¹ Joachim of Fiore, also referred to as the “Calabrian abbot,” was a Cistercian abbot of a monastery in Corazzo in the early 1180s. Around 1190, he left the Cistercian order and founded his own monastery at San Giovanni in Fiore in the alpine sila plateau of Calabria. For the details of his life, see McGinn, Bernard, The Calabrian Abbot: Joachim of Fiore in the History of Western Thought (New York, 1985), 3–37; Grundmann, Herbert, Neue Forschungen über Joachim von Fiore (Marburg, 1950), 31–64.Google Scholar

² I Sent. d. 5, a. 2, q. 2, dub. 4 (I, 121). “Et ideo ignoranter Ioachim reprehendit Magistrum, et quia, cum esset simplex, non est reveritus Magistrum, ideo iusto Dei iudicio damnatus fuit libellus eius in Lateranensi Concilio, et positio Magistri approbata.” The critical edition of Bonaventure's works used in this study is the Opera Omnia, ed. Collegii, PP. Bonaventurae, S., 10 vols. (Quaracchi, 1882–1902). Latin texts are indicated by volume and page number in parentheses.Google Scholar

The following abbreviations are used throughout the text: Sent. = Commentary on the Sentences; Brev. = Breviloquium; Hex. = Hexaëmeron; De plant. par. = Tractatus de plantatione paradisi; Itin. = Itinerarium mentis in Deum; LM = Legenda maior; Lig. vit. = Lignum vitae. Google Scholar

³ Joachimism became an issue in the dispute between the Franciscans and the secular masters at the University of Paris when Gerard of Borgo San Donnino published his Liber introductorius in evangelium aeternum, which the secular master, William of St. Amour, described as evidence that the mendicants were purveyors of heresy. The relationship between Gerard and his brother, John of Parma, minister general from 1247 to 1257, is not entirely clear but John was somehow linked with his radical brother. He resigned as minister in 1257 and nominated Bonaventure as his successor. For a brief summary of the controversy, see Randolph Daniel, E., “St. Bonaventure: Defender of Franciscan Eschatology,” in S. Bonaventura 1274–1974, ed. Bougerol, Jacques, 4 vols. (Grottaferatta, 1974), 4:797–98; Moorman, John, A History of the Franciscan Order (Oxford, 1968), 124–31.Google Scholar

⁴ Emmerson, Richard K. and Herzman, Ronald B., The Apocalyptic Imagination in Medieval Literature (Philadelphia, 1992), 34–75.Google Scholar

⁵ Reeves, Marjorie, “The Originality and Influence of Joachim of Fiore,” Traditio 36 (1980): 271–88.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁶ Ibid., 283. The notion of a progressive movement of history was discussed by Rupert of Deutz, Anselm of Havelberg, Honorius of Autun, and Gerhoh of Reichersberg. See Classen, Peter, “Res Gestae, Universal History, Apocalypse: Visions of Past and Future,” in Renaissance and Renewal in the Twelfth Century, ed. Benson, Robert L. and Constable, Giles (Cambridge, 1982), 404–8.Google Scholar

⁷ Reeves, , “Originality,” 274–76; eadem, , Joachim of Fiore and the Prophetic Future (New York, 1977), 8. On Augustine's Pattern of Seven Ages see De Genesi contra Manichaeos 1.23 (PL 34.190–93).Google Scholar

⁸ Reeves, , “Originality,” 277–85; Randolph Daniel, E., “Abbot Joachim of Fiore: The De Ultimis Tribulationibus,” in Essays in Honour of Marjorie Reeves , ed. Williams, Anne (Harlow, 1980), 170; Lerner, Robert, “Medieval Return to the Thousand-Year Sabbath,” in The Apocalypse in the Middle Ages , ed. Emmerson, Richard K. and McGinn, Bernard (Ithaca, 1992), 51–71.Google Scholar

⁹ Reeves, , “Originality,” 293.Google Scholar

¹⁰ For the study on Joachim's arboreal figures, see Reeves, Marjorie and Hirsch-Reich, Beatrice, The Figurae of Joachim of Fiore (Oxford, 1972), 1–19.Google Scholar

¹¹ Reeves, Marjorie, “The Liber Figurarum of Joachim of Fiore,” in Medieval and Renaissance Studies, ed. Hunt, Richard and Klibansky, Raymond (London, 1950), 182.Google Scholar

¹² On Joachim's patterns, see Randolph Daniel, E., “Joachim of Fiore: Patterns of History in the Apocalypse,” in Apocalypse in the Middle Ages, 72–88.Google Scholar

¹³ Randolph Daniel, E., “The Double Procession of the Holy Spirit in Joachim of Fiore's Understanding of History,” Speculum 55 (1980): 474.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Reeves, Marjorie, “Dante and the Prophetic View of History,” in The World of Dante: Essays on Dante and His Times, ed. Grayson, Cecil (Oxford, 1980), 54; Crocco, Antonio, Gioacchino da Fiore e il Gioachimismo (Naples, 1976), 91–114; Ratzinger, Joseph, The Theology of History in St. Bonaventure, trans. Zachary Hayes (Chicago, 1971), 108–18.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Bloomfield, Morton, “Joachim of Flora: A Critical Survey of His Canon, Teachings, Sources, Biography and Influences,” in Joachim of Fiore in Christian Thought, ed. West, Delno C. (New York, 1975) 1: 260–71; Crocco, , Gioacchino da Fiore, 91–114; McGinn, Bernard, “The Abbot and the Doctors: Scholastic Reactions to the Radical Eschatology of Joachim of Fiore,” Church History 40 (1971): 30–47. McGinn sums up the controversy by saying (34), “the relationship of the third age to the second is the center of the most heated debates over just how radical Joachim's eschatology really is. Those who wish to preserve his fundamental orthodoxy claim that by the third age is meant nothing more than the purified church with its institutions and sacraments intact, in other words, Joachim is just another orthodox reformer. Other scholars see the third age as effecting serious changes in the institutions of the present church (especially with regard to the papacy, the sacraments, and the supremacy of the clerical order), and thus challenging the centrality of Christ in the divine scheme of salvation.” CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁶ Joachim of Fiore, Liber de concordia novi ac veteris testamenti (Venice, 1519; repr. Frankfurt a. M, 1964), bk. 2, tr. 1, ch. 8, fol. 9va. “Ita enim existimanda est apud deum universa multitudo credentium ac si unus homo qui constat ex carne et sanguine et spiraculo vite.” Google Scholar

¹⁷ Ibid. Google Scholar

¹⁸ Daniel, , “Double Procession,” 478.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Ibid., 476.Google Scholar

²⁰ Reeves, and Hirsch-Reich, , Figurae (n. 10 above), 7–9. On the viri spirituales, see Reeves, Marjorie, The Influence of Prophecy in the Middle Ages (Oxford, 1969), 175–83; eadem, Joachim and the Prophetic Future (n. 7 above), 29–58; McGinn, Bernard, “Apocalyptic Traditions and Spiritual Identity in Thirteenth-Century Religious Life,” in The Spirituality of Western Christendom 2: The Roots of the Modern Christian Tradition , ed. Rozanne Elder, E. (Kalamazoo, 1984), 1–26; Workman, Deborah, “The Spirit Clothed in Flesh” (Ph.D. dissertation, Kent State University, 1986), 212–28; cf. Ratzinger (Theology of History, 41–42), who notes that Joachim designated the final order of the seventh age as viri spirituales as well as ecclesia contemplativa, ecclesia contemplantium, and ordo contemplantium. Google Scholar

²¹ Reeves, , Influence of Prophecy, 18–20.Google Scholar

²² Daniel, , “Double Procession,” 480.Google Scholar

²³ Ibid., 481.Google Scholar

²⁴ Ibid., 483.Google Scholar

²⁵ Randolph Daniel, E., “St. Bonaventure's Debt to Joachim,” in Medievalia et Humanistica, ed. Colgan, Paul Maurice (Totowa, 1982), 61–74.Google Scholar

²⁶ Brev. prol., 2 (V, 203). In the Breviloquium Bonaventure defines the ages of history as follows: “The first from Adam to Noe, the second from Noe to Abraham, the third from Abraham to David, the fourth from David to the Babylonian exile, the fifth from the exile to Christ, the sixth from Christ to the end of the world; while the seventh, running concurrently with the sixth, begins with the placing of Christ in the tomb, and shall last until the universal resurrection.” Trans. de Vinck, José, St. Bonaventure: The Breviloquium (Paterson, N.J., 1963), 9. Bonaventure states at the end of this paragraph: “quando incipiet resurrectionis octava,” that is, “when the eighth age of resurrection will begin.” De Vinck omits this phrase from his translation.Google Scholar

²⁷ Augustine De Genesi contra Manichaeos 1.23 (n. 7 above). For a summary of Augustine's eschatology see Daniel, , “Defender of Franciscan Eschatology” (n. 3 above), 795–96; cf. Reeves (“Originality of Joachim,” 273) who notes Augustine's ambiguity with regard to the seventh age as a symbol of historical climax. Augustine distinguished the seventh age from the eighth age of eternity without making the seventh age a distinct age of history, although his thought later changed in this regard.Google Scholar

²⁸ Brev. 4, 4 (V, 244). Trans. De Vinck, , Breviloquium, 154.Google Scholar

²⁹ Hex. 1, 11 (V, 331). See Ratzinger, , Theology of History (n. 14 above), 118.Google Scholar

³⁰ III Sent. q. 3, d. 1, dub. (III, 33). “Dicendum, quod est plenitudo naturae et plenitudo gratiae et plenitudo gloriae.” Google Scholar

³¹ Daniel, , “Defender of Franciscan Eschatology,” 799–800.Google Scholar

³² Hex. 22, 24 (V, 441). For a discussion on the notion of the microcosm in Bonaventure's theology see McEvoy, James, “Microcosm and Macrocosm in the Writings of St. Bonaventure,” in S. Bonaventura 1274–1974, 2:309–43.Google Scholar

³³ Hex. 23, 4 (V, 445).Google Scholar

³⁴ Hex. 1, 11 (V, 331).Google Scholar

³⁵ De plant. par. 15 (V, 578b).Google Scholar

³⁶ Brev. prol., 2 (V, 203–4); cf. Reeves, , Influence of Prophecy (n. 20 above), 179. In Delorme's edition of the Collationes in Hexaëmeron (Florence, 1963), 160–63, a fourth time is added, that is, the time of prophecy (tempus prophetiae). Google Scholar

³⁷ III Sent. q. 3, d. 1 dub. (III, 33). Bonaventure provides six reasons for the Incarnation as the time of fullness: “Primo, quia Deus implevit quod praefinierat…. Alia ratio est propter impletionem promissionis, quia ille nobis datus est … tertia ratio est quantum ad completionem figurarum … quarta ratio est proper plenitudinem gratiae quae fuit in Christo, quae fuit principium omnium plenitudinum … quinta ratio est propter plenitudinem generationis … sexta vero ratio est, quia tempus incarnationis est tempus sextae aetatis, in qua quidem est plenitudo et perfectio.” Google Scholar

³⁸ Brev. 4, 4 (V, 244). Trans. De Vinck, , Breviloquium, 156.Google Scholar

³⁹ Hex. 14, 6 (V, 394).Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Hex. 15, 22 (V, 401).Google Scholar

⁴¹ Hex. 1, 11 (V, 331); cf. Ratzinger, , Theology of History (n. 14 above), 118.Google Scholar

⁴² For concordance of the two testaments see Liber de concordia bk. 2, tr. 1, ch. 29, fol. 18 ra–rb.Google Scholar

⁴³ Itin. 5, 1–2, 6, 4 (V, 309, 311). Trans. Cousins, Ewert, Bonaventure: The Soul's Journey Into God, The Tree of Life, The Life of St. Francis (New York, 1978), 94–95, 106.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Hex. 3, 11 (V, 345). Trans. de Vinck, José, St. Bonaventure: On the Six Days of Creation (Paterson, N.J., 1966), 47–48.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Daniel, , “De Ultimis Tribulationibus” (n. 8 above), 170.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ McGinn, Bernard, “The Influence of St. Francis on the Theology of the High Middle Ages,” in Bonaventuriana: Miscellanea in onore di Jacques Guy Bougerol, ed. de Asis Chavero Blanco, Francisco, 2 vols. (Rome, 1988), 1:113–14; idem, “Abbot and the Doctors” (n. 15 above), 44; cf. Ratzinger, (Theology of History, 14) who states: “Bonaventure believes in a new salvation in history within the limits of time. This is a very significant shift in the understanding of history and must be seen as the central historico-theological problem of the Hexaëmeron.” Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Reeves, , “Originality of Joachim” (n. 5 above), 300; eadem, , Influence of Prophecy (n. 20 above), 176; Haase, Albert, “Bonaventure's Legenda Maior: A Redaction Critical Approach” (Ph.D. dissertation, Fordham University, 1990), 296.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ McGinn, , “Influence of Francis,” 114. In a corrupted text at the end of collatio 16 and in a more detailed discussion in collatio 22, Bonaventure identifies the coming age of peace with the appearance of Francis. He also cites Apoc. 7:2 in reference to the hierarchized soul and those who are sealed with the sign of the living God (Hex. 23, 2–3, 14 [V, 445, 447]). The seal is also interpreted as the seal of love impressed on the contemplative soul. See Hex. 23, 11–14 (V, 446–47).Google Scholar

⁴⁹ LM prol., 1–2 (EM, 4). The critical edition of the Legenda maior used is the Legenda maior S. Francisci Assisiensis , ed. Collegii, PP. Bonaventurae, S. (Quaracchi, 1941), 2–125. Since the editio minor is used, Latin texts are indicated by EM and page number in parentheses.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Reeves, and Hirsch-Reich, , Figurae (n. 10 above), 13–19. The number seven symbolizes the spirit and inner fulfillment. Joachim used a pattern of fives and sevens to illustrate the progression of history to its consummation.Google Scholar

⁵¹ LM 13, 10 (EM, 114); Haase, , “Bonaventure's Legenda Maior,” 341.Google Scholar

⁵² von Balthasar, Han Urs, Studies in Theological Style: Clerical Styles, trans. Louth, Andrew et al. (San Francisco, 1984), 263.Google Scholar

⁵³ Itin. prol., 3 (V, 295).Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Itin. 7, 6 (V, 313). Trans. Cousins, , Bonaventure, 115.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Itin. prol., 1–2 (V, 295).Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Itin. prol., 3 (V, 295).Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Ibid. Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Bloomfield, , “Critical Survey of His Canon” (n. 15 above), 42.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Hex. 20, 1–30 (V, 425–30); Hex. 21, 17–33 (V, 434–36); Hex. 22, 1–23 (V, 437–41); Pseudo-Dionysius De coelesti hierarchia 3.2–3, 8.1 (PG 3.166–67); idem, , De ecclesiastica hierarchia 5.3, 7 (PG 3.503, 507). The Pseudo-Dionysius states that the goal of hierarchy “is to enable beings to be as like as possible to God and to be at one with him” (Pseudo-Dionysius: The Complete Works , trans. Luibheid, Colm [New York, 1987], 154). It is within the framework of procession and return that Dionysius uses the categories of purification, illumination, and perfection, which Bonaventure adapts both for the soul's journey and for the historical process (Itin. 4, 3; Hex. 20, 3; 22, 16). For Dionysius, the trio of purification, illumination, and perfection underlines the progress along the path of spiritual understanding in the ascent to God. In the Hexaëmeron, Bonaventure transforms the notion of a cosmic hierarchy into a historical scheme so that hierarchical progress is not only by vertical dignity but also by development within history (Hex. 22, 16). See Ratzinger, , Theology of History (n. 14 above), 92–94; McGinn, , “Influence of St. Francis” (n. 46 above), 114.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Brev. 4, 1 (V, 241).Google Scholar

⁶¹ Hex. 22, 6–23 (V, 438–41).Google Scholar

⁶² Hex. 22, 22 (V, 441). “Iste est ordo seraphicus. De isto videtur fuisse Franciscus. Et dicebat, quod etiam antequam haberet habitum, raptus fuit et inventus iuxta quandam sepem.” Bonaventure is speaking here about the level of ecstasy which Francis attained and which characterizes the seraphic order. However, the word “rapture” is inserted into the text and seems to be an interpolation by the reporter of the lectures on the Hexaëmeron that Bonaventure delivered to the friars in Paris. It is unlikely that Bonaventure would use the term “rapture” synonymously with “ecstasy,” since he held that these are two different types of experience. See Hex. 3, 30 (V, 348).Google Scholar

⁶³ Ratzinger, , Theology of History, 55. Ratzinger's position was later affirmed by McGinn (“Abbot and the Doctors,” 45) who concludes: “Francis's eschatological position has been maintained, but by depriving him of the honor of founding the Franciscans!” Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Ibid., 49–55.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Daniel, , “Defender of Eschatology” (n. 3 above), 801–2.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Itin. 7, 3 (V, 312). Trans. Cousins, , Bonaventure, 112–13.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Randolph Daniel, E., “St. Bonaventure a Faithful Disciple of St. Francis? An Examination of the Question,” in Bonaventuriana 1:172–87, esp. 185–86. Daniel's argument stands against that of Ratzinger (Theology of History, 50) who claims that to ensure the order's transition to the seventh age, Bonaventure had to create institutional structures.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Hex. 22, 22 (V, 440). Trans. De Vinck, , Six Days of Creation, 352.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Hex. 22, 23 (V, 441). “Comparatio autem est secundum status, non secundum personas; quia una persona laica aliquando perfectior est quam religiosa.” Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Daniel, , “St. Bonaventure a Faithful Disciple,” 186.Google Scholar

⁷¹ For the eschatological symbolism of the Franciscan Rule, see Randolph Daniel, E., “The Desire for Martydom: A Leitmotiv of St. Bonaventure,” Franciscan Studies 30 (1972): 86–87; Harkins, Conrad, “The Authorship of a Commentary on the Franciscan Rule Published among the Works of Bonaventure,” Franciscan Studies 29 (1969): 157–248.Google Scholar

⁷² Hayes, Zachary, “The Theological Image of St. Francis of Assisi in the Sermons of St. Bonaventure,” in Bonaventuriana 2:345.Google Scholar

⁷³ Heinz, Hans Peter, “Dreifaltige Liebe–Gekreuzigte Liebe,” Wissenschaft und Weisheit 47 (1984): 12–22. Heinz develops Bonaventure's doctrine of cruciform love based on the De triplici via. A more detailed discussion of cruciform love is by Strack, Bonifatius, Christusleid im Christenleben. Ein Beitrag zur Theologie des christlichen Lebens nach dem heiligen Bonaventura (Werl/Westfalen, 1960), 40–150, esp. 40–50.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ De tripl. via 2, 11 (VIII, 11a). Trans, de Vinck, José, “The Triple Way or Love Enkindled,” in St. Bonaventure: Mystical Opuscula (Paterson, N.J., 1960), 78.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Randolph Daniel, E., The Franciscan Concept of Mission in the High Middle Ages (Lexington, Ky., 1975), 50; idem, “Desire for Martyrdom,” 74–86.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ De tripl. via 2, 8 (VIII, 9b). Trans. De Vinck, , Triple Way, 76.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Ibid. Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Lig. vit. prol., 1 (VIII, 68). “Christo confixus sum cruci”; cf. Gal. 2:20 RSV.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Daniel, , Concept of Mission, 51.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Hex. 22, 6 (V, 438). Bonaventure specifically identifies the seraphic order of viri spirituales with the apostolic order of the New Testament stating that, “the apostolic order is conformed to Christ.” This is a clear affirmation of the endurance of the New Testament against those who proclaimed that the age of viri spirituales ushered in a new eternal testament (evangelium aeternum). The foremost proponent of the eternal testament was Gerard of Borgo San Donnino who, in 1254, published his Introductorius in evangelium aeternum, claiming that the Franciscan order, in light of its apocalyptic founder, would triumph in the final age. The eternal testament, the testament of the Spirit, would supersede the Old Testament and New Testament since it was given by the Holy Spirit to Francis. Thus, the New Testament and the clergy would be supplanted by the eternal testament and its bearers. Gerard's work was condemned by Pope Alexander IV in 1255. See Daniel, , Concept of Mission, 79; McGinn, , “Abbot and the Doctors” (n. 15 above), 44; Reeves, , Influence of Prophecy (n. 20 above), 176–77.Google Scholar

⁸¹ Stoevesandt, Hinrich, Die letzen Dinge in der Theologie Bonaventuras (Zurich, 1969), 65–71. Stoevesandt compares Bonaventure's eschatology with the “theology of hope” of the contemporary theologian, Jürgen Moltmann. He discovers a similarity between them, stating that both are utopic: for Moltmann the goal of the eschaton is Christian hope, for Bonaventure it is Christian love. Moreover, Stoevesandt (p. 67) claims that the innerhistorical final age for Bonaventure is speculative and passive, not active.Google Scholar

⁸² Vigneaux, Paul, “Condition historique de la pensée de saint Bonaventure: Christocentrisme, eschatologie et situation de la culture philosophique,” Miscellanea Francescana 75 (1975): 422–27.Google Scholar

⁸³ De tripl. via 2, 5–8 (VIII, 9); LM 8, 1 (EM, 64); LM 13, 1 (EM, 106).Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Brev. 4, 9 (V, 249–50).Google Scholar

⁸⁵ LM 14, 1 (EM, 115).Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Daniel, , “Bonaventure's Debt to Joachim” (n. 25 above), 68–70.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ Reeves, , “Dante and the Prophetic View of History” (n. 14 above), 54; Crocco, , Giacchino da Fiore (n. 14 above), 91–114; Ratzinger, , Theology of History (n. 14 above), 109–18.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ On earlier views see Bloomfield, , “Critical Survey” (n. 15 above), 260–71.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Ratzinger, , Theology of History, 118. Ratzinger claims that Bonaventure ultimately rejected Joachim's prima diffinitio because it denied Christ as center. However, he also acknowledges Joachim's influence on Bonaventure particularly with regard to historical schemes (p. 48). David Burr (“Bonaventure, Olivi and Franciscan Eschatology,” Collectanea Franciscana 53 [1983]: 28) states that Bonaventure's trinitarian structure of history “implies both yes and no to Joachim.” Daniel (“Debt to Joachim,” 70) claims that Bonaventure did not reject the abbot “but restudied him,” a position also held by McGinn (“Abbot and the Doctors,” 43). Reeves's position is more ambivalent. She states that “Bonaventure was a Joachite malgré lui (Influence of Prophecy, 181), but elsewhere maintains uncertainty as to whether or not Bonaventure “in his doctrine of history was a conscious adapter of the Joachimist expectation” (“Originality of Joachim,” 302).Google Scholar

⁹⁰ Daniel, , “Double Procession of the Holy Spirit” (n. 13 above), 472. Daniel bases his argument on Joachim's text from the Liber de concordia (bk. 2, tr. 1, ch. 8, fol. 9vb.): “Quia vero unus est Pater a quo procedunt Filius et Spiritus Sanctus, unus Spiritus qui a Patre simul procedit et Filio, duo qui procedunt ab uno Patre, recte primus status ascribitur Patri, secundus soli Filio, tertius communis Filio et Spiritui Sancto.” Google Scholar

⁹¹ Daniel, , “Double Procession,” 475; cf. Eph. 4:13 RSV.Google Scholar

⁹² Reeves, , “Originality of Joachim” (n. 5 above), 293; eadem, , Joachim and the Prophetic Future (n. 7 above), 6.Google Scholar

⁹³ Daniel, , “Double Procession,” 476.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ Ibid., 475.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ Workman, , “Spirit Clothed in Flesh” (n. 20 above), 195; cf. Crocco (Gioacchino da Fiore, 114) who also identifies the third age as the mystical body of Christ but one that is marked by the power of the Spirit and not the unity of orders.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ III Sent. d. 1, a. 2, q. 3, resp. (III, 29–30); cf. Zachary Hayes, introduction to Saint Bonaventure's Disputed Questions on the Mystery of the Trinity (St. Bonaventure, 1979), 32. Hayes notes that by being molded into the image of the Son, one enters into the Son's relationship with the Father and Spirit. By becoming Christ-like the human person is conformed to the Trinity.Google Scholar

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⁹⁸ Hex. 20, 15 (V, 428). “Quando consummabuntur passiones Christi, quas modo corpus Christi patitur.” Google Scholar

⁹⁹ Hex. 22, 23 (V, 441). “Iste ordo non florebit, nisi Christus appareat et patiatur in corpore suo mystico.” Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ LM 13, 10 (EM, 108).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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¹⁰² LM 13, 5 (EM, 109). Trans. Cousins, , Bonaventure, 307.Google Scholar

¹⁰³ Hex. 22, 22 (V, 441). Trans. De Vinck, , Six Days of Creation, 352.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ Hex. 16, 30 (V, 408).Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ Hex. 16, 31 (V, 408). Trans. De Vinck, , Six Days of Creation, 249–50.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ Hex. 23, 7 (V, 446).Google Scholar

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¹⁰⁸ Brev. 5, 7 (V, 261a). Trans. De Vinck, , Breviloquium, 209.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ LM 14, 4 (EM, 118). Trans. Cousins, , Bonaventure, 318.Google Scholar

¹¹⁰ LM 14, 1 (EM, 115). Trans. Cousins, , Bonaventure, 315.Google Scholar

¹¹¹ Throughout Bonaventure's Legenda maior there are numerous examples of Francis as an alter Christus: for example, Francis's retreat to lonely places to pray (LM 10, 3); his fasting in solitude for forty days (LM 13, 1); his manner of preaching (LM 12, 12), healing (LM 13, 6–7), and working miracles (LM 7–13); cf. Haase (“Bonaventure's Legenda Maior,” 334), who provides a longer list but without specific references to the text. See also Manselli, Raoul, “San Bonaventura e la storia francescana,” in 1274, Année Charnière: Mutations et continuitiés (Paris, 1977), 863–72. Manselli associates Francis, the angel of true peace, with the image of alter Christus. Google Scholar

¹¹² Hex. 22, 23 (V, 441).Google Scholar

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¹¹⁴ Daniel, , “Double Procession” (n. 13 above), 477.Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ Joachim of Fiore, Liber de concordia, bk. 2, tr. 1, ch. 8, fol. 17 vb. Trans. Daniel, , “Double Procession,” 474.Google Scholar

¹¹⁶ Daniel, , “Debt to Joachim” (n. 25 above), 68.Google Scholar

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¹¹⁸ Reeves, , “Originality of Joachim” (n. 5 above), 301. Reeves's “doubt” becomes a firm denial in McGinn (“The Significance of Bonaventure's Theology of History,” Journal of Religion 58 [1978]: 77) who clearly states that Joachim's view of history is not Christocentric. This conclusion is based on the notion of Christ as a turning point in history (“the person of Christ tends to become just another element of comparison rather than the primary analogate, the middle point that explains all.”) He does not entertain the idea of the double procession of the Holy Spirit.Google Scholar

¹¹⁹ Itin. prol., 3 (V, 297). “Via autem non est nisi per ardentissimum amorem Crucifixi.” Google Scholar