fols. 55^v–56^r, 57^r, 58^v–59^v, 63^r .Google Scholar

³² See my book, Giles of Viterbo esp. 122–126.Google Scholar

³³ Ang. MS Lat. 502 fol. 194^r .Google Scholar

³⁴ Évora MS fols. 24^r–40^r .Google Scholar

³⁵ See my book, Giles of Viterbo 91–93, 104–107, 140, 182.Google Scholar

³⁶ Évora MS, e.g., fols. 11(a)^r, 17^r, 23^v–24^r, 45^r–52^r, 54^v–54(a)^v. On vegetation symbolism in this period, see Ladner, Gerhart B., ‘Vegetation Symbolism and the Concept of Renaissance,’ in De artibus opuscula XL: Essays in Honor of Erwin Panofsky (ed. Meiss, Millard, New York 1961) I 303–322. For a controversy wherein the symbolism of the della Rovere oak is discussed, see the two articles by Frederick Hartt in The Art Bulletin, ‘Lignum Vitae in Medio Paradisi’ 32 (1950) 115–145, 181–218, and ‘Pagnini, Vigerio and the Sistine Ceiling: A Reply’ 33 (1951) 262–273, and the article by Edgar Wind in the same journal ‘Typology in the Sistine Ceiling: A Critical Statement’ 33 (1951) 41–47.Google Scholar

³⁷ See my book, Giles of Viterbo 96–97, as well as Évora MS fols. 53^v–54^r .Google Scholar

³⁸ Évora MS, e.g., fols. 1^v, 5^r, 11(a)^r, 23^v, 43^r, 54^v–54(a)^v, 58^v, 60^r, 71^v–72^v, 79^v, etc. On the voyages and victories of Manuel and Ferdinand of Aragon, see the ‘Historia,’ Ang. MS Lat. 502 fols. 176^v–177^v, 191^r–193^r, 266^r_v .Google Scholar

³⁹ Évora MS, e.g., fols. 4^v–6^r, 23^v, 43^v, 45^r, 47^r–51^v, etc.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ On the significance of the voyages and on Giles's idea of history, see my book, Giles of Viterbo 100–117. See also Scechina e Libellus de litteris Hebraicis (ed. Secret, F., Rome 1959) I 86, 156.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Évora MS, e.g., fols. 4^v, 48^v–49^r, 53^r, 70^r, 75^r, 77^r_v. See also the letter to the Portuguese province, Siena MS G. X. 26 p. 195, and the ‘Historia,’ Ang. MS 502 fols. 177^r, 192^v .Google Scholar

⁴² Évora MS fols. 61^v–65^v, 74^r–75^r, 80^r .Google Scholar

⁴³ See my book, Giles of Viterbo 127–130.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ See Guglia, E., ‘Die Türkenfrage auf dem Laterankonzil,’ Mit. Inst. öster. Gesch. 21 (1900) esp. 684–685, and Schwoebel, Robert H., ‘Coexistence, Conversion, and the Crusade against the Turks,’ Studies in the Renaissance 12 (1965) 164–187. See also Patrides, C. A., “‘The Bloody and Cruell Turke”: The Background of a Renaissance Commonplace,’ Studies in the Renaissance 10 (1963) 126–135.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ See Scechina I 160–161, II 149, as well as Siena MS G. X. 26 p. 202. On the ‘one flock, one shepherd’ theme in Florence in the late Quattrocento, see Garin, Eugenio, La cultura filosofica del Rinascimento italiano (Florence 1961) 167, 180–181, 225.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Évora MS, e.g., fol. 74^r .Google Scholar

⁴⁷ da Cunha Rivara, Joaquim Heliodoro, ed., Catalogo dos manuscriptos da Bibliotheca Publica Eborense I (Lisbon 1850) 256–258.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ This is the conjecture of the present director of the library, Dr. António Leandro Alves. I have the following information about the codex from a letter of Alves, Dr., Dec. 9, 1967, as well as from the catalogue of 1850: the codex has a sixteenth-century red satin binding, and consists of eighty-one parchment folios, which measure 234 × 70 millimeters. The text itself covers about 130 × 70 millimeters of the surface of the individual folios. The edges of the folios are gilded.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Évora MS fol. 1^r .Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Siena MS G. X. 26 pp. 193–196.Google Scholar

⁵¹ The editor of the catalogue of manuscripts of the Évora library also is of the opinion that the codex was intended for the king, I 258: ‘… e não duvido de que seja o proprio pelo A. enviado a El Rey D. Manoel.’ Google Scholar

⁵² Arpe, A., Pantheon Augustinianum (Genoa 1709) 269, lists the discourse among the works of Giles which he saw in the library. Andrea Vittorelli (Victorellus, 1580–1653), who collaborated in the compilation of the Vitae et res gestae of Chacon (Ciaconius), is reported as having seen it there, III 397.Google Scholar

⁵³ On this question of the ‘grande furto’ at the Biblioteca Angelica, see Card, Giovanni. Mercati, Note per la storia di alcune biblioteche romane nei secoli XVI–XIX (Studi e testi 164; Città del Vaticano 1952) 44–47.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Laurenz. MS Ashb. 287 fol. 21^v, or Pélissier, ‘Pour la biographie’ 806; Bullarium O.E.S.A. 207.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Laurenz. MS Ashb. 287 fol. 21^v, or Pélissier, ‘Pour la biographie’ 806: ‘Ipse, suscepto libello inspectoque, omnia se pro religione facturum pollicetur, eodemque mense, cum Iulius Lusitanum cardinalem febre laborantem inuiseret, eundem librum illi dono dedit, ut aegroti animum et donantis et doni aestimatio levaret.’ On da Costa, see Eubel, Conradus and van Gulik, G., eds., Hierarchia catholica medii aevi III (Regensburg 1910) 3. In de Grassis' description of the obsequies for the aged da Costa there is no mention of Giles, Vat. MS Vat. Lat. 12269 fols. 244^v–247^v .Google Scholar

⁵⁶ See, e.g., Évora MS fol. 78^r. For a discussion of this aspect of Giles's writings, see my book, Giles of Viterbo 13, 179.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ For comment on the orthography of Giles's autograph MSS, which the Évora codex seems to follow very closely, see Massa, Eugenio, I fondamenti metafisici della ‘dignitas hominis’ e testi inediti di Egidio da Viterbo (Turin 1954) 42–53.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ A Latin Dictionary (eds. Lewis, Charlton T. and Short, Charles; New York 1962) vii–xi, and A Greek-English Lexicon I (eds. Liddell, Henry George and Scott, Robert; Oxford 1925) xvi-xli.Google Scholar

For the letter to Manuel the following sigla are used: E - Évora MS CXVI/1–30 fols. 1^r–2^r; S - Siena MS G. X. 26 pp. 247–249. See note 8 of my Introduction to the text.Google Scholar

The marginal additions to the text which are indicated in this apparatus are all in the same hand as the Évora MS. 1–2 Regi Emanueli Portugalliae Frater Egidius S. S Google Scholar

10 ad te om. E 13 cognoscas S 19 uoluit a te tr. S 21 suo E 24 faceret S 30 humana decommoda obliuiscere E 37 Vale. Romae. om. E Google Scholar

6 Cf., e.g., Dan. 12. 11–12 Cf. Apoc. 3.20. 15 Cf. 1 Reg. 9–31. 21 Cf. Dan. 11(sic). 23 Cf. Dan. 10. 24 Cf. Dan. 12.1 28–9 Psa. 1.4 Google Scholar

29 Psa. 39(40).8; Heb. 10.7. In the opening line of his ‘Historia XX saeculorum’ Giles identifies the ‘head of the book’ as the opening of the book of Psalms. See Ang. MS Lat. 502 fol. 1^r. See also ibid. fol. 6^r, as well as fol. 1^v, where Giles suggests that the ‘head of the book’ may be the book of Genesis. 35 Apoc. 2.7. 37 Psa. 95(96).2 Google Scholar

1 Cf. Gen. 41.41. 2 Cf. esp. Exod. 3–40. 5 Cf. Jos. 1–12. 6 Cf. 1 and 2 Reg. 25 Plin. H.N. 6.24. The phrase was employed by Manuel in his letter to Julius II, Sept. 25, 1507, Sanuto, Diarii VII 198, and also occurs in Giles's ‘Historia,’ Ang. MS Lat. 502 fol. 177^r Google Scholar

49 Upon the death in 1506 of Agostino Faccioni, prior general of the Augustinian order, Julius II chose Giles to act as vicar general until a general chapter could elect a successor. In a letter written to the friars of the monastery of Lecceto near Siena shortly after the appointment, Giles describes how reluctantly he accepted it when it was made known to him on June 27. The letter was published, Martène, E. and Durand, U., eds., Veterum scriptorum et monumentorum historicorum, dogmaticorum, moralium amplissima collectio III (Paris 1724) 1235–38, and is to be found in manuscript, Naples MS V. F. 20 fols. 121^r–127^v, and Ang. MS Lat. 1001 fols. 102^r–105^v. From his appointment of Giles as vicar general, as well as other attentions, it is clear that the pope wanted Giles elected as prior general. This is precisely what happened at the general chapter held in Naples in May of 1507. Giles's election was confirmed by Julius in a brief dated Oct. 7, 1507, published in Analecta Augustiniana 9 (1921–22) 18–19. In a letter to Julius II, Aug. 18, 1508, Giles again reminds the pope that his office as prior general is that ‘quo me Sanctitas tua ornatum uoluit.’ The letter is to be found in Siena MS G. X. 26 pp. 203–6, and was published by Signorelli, Egidio da Viterbo 235–6.Google Scholar

23 rerum marg. Google Scholar

11 Gen. 1.1. 13–14 Gen. 1.1. 17–18 Il. 2.204. Cf. Arist. Pol. 1292a. MS ἷςχοίϱαους ἂιστω. 32 Cf. Pl. Ti. 49c Google Scholar

35 aquam scripsi: terram 70 eos marg. Google Scholar

35 Cf. Arist. GC 330a-b. 38–40 Verg. Geor. 4.441–2. 49–50 Verg. Aen. 6.733. 57 Psa. 8.6. 65–6 Verg. Aen. 6.638–9. 68 Cf. Gen. 2.8–15. 70–1 Gen. 2.15 Google Scholar

74 Cf. Cant. 4.12–13. 97 Cf. Gen. 3.6. 100 Cf. Arist. Metaph. 980a. 102 Cf. Cic. Fin. 5.18.49 Google Scholar

110 ac quinquaginta marg. Google Scholar

25 latius marg. Google Scholar

110 Cf. Gen. 5.3–7.6 Google Scholar

2 Cf. Gen. 6.9. 15 Cf. Just. 1.1. 22 Cf. Eus. Chronicorum 1.13. 25–6 Cf. Ang. MS Lat. 502 fol. 23^r 38–9 Cf. Plin. H.N. 16.1; Verg. Geor. 1.148; PL R. 372c-d. 46 Prov. 8.29. 58 Cant. 8.7. 65 Cf. PL Alc. 121e–122a. Google Scholar

70 Cf. Arist. EN 1129b. 72 Cf. Jos. J.A. 1.3.5–6 Google Scholar

108 Haec scripsi: Illa 131 nominari marg. Google Scholar

111 Cf. Herm. Asclepius 3.34b (Scott, , Hermetica I 322); Pl. Phlb. 23c: R. 509d. 116 Cf. Joan. 8.23. 132 Joan. 1.5. 134 Joan. 1.9. 135 Cf. Joan. 8.12; 12.35–6. 137 Joan. 1.5. 139–40 Joan. 1.9. 141 Cf. Joan. 1.12.Google Scholar

145 Cf. Pl. R. 508a ff. 157–8 Psa. 44(45).10; 103(104).2. 162 Cf. Verg. Aen. 1.306; 3.311; 5.64; 8.455; Eccl. 8.17. 164 Matt. 13.8; Marc. 4.8; Luc. 8.8 Google Scholar

165 Joan. 15.1. 166 Cf. Pl. R. 508a ff. 167–8 Verg. Aen. 6.640–1, … hic campos aether et …. 171–2 Cant. 5.11. 172 1 Cor. 11.3. 175–6 Verg. Aen. 6.108–9, … contingat Google Scholar

214 ac potius finis marg. Google Scholar

192 Cf. Verg. Aen. 6.131, 137 Google Scholar

234 Cf. Pl. R. 509b; Dionys. Areop. De div. nom. 2.2.637d. 238 Verg. Aen. 7.17. 239 Psa. 31(32).9. Cf. Tob. 6.17 Google Scholar

284 Bar. 1.20. Cf. Exod. 3.8; 13.5; etc. 286 Cf. Matt. 6.20; Luc. 12.33. 287 Cf. Verg. Aen. 5.735, and esp. 6.98 ff. 290 Cf. D. S. 5(sic).40.1–5 Google Scholar

293 Verg. Aen. 6.190. 294 Verg. Aen. 6.193. 296 Psa. 67(68).14. 299 Psa. 67(68).14. 300 Cf. Matt. 3.16; Marc. 1.10; Luc. 3.22; Joan. 1.32. 301–2 Psa. 11(12).7 and Psa. 17(18).31. Cf. Psa. 65(66).10; 2 Reg. 22.31. 302–3 Psa. 67(68).14. 328 Cf. da Viterbo, Annio, Antiquitatum fols. 171^r, 174^r, and esp. 172^r_v .Google Scholar

347 fulguribus marg. Google Scholar

334 Cf. Lact. Inst. 1.20. 342 Verg. Aen. 5.761. 346 Cf. Arist. Mete., e.g., 338a–339a, 341b–342a, etc. 360 Cf. Pl. Alc. 122a Google Scholar

16 anima scripsi: animo Google Scholar

366 Cf. D. S. 5.40.2 Google Scholar

1 Cf. Pl. Criti. 109b ff. 2 Cf. Pl. Cra. 397e–398a. 5 Cf. Pl. Lg. 631b–d. 9 Cf. Pl. R. 484c–487a, 496a–497a. 12 Cf. Pl. R. 508e ff. 15 Cf. Pl. Grg. 486d. 16 Cf. Pl. R. 413c–414b 47–8 procul marg. Google Scholar

18 Cf. Pl. R. 543a, 547b. 19 Cf. Pl. R. 495a–b. 22 Cf. Pl. R. 416e–417a. 24–6 Verg. Aen. 6.146–8. 31 Cf. Pl. R. 379a–e. 35–6 Verg. Ecl. 4.6. 36 Cf. PL Grg. 526c–d. 41 Verg. Ecl. 4.9. 43–4 Verg. Ecl. 4.7, 49. 44 Cf. Herm. Pimander 13 (Ficino, , Opera [Basel 1576] 1855). 50–1 Cf. Exod. 25, 37, 39; 3 Reg. 6.Google Scholar

71 hymnumque caneret marg. Google Scholar

57 Lam. 4.1. 65–6 Isa. 60.1. 66–7 Isa. 60.9. 67 Isa. 60.17. 68–9 Job 22.24. 72 Psa. 71(72).15. 77 Cf. Joel 3.5. 78 Joel 3.5. 79 Cf. Ang. MS Lat. 502 fol. 291^r. 85–6 Psa. 71(72).10. 86–7 Isa. 60.6. 87 Joan. 12.31 Google Scholar

93 omnem marg. 108 Suscepto scripsi: Suscepti Google Scholar

92 Marc. 16.15. 92–3 Psa. 44(45).17. 95 Apoc. 3.18. 97 Rom. 5.5. 98 Cf. 1 Cor. 13. 99 Cf. Act. 2.1–5.16. 121 Cf. Apoc. 21.18–21. 124 Cf. Ezech. 1.10 Google Scholar

137 Cf. Matt. 1–2. 138 Cf. Luc. 22.43–4. 140 Psa. 35(36).9. 141 Psa. 109(110).7. Cf. Marc. 9.1–7; 16. 143 Matt. 17.2, … uestimenta autem eius facta sunt alba sicut nix. Marc. 9.2, Et uestimenta eius facta sunt splendentia, et Candida …. 145 Cf. Joan. 1.1–4. 146 Cf. Joan. 13.25 165–6 Rom. 11.33. 169–70 Matt. 22.37–9; Marc. 12.30–1; Luc. 10.27. Cf. Rom. 13.9; Gal. 5.14; Jac. 2.8. 173–4 Rom. 5.5. 175 Gen. 1.2. 179 Cf. Pl. Phdr. 246a ff. 180 Cf. 1 Cor. 13. 184 Cf. Od. 11.569. 185 Cf. Pl. Min. 319b–320d. 188–9 Psa. 126(127).2. 197 Cf. Od. 5.5 ff. 198 Cf. Pl. Alc. 150c–151a.Google Scholar

203 Cf. Pl. Epin. 976e–977b, 988a–b, 989d 3–4 Joan. 7.37–8. 6 Apoc. 21.5. 7 Cf. Pl. Ti. 69d–70a. Cf. also Pl. R. 435b ff. 8 Verg. Aen. 8.564–5, nascenti cui tris animas Feronia mater // (horrendum dictu) dederat … 14 Cf. Pl. R. 519a–b; also bks. 8 and 9. 35–6 quasi — amauimus marg. Google Scholar

69 haec scripsi: hae Google Scholar

59 Cf. Arist. HA 563a. 83 Cf. Arist. EN 1125b, 1126a. 90 Psa. 4.5. 92–4 Psa. 6.2. Vulgate, Domine, ne in furore tuo arguas me, neque in ira tua corripias me Google Scholar

109 Cf. Liv. 1.11. 111–13 Verg. Aen. 6.273–4. 130 Psa. 81(82).6 Google Scholar

146 actiones scripsi: actionis Google Scholar

136 Verg. Aen. 4.20. 142 Cf. Siena MS G. X. 26 p. 260, undated letter of Giles to Antonio Pulcri, in which he expresses the spirit with which he wanted his reform of the Augustinian order implemented: ‘Cupimus et uolumus ut primo ista reformatio fiat non cum impetu, non cum imperio uerborum, non cum clamore aut ullo tumultu, sed in charitate, in patientia, in spiritu humilitatis, ut omnes sentiant hanc rem a Deo et Spiritu Sancto.’ 149–50 Verg. Aen. 8.324–5, aurea quae perhibent …. 158–9 Verg. Aen. 10.202. 160 Verg. Aen. 5.761. 162 Cf. Liv. 5.54 Google Scholar

173 et scripsi: ut. 171–2 Gen. 17.4. 177 Cf. Pl. Lg. 745b–e, 760b–c, 848c–e(sic). 181 Cf. Matt. 26.53. 184 Cf. Matt. 10.34; Luc. 12.51. 187–8 Heb. 11.34. Cf. Apoc. 12.9; 20.2. 192–3 Rom. 7.23. 197 2 Tim. 4.7. 198 2 Tim. 4.7. 206–7 domueritque, asciscit scripsi: domueritque cum asciscit Google Scholar

202 Apoc. 12.1. 206 Verg. Geor. 1.514. 209 Cf. Gen. 25, 30. 212 Exod. 15.27–16.1; Num. 33.9. 214 Cf. Jos. 4.3. 217 Psa. 107(108).11; etc. 218 Psa. 86(87).3. 223 Cf. 3 Reg. 7.44; 2 Par. 4.4, 15. 224 Cf. 3 Reg. 10.20. 5 Cf. Matt. 23.25 9–10 Isa. 52.11. 12–13 Os.(sic).8.8. 13–14 Jer. 22.28; Psa. 2.9; Eccli. 27.6; Rom. 9.22; Psa. 7.14; etc. 17 Verg. Aen. 6.747. 21 Cf. Arist. EN 1177b. 31 Cf. Num. 7.84. 34–5 Cant. 3.10. 43 Cf. Num. 7.84. 75–6 Ostendimus — potest marg. 79 Quae scripsi: Qua Google Scholar

45 Cf. 1 Par. 28.17; 2 Par. 4.8. 46 Cf. Exod. 27.17. 47 Cf. 3 Reg. 6.20–36. 49 Cf. 1 Par. 22.9. 56 Cf. Matt. 13.46. 57 Cant. 3.9. 60 Cant. 3.10. 70–1 2 Tim. 2.20. 73 Act. 9.15.Google Scholar

80 Quae scripsi: Qua 88 sint scripsi: sunt Google Scholar

94 Joel 3.5. 95 Lam. 4.1. 103 Pope Eugene IV (1431–47). Giuliano Cesarini (1394–1444). 104 Ladislaus III, king of Poland (1434–44). 105 Pope Nicholas V (1447–55). 107 Pope Calistus III (1455–58). 108 Pope Pius II (1458–64). 109 Modern Mytileni, captured by the Turks in 1462. 110 Modern Trebizond, captured by the Turks in 1461. 111 Thomas Palaeologus, Despot of the Morea (1429–60).Google Scholar

129 auro scripsi: aura 138 illam scripsi: illa Google Scholar

113 Pope Paul II (1464–71). Modern Euboea or Evvoia, captured by the Turks in 1470. 114 Pope Sixtus IV (1471–84). Cafa is modern Feodosiya, captured by the Turks in 1475. 115 Modern Krujë or Kruja, captured by the Turks in 1478. Modern Drisht, captured by the Turks in 1477. Modern Lesh, captured by the Turks in 1478. Modern Leukas, captured by the Turks in 1477. 116 Modern Cephalonia, captured by the Turks in 1479. It was retaken for Venice in 1500 by Benedetto Pisani and Gonzalo Fernández de Cordoba. See below, fol. 65^v. Modern Zante, captured by the Turks in 1479, but retaken by Antonio Tocco in 1481, who ceded it to Venice in 1484.Google Scholar

133 Isa. 6.13. 142–3 Isa. 6.12.Google Scholar

14 atque ait marg. Google Scholar

144 Isa. 6.13. 145–6 Isa. 6.13. 149–50 Isa. 6.13. 152 Isa. 6.13. 156 Isa. 6.13.Google Scholar

3 Verg. Aen. 6.636. Cf. 1 Cor. 13.9–12. 14 Isa. 49.1. 16–17 Isa. 49.1. 17 Cf. Isa. 7.1 51–2 Secundum enim et quartum scripsi: Secundus — quartus.Google Scholar

28 Rom. 1.17; Gal. 3.11; Heb. 10.38. 29 Cf. Matt. 14.20; Marc. 6.43; Luc. 9.17; Joan. 6.13. 34 Cf. Isa. 49.2. 35 Cf. Prov. 7.23. 37 Verg. Aen. 4.73. 41 1 Petr. 1.12. 42–3 Psa. 49.5. 48 Isa. 49.6.Google Scholar

77 speretur scripsi: sperentur 78 angusta scripsi: augusta 80 ruinas scripsi: ruinam Google Scholar

57 Isa. 49.8. 61–2 Psa. 103(104).2. 65 Isa. 49.18. 69–70 Isa. 49.13. 78 Isa. 49.19. 88 Isa. 49.24 101–6 Verg. Aen. 4.441–6. 107 Cf. Matt. 16.18; Eccli. 26.24. 108–9 Isa. 49.12. 124–5 Isa. 49.23. Vulgate, nutrices. Google Scholar

138 uulgo marg. 147 faciendum scripsi: faciundum 158 inopes scripsi: inopiam Google Scholar

132 Cf. Jud. 20–21. 136 Isa. 49.26. 147–8 Isa. 49.22. 172–3 Psa. 96(97).1; 117(118).26. 173–4 Matt. 1.23. 177 Cf. Isa. 7.14; Matt. 1.23. 185–6 Isa. 9.2; Matt. 4.16. 202 Cf. Jos. 1–12.Google Scholar

208 praegrandem scripsi: praegnantem 210 superiora scripsi superiore 220–1 In — Augustinus marg. 232 et scripsi: ut 207–9 Jos. 24.25–6. Vulgate, Percussit ergo Iosue in die illo foedus, et proposuit populo praecepta atque iudicia in Sichem. Scripsit quoque omnia uerba haec in uolumine legis Domini; et tulit lapidem pergrandem, posuitque eum subter quercum, quae erat in sanctuario Domini. 215–16 Am. 3.7. 238–9 Plin. H.N. 6.24.Google Scholar

249 sacrorum scripsi: sacrarum 253–4 Iudeis hominibus scripsi: Iudeis haec hominibus 277–8 tamque — possit marg. Google Scholar

245 Cf. Jos. 24.26. 250 Jos. 24.26. 257 Cf. Heb. 3.1–6. 258–9 Psa. 89(90)1. Vulgate, Oratio Moysi hominis Dei. 259 Psa. 109(110).1. 263 Jos. 24.26.Google Scholar

281 Phil. 4.7. Cf. 1 Cor. 2.9.Google Scholar

2 Cf. Isa. 7–8. 5 Isa. 7.18. 16 Isa. 6.1. 19 Isa. 6.1. 22–3 Isa. 6.1. 25 Isa. 6.1.Google Scholar

30 Eccli. 50.1. 33 Matt. 16.17. 46 Cf. Hier. Lib. Interpr. Hebr. Nom., Luc. 56–8 Eccli. 50.1–2.Google Scholar

76 Psa. 131(132).1. 79–80 1 Reg. 16.18. 86–7 Psa. 131(132).1, 17. 90–1 Eccli. 50.2.Google Scholar

108 habituram scripsi: habiturum 133–4 Eccli. 50.2. 139 Isa. 6.1.Google Scholar

158 cum — omnia marg. Google Scholar

145 Isa. 6.1. 148–9 Isa. 6.4. 157 Cf. Isa. 6.12. 163–4 Isa. 6.13.Google Scholar

186 sitam scripsi: situm Google Scholar

182 Isa. 6.12. 184–5 Isa. 41.5; Job 38.13. Cf. Psa. 134(135).7. 190 Psa. 73(74).1. 195 Cf. Psa. 73–77(74–78). 205 Psa. 75(76).4. 210 Psa. 76(77).11. 218–9 Psa. 73(74).12. 240–1 Verg. Aen. 5.754. 277–8 quamquam — Italiam marg. Google Scholar

285 Isa. 26.1. 290 Gonzalo Fernández de Cordoba (1453–1515). 291 Cephalonia, in the Ionian Sea. Cf. above, fol. 44^v .Google Scholar

9 Cf. Isa. 6.1. 11 Cf. Isa. 6.12–13. 12 Cf. Isa. 7–8, esp. 7.14. 27–8 Isa. 9.7. 30–1 Isa. 9.2. 39 Cf. 1 Reg. 16.10–12.Google Scholar

72 Psa. 112(113).7. 76 Luc. 1.52.Google Scholar

102 carcere scripsi: carcerem Google Scholar

80 Psa. 112(113).6; 137(138).6. 81–2 Luc. 1.48. 83 Cf. 1 Tim. 1.17. 113–14 Joan. 4.37.Google Scholar

137 adiuuit scripsi: audiuit 137–8 Isa. 40.13. 139 Psa. 35(36).7. 153–4 Rom. 11.33.Google Scholar

155 Cf. Isa. 45.Google Scholar

203 posset marg. 194–5 Isa. 9.7. 212 Isa. 9.7. 214–15 Isa. 9.6. 216–17 Isa. 9.7. 222 Isa. 10.21, 22. 226–7 Matt. 24.32. Cf. Marc. 13.28.Google Scholar

259 quanta scripsi: quantam Google Scholar

238 Isa. 10.21, 22. 240–2 Isa. 11.10. Vulgate, In die illa radix Iesse, qui stat in signum populorum, ipsum gentes deprecabuntur. 246–7 Isa. 11.11. 253–4 Isa. 11.10. 258–9 Isa. 11.10. 263 Cf. Rom. 10.17. 264–6 Isa. 11.11–12.Google Scholar

283 unquam marg. Google Scholar

275 Isa. 11.10. 277–8 Psa. 88(89).21(20). 279–80 Psa. 88(89).26(25). 287–8 Psa. 88(89).26(25), 21(20). 290–1 Psa. 18(19).12(11).Google Scholar

324 Sed scripsi: Si Google Scholar

314 Cf. Pl. R., e.g., 372a ff. 322–3 Psa. 88(89).21(20), 26(25). 325 Cf. Isa. 11.12.Google Scholar

3 Sed scripsi: Si 350–1 Isa. 29.1. 353 Isa. 29.2. 354–5 Isa. 29.2. 358–59 Isa. 29.3.Google Scholar

39 persequenda marg. Google Scholar

21 Cf. Jer. 31.15; Matt. 2.18. 33–5 Verg. Aen. 6.851–3.Google Scholar