¹ For generous aid as I collected materials for this study, I am indebted to the directors and staffs of the Bibliothèque Nationale, the Archives Nationales, and the Institut de Recherche et d'Histoire des Textes at Paris, of the Services d'Archives of Eure, and of the Services d'Archives of Aisne, and to Elizabeth A. R. Brown, Madeline H. Caviness, Clark Maines, Steven P. Marrone, and Thomas G. Waldman. Geneviève Cordonnier, president of the Société historique, archéologique et scientifique de Soissons, kindly authorized publication of document no. 11 below and facilitated photography of it. The following abbreviations will be used throughout: AD = Archives départementales; AN = Archives Nationales; BN = Bibliothèque Nationale; Ch. et D. = Chartes et diplômes relatifs à l'histoire de France publiés par les soins de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres; DI = Collection de documents inédits sur l'histoire de France; Duchesne, Dreux = André, Duchesne, Histoire généalogique de la maison royale de Dreux (Paris 1631); Grand-Beaulieu = Cartulaire de la léproserie du Grand-Beaulieu et du prieuré de Notre-Dame de la Bourdinière (edd. René, Merlet and Jusselin, Maurice; Collection de cartulaires chartrains 2; Chartres 1909); Hôtel-Dieu de Paris = Archives de l'Hôtel-Dieu de Paris, 1157-1300 (ed. Brièle, Léon; DI; Paris 1894); Jumièges = Chartes de l'abbaye de Jumièges (v. 825 à 1204) 1 (ed. Vernier, Jules Joseph; Publications de la Société de l'histoire de Normandie; Rouen and Paris 1916); Lefèvre, , ‘Documents’ = Lefèvre, Édouard, ‘Documents historiques sur les cantons de Châteauneuf et de Dreux,’ Annuaire statistique, administratif, commercial et historique du département d'Eure-et-Loir 8 (1847); Newman, , Nesle = Newman, William M., Les seigneurs de Nesle en Picardie (XII^e-XIII^e siècle): Leurs chartes et leur histoire (2 vols.; Bibliothèque de la Société d'Histoire du droit des pays flamands, picards et wallons 27; Paris and Philadelphia 1971); Notre-Dame de Chartres = Cartulaire de Notre-Dame de Chartres (edd. de Lépinois, Eugène and Merlet, Lucien; 3 vols. Paris 1861-65); SHF = Société de l'Histoire de France, Publications; Saint-Martin-des-Champs = Recueil des chartes et documents de Saint-Martin-des-Champs, monastère parisien II–III (ed. Depoin, Joseph; Archives de la France monastique 16, 18; Ligugé – Paris 1913-17); Tardif, , MH = Tardif, Jules, ed., Monuments historiques: Cartons des rois (Archives de l'Empire: Inventaires et documents publiés par l'ordre de l'Empereur; Paris 1866).Google Scholar

² Duchesne, , Dreux. But for a study of one junior member of the family, see Painter, Sidney, The Scourge of the Clergy: Peter of Dreux, Duke of Brittany (Baltimore 1937). I am preparing a study of the nobility of the western Ile-de-France and Chartrain during the eleventh and twelfth centuries which will include a survey of the Dreugesin in the time of Robert I and Robert II.Google Scholar

³ Although Duchesne wrote that it was Louis VII who, in 1137, gave Dreux to Robert, most scholars since the later eighteenth century have described the grant as an apanage provision made by Louis VI; see the review of the literature and the different thesis presented in my Royal Succession in Capetian France: Studies on Familial Order and the State (Harvard Historical Studies 100; Cambridge, Mass. 1981), 62–63 and 250 n. 69. On the attempted revolt, see ibid. 61 and 252 n. 84; but cf. Pacaut, Marcel, Louis VII et son royaume (Bibliothèque générale de l'École Pratique des Hautes Études, VI^e Section; Paris 1964) 58.Google Scholar

⁴ Lewis, , Royal Succession 59–63. On Robert's turbulence, see also Sancti Bernardi abbatis Clarae-vallensis Opera omnia I¹ (ed. Mabillon, Jean; Paris 1839) epp. 221, 224, 307, 376, and Odo of Deuil, De profectione Ludovici VII in orientem 4 (ed. and trans. Berry, Virginia G.; Columbia Records of Civilization 42; New York 1948) 78-79; see also nn. 27, 29 below. On Agnes, see especially Duchesne, , Dreux 17-19, 234-40.Google Scholar

⁵ For the holdings in Brie, see Duchesne, , Dreux 19, 238–39, and Rigord, , Gesta Philippi Augusti 84, in Œuvres de Rigord et de Guillaume le Breton (ed. Delaborde, Henri-François; 2 vols.; SHF 210, 224; Paris 1882-86) 1119. For Bû, see Jumièges I no. 79. See also Tardif, , MH no. 631; Luchaire, Achille, Études sur les actes de Louis VII (Paris 1885) no. 353; and Google Scholar

⁶ Lewis, , Royal Succession 156–57, 282 n. 4. Note also the legend ‘Sigillum Roberti fratris Regis Francie’ on one of his seals: Douët-d'Arcq, Louis-Claude, Collection de sceaux I (Archives de l'Empire, Inventaires et documents publiés par l'ordre de l'Empereur; Paris 1863) no. 720 (from an act now reclassified as AN, L 885, no. 56). See also no. 3 n. 1 below; cf. n. 44 below. Robert's resources were probably strained by a noble lifestyle and by the construction or embellishment of churches. The former is implied by his association with the expensive practice of tournaments. In earlier adulthood, Robert had jousted: de Jubainville, Henri d'Arbois, Histoire des ducs et des comtes de Champagne III (Paris 1861) 22-24. Later he permitted tournaments to be held near Dreux, allowing — and doubtless subsidizing — the participation of Robert II, who gained renown as a combatant: L'Histoire de Guillaume le Maréchal, comte de Striguil et de Pembroke I (ed. Meyer, Paul; SHF 255; Paris 1891) 101, 141, 163. As to church construction, works at Saint-Étienne at Dreux may date from Robert's time; see Cahn, Walter, ‘A King from Dreux,’ Yale University Art Bulletin 34 no. 3 (Winter 1974): Essays Presented to Sumner McKnight Crosby 14-29. Perhaps more important was the construction of Saint-Yved at Braine, on which see Caviness, Madeline H., ‘Saint-Yved of Braine: The Primary Sources for Dating the Gothic Church,’ Speculum 59 (1984) 524-48. The largest contributions there appear to date from Agnes' widowhood, but stained glass panels in that church portrayed Robert and Agnes as co-founders of it: Prioux, Stanislas, Monographie de l'ancienne abbaye royale de Saint-Yved de Braine (Paris 1859) 18.Google Scholar

⁷ On the ties between Henry and Robert, see Bernard of Clairvaux, Opera I¹ ep. 307, and The Letters of John of Salisbury II The Later Letters (1161-1180) (edd. Millnor, W. J. and Brooke, C. N. L.; Oxford Mediaeval Texts; Oxford 1979) 32–33, 384-85, nos. 144, 223. Note also the jeweled chasuble which, according to later tradition, Henry gave to Saint-Yved: Prioux, , Monographie 9-10. Regarding the ties to Louis VII, note the report that Agnes ‘sperat quod liberis eorum, quos multos habent, prouideat rex in matrimoniis nobilium per-sonarum’: John of Salisbury, Letters II 32. Her hope was only partially realized. The two Adelas were well married; the eldest son was married, twice, to women of high rank but little property; the younger lay sons appear not to have been married: Newman, , Nesle I 204; Duchesne, , Dreux 35-36, 43-45, 247-48, 254; Robert of Torigny, Chronica, in Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry II, and Richard I IV (ed. Howlett, Richard; RS 82; London 1889) 272. The church was an essential avenue for the placement of Robert I's children. Henry of Reims arranged for the cadet Philip to be elected bishop of Beauvais; Philip secured a benefice for his brother Henry until the latter's election as bishop of Orléans; and two younger daughters became nuns: Newman, , Nesle I 227, 247 n. 7, 254 nn. 38-39; Duchesne, , Dreux 239. The next generation produced a different pattern, as two of the younger sons and four of the daughters of Robert II attained comital or ducal rank through marriage: ibid. 52-54, 61, 65-66.Google Scholar

⁸ For such conflicts, see Robert of Torigny, Chronica 161–62, 170-71, 203, 205, 238-39; Benedict of Peterborough, Gesta regis Henrici Secundi I (ed. Stubbs, William; RS 49; London 1867) 43-44, 50, 53, 192, 194, 248; and Rigord, , Gesta 62, I 92. On the general situation, Bonnard, Louis, ‘Une promenade historique. La frontière franco-normande entre Seine et Perche (x^e au xiii^e siècle),’ in Le cinquantenaire de la Société archéologique d'Eure-et-Loir. 1906 I (Chartres [1911 ?]) 93, 100-10, although not rigorously documented, contains much information that is lacking elsewhere. See also n. 13 below.Google Scholar

⁹ John of Salisbury, Letters II 32–33 no. 144.Google Scholar

¹⁰ For the vassalage of the counts of Perche, see Recueil des chartes de l'abbaye de Cluny IV (edd. Bernard, Auguste and Bruel, Alexandre; DI; Paris 1888) nos. 3517, 3563, 3589.Google Scholar

¹¹ Lewis, , Royal Succession 62–63; Robert of Torigny, Chronica 164.Google Scholar

¹² For Braine as a fief of the county of Champagne, see Documents relatifs au comté de Champagne et de Brie, 1172-1361 I (ed. Longnon, Auguste; DI; Paris 1901) 36, 92, nos. 928, 2456; but cf. Duchesne, , Dreux 252-53. Baudement (dép. Marne, arr. Épernay, cant. Anglure) also was held from Henry of Champagne: Longnon, Documents I 53 no. 1400; Bur, Michel, La formation du comté de Champagne, v. 950 – v. 1150 (Publications de l'Université de Nancy II; Nancy 1977) 237, 431.Google Scholar

¹³ The status of Dreux as a fief, while not stated explicitly until after 1200, is implicit from 1153 in Louis VII's confirmation of Robert's assignment of Dreux and its castellany as Agnes' dower: Duchesne, , Dreux 234–35. For the situation of Dreux on the road linking Chartres to Normandy — thus in a position to block communications between Theobald V and Henry II — see Chédeville, André, Chartres et ses campagnes (XI^e–XIII^e siècles) (Publications de l'Université de Haute-Bretagne I; Paris 1973) 440-41. For Theobald's alliance with Henry in 1158, see Robert of Torigny, Chronica 203.Google Scholar

¹⁴ It is, in fact, unclear how the pressures worked — i.e., whether Braine and Robert's holdings in Brie strengthened Louis VII against Henry I or whether Robert, positioned between the allied Louis and Henry, was rendered all the more dependent. Robert's marriage to Agnes, whose hand was probably in Henry ‘s gift, was perhaps an early sign of the rapprochement between Henry and the king, a development furthered by Henry's betrothal in 1153 to Louis’ daughter; the marriages — of Louis VII to Henry's sister in 1160 and of Henry and Theobald to Louis's daughters in 1164 — solidified the alliance: Fourrier, Anthime, ‘Retour au “terminus”,’ in Mélanges de langue et de littérature du Moyen Age et de la Renaissance offerts à Jean Frappier I (Geneva 1970) 299–311; de Jubainville, d'Arbois, Histoire III 44-45, 82, 96.Google Scholar

¹⁵ The region of Dreux provides the clearer case. There Robert patronized the monastery of Estrée — itself in Normandy, though with holdings in the dioceses both of Évreux and of Chartres. Robert's vassal, Peter of Donjon, of Dreux, confirmed to Estrée holdings of his on both sides of the Avre — thus some of them Norman; see no. 10 below. Peter also patronized the Grand-Beaulieu at Chartres, to which he gave properties in Eure-et-Loir which he held from the lords of Châteauneuf and Nogent-le-Roi, one matter concerning which he confirmed — or was made to confirm — in the presence of Theobald V: Grand-Beaulieu nos. 104-106, 172. The bishop of Chartres who had jurisdiction over these donations — and over the churches at Dreux — was Reginald of Bar, nephew of Theobald V and successor to Peter of Celle, himself a kinsman of Agnes but, more importantly, a protégé of the family of Blois (and second successor to William of Champagne, bishop of Chartres from 1165 to 1180): Chédeville, , Chartres et ses campagnes 266–67; Poole, Reginald L., Studies in Chronology and History (Oxford 1934) 265-66; PL 202.408 ep. i. 5. Other examples would amplify the pattern suggested by these.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Thus when John of Salisbury reported to Becket that Henry II had won Robert's support, his concern was not so much that Robert himself might influence the policy of Louis VII, but rather that the affection which Henry of Reims felt for Robert might cause this prelate — ‘[qui] magnus est in regno Francorum, et in ecclesia Romana multum potest’ — to turn against Becket: Letters II 32–33, 8. Note also the account of a campaign of 1154 in which, after a ‘prophecy’ that ‘Robertus, frater regis Francorum, et alii multi proceres … cum Teobaudo Blesis’ would move against the lord of Amboise, it is Theobald V who dominates the proceedings while Robert is not mentioned again: Gesta Ambaziensium dominorum, in Chroniques des comtes d'Anjou et des seigneurs d'Amboise (edd. Halphen, Louis and René, Poupardin; Collection de textes pour servir à l'étude et à l'enseignement de l'histoire; Paris 1913) 127-29.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Duchesne, , Dreux 235–39. For a list of the subsequent editions, see Lewis, , Royal Succession 202-207, and see Saint-Martin-des-Champs III nos. 475, 494.Google Scholar

¹⁸ No. 2 below is printed, without the harenga , in Hugo, Charles-Louis, Sacri et canonici ordinis praemonstratensis annales (2 vols.; Nancy 1734-35) II Preuves 632. The National Union Catalogue: Pre-1956 Imprints implies, by omission, that this volume is not found in any library in the United States. No. 11 below is printed in Bulletin de la Société archéologique, historique et scientifique de Soissons 2nd ser. 5 (1875) 221-23.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Cf. his confirmation of the commune of Dreux and donations to the Hôtels-Dieu at Paris and Dreux and to the hospital of Saint-Gervais at Bourges: Duchesne, , Dreux 237–38; Hôtel-Dieu de Paris no. 13; Lefèvre, , ‘Documents’ 360-61; Tardif, , MH no. 631.Google Scholar

²⁰ No. 14 below.Google Scholar

²¹ No. 4 below; see also Métais, Charles, Les Templiers en Eure-et-Loir: Histoire et cartulaire (Archives du diocèse de Chartres 7; Chartres 1902) no. 5, and Recueil des actes de Philippe Auguste II no. 878. For the crusades and for the pilgrimage by Philip of Dreux, see Odo of Deuil, De profectione 4 (78-79), and Duchesne, , Dreux 33-34, 45-46. A charter reported by Bry would show Robert I on pilgrimage to Jerusalem in 1180, but since Duchesne prints — with attribution to Robert II and the date 1190 — what may be a different reading of the same text, the matter is problematical: Gilles Bry de la Clergerie, Histoire des pays et comté du Perche et duché d'Alençon (Paris 1620) 189; Duchesne, , Dreux 249. Later traditions imply that Robert I had begun a pilgrimage at the time of his death, which supposedly occurred at or near Vienne-en-Dauphinê: Matthieu Herbelin, cited in Prioux, , Monographie 12, and Paris, Bibliothèque Sainte-Geneviève MS 855, p. 14.Google Scholar

²² See the charters of donation below: nos. 2-3, 6-8, 12-13. See also Duchesne, , Dreux 235–39; Cartulaire de l'abbaye de Notre-Dame de la Trappe, de l'ordre de Ctteaux (Societé historique et archéologique de l'Orne; Alençon 1889) no. 2; Jumièges I no. 79; and René, Merlet, Inventaire-sommaire des Archives départementales. Eure-et-Loir: Série H I (Chartres 1897) 143,H. 1261.Google Scholar

²³ Duchesne, , Dreux 18, 229, 233-34; Lewis, , Royal Succession 60, 63; Luchaire, , Études sur les actes de Louis VII nos. 38, 65, 160, 175, 177, 214, etc.; Bouchet, Jean Du, Histoire généalogique de la maison royale de Courtenay (Paris 1661) preuves 7-8. Louis VI, by contrast, while patronizing the reformed groups, had continued to favor the older orders: Luchaire, Achille, Louis VI le Gros: Annales de sa vie et de son règne (1082-1137) (Paris 1890) cxlix-liii.Google Scholar

²⁴ For donations to such establishments at Paris, Bourges, and La Trappe, see nn. 19 and 22 above.Google Scholar

²⁵ See no. 14 below.Google Scholar

²⁶ See nos. 2, 4-6, and 12 below; Lefèvre, , ‘Documents’ 360; and Duchesne, , Dreux 237. That some preambles may have been lost through supression of them by copyists is suggested by the omission of the invocation and the harenga in the text of no. 2 below printed by Hugo and that of the preamble from no. 6 below in both the extract made for Gaignières (BN, MS latin 5479 fol. 79^v) and the different extract printed in Duchesne, Dreux 237 and Hugo, Annales I preuves 325. Yet of acts extant in the original, threre are no harengae in nos. 3 and 11 below; Jumièges I no. 79; Tardif, , MH no. 631; Duchesne, , Dreux 238 (AN L 885 no. 56, for Sainte-Geneviève); Saint-Martin-des-Champs III nos. 475, 495; or de Xivray, Jules Berger, Recherches historiques sur l'abbaye du Breuil-Benoît, au diocèse d'Évreux (Paris 1847) 114. Moreover, the textual traditions of nos. 8-10 and 13 below seem sufficient to show that there were none in those acts either.Google Scholar

²⁷ The record is fragmentary, but in 1158 the bishop of Soissons absolved Robert from an excommunication pronounced because of exactions against the priory of Coincy, and ca. 1177 another bishop of Soissons lifted the interdict which he had laid on Robert's land because of a dispute with the prelate himself: Gallia Christiana … (edd. de Sainte-Marthe, Denis et al.; new ed. 16 vols. Paris 1715-1865) IX 360-61, 363. A letter of Peter of Celle to Pope Alexander III recounts parts of what may be this second dispute: PL 202.529. For a dispute over property which Robert had unjustly taken from the abbey of Igny, also in the 1170s, see below, at n. 29. In 1183, Pope Lucius III authorized the cathedral chapter at Chartres to excommunicate named barons, including Robert, for exactions in that diocese: Notre-Dame de Chartres I² 208 no. 99 (JL no. 14930). For the resolution, in 1187, of a dispute with the priory of Gournay-sur-Marne, see Duchesne, , Dreux 238-39. In addition, some may have had misgivings about Robert's heir, for Robert II, after his association with his father in the honor of Dreux — and not at a young age, for he was thirty or older — was involved in disputes because of his own seizures of church properties: ibid. 238 (act for Saint-Vincentaux-Bois; for the attribution to Robert II, see Lewis, , Royal Succession 208 n. j); Notre-Dame de Chartres I² 216-17 no. 108; Merlet, Lucien, ‘Histoire de l'abbaye de Coulombs [i],’ Mémoires de la Société archéologique d'Eure-et-Loir 3 (1863) 45-46.Google Scholar

²⁸ See nos. 6, 11-13 below and de Xivray, Berger, Recherches 114.Google Scholar

²⁹ Thomas of Reuil, Vita Petri Monoculi, additamenta, Bibl. de Troyes, MS 1133 fol. 25^r-v: ‘… Comes robertus de brana possessionem magnam igniacensibus auferre uolebat. Die prefixa multorum stipatus agmine sociorum aduentum igniacensium expectabat.’ abbatem quoque cum aliis coabbatibus aduenturum. et pro tanto negotio aliquot secum iurisperitos et causidicos adducturum putabat. et ecce uir dei pedes ingrediens comitem salutauit. Comes quia [or quod] solus et pedes uenerat uehementer admirans.’ respondit. Et ego uos domine salutarem.’ nisi me. meosque liberos exheredare uelletis. Cui sanctus. Non nostre professionis nec nostri est ordinis.’ ut iniuriam uobis uel aliis cuiuslibet inferamus. Si uestra est possessio quam clamatis.’ retinete earn. Si uero igniacensis cenobii est.’ cauete ne nos iniuste uexando dei qui domus nostre protector est. aduersum uos iracundiam prouocetis. Hoc dicto.’ silenter abscessit. Abeunte illo.’ dictum est comiti ab sociis et amicis. Aliter non contendet.’ Alios aduersus uos causidicos non producet. Sed quia magni apud deum meriti est. cauete ne aduersum uos iram dei sicut promonuit excitetis. Compunctus comes ilico prosecutus euntem. et sancto humiliter inclinatus ait. Orate pro me obsecro reuerende pater.’ querelam omnem in pace dimitto. possessionem uestram liberam uobis reddo.’ nec inde amplius uos uexabo.’ See also Péchenard, Pierre-Louis, Histoire de l'abbaye d'Igny, de l'ordre de Ctteaux (Reims 1883) 144-45.Google Scholar

³⁰ This was the case with the act of Tardif, MH no. 631; see Françoise, Gasparri, L'écriture des actes de Louis VI, Louis VII et Philippe Auguste (Geneva and Paris 1973) 49 and Lewis, , Royal Succession 207-208 n. b. It was also true of the donation to the Hôtel-Dieu at Dreux (Lefèvre, , ‘Documents’ 360-61) and the confirmation of the commune of Dreux ( Duchesne, , Dreux 237-38), in which one finds mutually related harengae and formulas of announcement in acts for different recipients given in different years at different places (Fermaincourt, 1178, and Sens, 1180). The close similarity between the harenga in no. 4 below and those in four acts of other persons for Saint-Yved (one each from 1150, 1154, and 1170, and one without date) suggests that this act was composed by a canon from Braine who was in Robert's service; see AN, LL 1583 59, 93-94 nos. 20-21, 57-58. See also n. 39 below. The similarities among certain of the acts may mean that Robert's clerks sometimes copied or adapted from formularies or that they retained some duplicates or minutes of charters.Google Scholar

³¹ See below, nn. 37-38 and corresponding text.Google Scholar

³² Jumièges I no. 79. Note the close textual relation of this charter to the corresponding one from the bishop of Chartres (ibid. no. 81) and the statement by Louis VII that the accord had been reached ‘in presentia episcopi Carnotensis Roberti et per manum ejus’ (ibid. 200).Google Scholar

³³ See the table in Lewis, , Royal Succession 202–207 and no. 11 below. One might argue that the figure should be higher than fifteen; that tally ignores minor variations in word order and treats Rex Francie and Rex Francorum as a single form.Google Scholar

³⁴ The texts which do not contain such formulas are no. 14 below and Duchesne, , Dreux 236, 239 (extracts from charters for Charme). I have also not counted Jumièges I no. 79, the formulas of which, in any case, also differ from those of all the other acts.Google Scholar

³⁵ A recurrent formula of notification is a variant of ‘Notum fieri volo tam futuris quam presentibus quod’: e.g., nos. 1, 9-10 below. But cf. the different expressions in the acts for the Hôtel-Dieu and the commune of Dreux (n. 30 above), which illustrate variants in redaction from Robert's own clerks. A common formula introducing the witness list is a variant of ‘Hujus rei testes sunt’: e.g., nos. 8-10, 13. But cf. nos. 4-5,8, and 11 below and Tardif, , MH no. 631 for isolated cases of other usages. See also n. 39 below.Google Scholar

³⁶ Note particularly that the act for Longpont (no. 12 below), which was composed by a clerk of that abbey, has the notation ‘Data per manum Renardi Capellanei [sic] et Cancellarii nostri.’ Cf., from charters of the bishop of Soissons, the formula ‘Normandus [or Normannus] cancellarius recognouit’: AN, LL 1583 nos. 17-19.Google Scholar

³⁷ No. 12 below. For other acts for Longpont addressed ‘abbati et … fratribus … in perpetuum,’ see Newman, , Nesle II nos. 26, 64. Agnes' titulary and the mention of Robert II as heir to the honor are similar to expressions in the charters of Longpont and are not found in Robert I's other acts: see BN, MS latin 5460 219-20 (‘legitima progenitorum meorum successione Domina Petrefontis’), and Newman, , Nesle II nos. 64, 80, 86 (heres honoris, honoris socia, etc.). See also AD Aisne, H. 692 fol. 54^r (Ralph I of Coucy to Longpont, 1163): ‘Radulfus legitima progenitorum suorum sucdessione dei autem miseratione castri cocciensis dominus.’ Google Scholar

³⁸ No. 1 below. The distinctive formulas of the titulary and date may imply composition at Saint-Yved. The title dominus Brane seems to point toward redaction in or near Braine; see below, at n. 43. The form of the date, unique among Robert's charters, is similar to those in two other charters (from 1137 and 1155) — and perhaps comparable to three others, from the period 1140-54, containing several elements — in the cartulary of Saint-Yved: AN, LL 1583 nos. 16-19, 41.Google Scholar

³⁹ Nos. 4, 8-10 below. For no. 4, see n. 30 above. Nos. 9 and 10 have the same formula of notification and variants of the same formula introducing the witness list, and the body of the text of one is related to the other. No. 8 has a slight variant of that notification, the same formula for the witness list as no. 9, and a variant of the formula of corroboration found in no. 10 (no. 9 has none). Note the same formulas for the notification and the witness list in an act, from 1184, of Robert II for Saint-Vincent-aux-Bois: Duchesne, , Dreux 238 (see also n. 27 above). That the same expressions thus appear in acts from father and son for three different establishments — at least three of these acts dating from between 1180 and 1186 — suggests that the explanation for the similarities lies in composition by the comital circle. That the same formulas for the notification and the witness list, or variants of them, recur in the charters of Estrée (AD Eure, H 319 nos. 6, 9-10, 25, 28-29, and passim) may imply that a monk from that abbey sometimes served as Robert's scribe, but the evidence is slight.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Lewis, , Royal Succession 156–57. For this paragraph, see the table of Robert's titularies, ibid. 202-207, and no. 11 below.Google Scholar

⁴¹ One charter does so, not in the announcement, but in the formal declaration of Robert's action in the body of the text; see Hôtel-Dieu de Paris no. 13.Google Scholar

⁴² One act pertaining to property in Brie, however, does call him only count of Braine and brother of Louis VII: Saint-Martin-des-Champs III no. 475.Google Scholar

⁴³ This statement is not made in the text, although it is based on them. For Dreux, note that Robert of Torigny, although once calling Robert ‘count of Perche,’ later calls him ‘comite Roberto … qui duxerat relictam Rotronis comitis Moritoniae, et cui idem rex dederat castrum Dorcasinum’ and ‘comes Robertus, dominus Dorcasini castri’: Chronica 161, 170, 203. Note also the usage of Robert II: n. 45 below. For Braine, see Duchesne, , Dreux 17-19, 232-34, and Bur, , La formation 409, 431-432.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Duchesne, , Dreux 234–40, 246; for Agnes' acts, see AN, LL 1583 78 no. 40, and Bibl. de Soissons, MS 7 fol. 30^r. Note also the usage on their seals. From Robert, three different seals are recorded. The legend on one which he used in 1158 called him comes frater Regis: no. 3 n. 1 below. Another, used in 1184, styled him frater Regis Francie: n. 6 above. Another, probably from the late 1170s to 1188, called him comes Drocensis : de Xivray, Berger, Recherches 114-15; on the date, see no. 13 n. 1 below. In 1158, Agnes was still using her seal as countess of Bar-sur-Seine: no. 3 n. 1 below. But for problems with the interpretation of legends on seals, see Lewis, , Royal Succession 166.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Duchesne, , Dreux 43–45, 247-48, 250-55. Note also the variation of titularies — Comes Drocensis and Comes dominus Drocarum et Brane — on Robert II's seals and the parallel usages on those of his second wife: Douët-d'Arcq, , Collection de sceaux I nos. 721-24. For comparison, note that during the first decade of the thirteenth century Robert II's nephew (and the half-brother of his second wife), Ingelrannus III of Coucy, because of marriages to dowager countesses of Roucy and Perche was sometimes styled by the pertinent comital titles in charters issued during those marriages and orally was called ‘count of Coucy’ after the deaths of those wives; see André, Duchesne, Histoire généalogique des maisons de Guines, d'Ardres, de Gand, et de Coucy et de quelques autres familles illustres (Paris 1631) 219-20, 355-59, and William the Breton, Philippidos i.781 in Œuvres II 38.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Of the knights, Simon of Saint-Fargeau witnessed six of Robert's charters enacted in Brie and at Fermaincourt between 1171 and 1187; see no. 8 n. 6 below. During the same years, Garnerus ‘de Theunvilla’ witnessed four acts — at Chailly, in Aisne, at Dreux, and at Fermaincourt — two of them in the company of Simon of Saint-Fargeau; see no. 6 n. 3 below. Germundus of Dreux also witnessed four acts — at Chailly, Fermaincourt, Dreux, and Sens — two of them with Simon, a third with Garnerus, and once with neither: Tardif, , MH no. 631; Lefèvre, , ‘Documents’ 361; Métais, , Les Templiers 12; Duchesne, , Dreux 238. Other such examples could be cited. A chaplain, who also served as chancellor or notary, often traveled with Robert; see no. 2 n. 7, no. 6 nn. 1, 5, and no. 12 at n. 10 below. Of domestics, Robert's serviens, Drogo of Pontoise, witnessed acts in Aisne and Brie; see no. 3 n. 6 below. The ‘Christianus Ermeno[l]di’ who, at Sens in 1180, witnessed Robert's confirmation of the commune of Dreux appears as mayor of that commune in 1192: Métais, Charles, Pièces détachées pour servir à l'histoire du diocèse de Chartres 2: Études et documents (Archives du diocèse de Chartres 10; Chartres 1904) 397-98.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Thus Robert's brother Philip (no. 3 below), his cousin Rainaldus (nos. 1-2 below), and his son-in-law Ralph I of Coucy (no. 12 below). A Peter of Courtenay subscribed Robert's confirmation of the commune of Dreux (Duchesne, , Dreux 238), but since that charter was enacted at Sens, this is a case in which Robert was away from his own lands. It is unclear whether this witness was Peter I or his son Peter II.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ For witnesses from the region or locality, see no. 1 nn. 7-11, no. 4 nn. 3, 5, no. 5 nn. 3-5, etc.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Hôtel-Dieu de Paris 7: ‘Leticia, pediseca comitisse.’ Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Duchesne, , Dreux 18–19, 233-34, and no. 2 below. Some modern scholars have followed Père Anselme in calling Andrew Agnes' father; see Père Anselme de Sainte-Marie (Pierre de Guibours), Histoire généalogique et chronologique de la maison royale de France I (rev. ed. Paris 1726) 424. Others have called her the daughter of Guy of Dampierre (the husband of her paternal aunt; see Newman, , Nesle II 33 nn. 3-4). The combined evidence of the charter to Prémontré and the obituary notices from Saint-Yved (in Duchesne) and no. 2 below establishes the genealogy.Google Scholar

⁵¹ See no. 1 n. 1 below. Duchesne's mistaken belief that Robert had earlier been married to Agnes of Garland, widow of Amalric III of Montfort, led Alexandre Teulet to attribute one such act to an earlier decade: Layettes du Trésor des Chartes I (Inventaires et documents publiés par l'ordre de l'Empereur; Paris 1863) 54 no. 79; cf. Lewis, , Royal Succession 208 n. e and 251 n. 77.Google Scholar

⁵² Philip subscribed a charter of the bishop of Paris in 1163 (24 March 1163 – 11 April 1164), ‘Signum Philippi, nepoti [sic] regis, pueri’: Cartulaire général de Paris I (ed. de Lasteyrie, Robert; Histoire générale de Paris: Collection de documents; Paris 1887) no. 435. He is probably the same as the Philippus puer who subscribed an episcopal act in 1160 (27 March 1160 – 15 April 1161): ibid. no. 413. (No other Philippus puer appears in the chapter during that decade, and — as an indication of rank, probably owing to birth — this one in 1160-61 took precedence over Boso, who had been a puer there since at least 1158; see ibid. no. 394). Philip last appears as a puer in an act of 1168 (31 March 1168 – 19 April 1169): ibid. 467. If, therefore, Philip was not yet fourteen years old on 31 March 1168, but was at least six by 15 April 1161, he would have been born between 31 March 1154 and 15 April 1155 and — barring the birth of twins — would have been the second or third child of the marriage. (Dates throughout are figured on the system of Easter; possible variant use of the system of 25 March would not substantially alter the results.) For Philip's career as bishop, see Newman, , Nesle I 227, 247 n. 7, and Duchesne, , Dreux 33-35, 242-46. The lack of mention of Philip in his father's acts does not imply lack of contact between them. The Renardus who is listed as cleric and sometimes as chaplain to Robert I between 1178 and 1187 is also called canon of Beauvais, thus indicating that Philip had either sent Renardus to Robert or had provided his father's clerk with a benefice; see Saint-Martin-des-Champs III no. 494 and no. 6 n. 5 below. Such practice was not uncommon. The William who was Robert's clerk or notary in 1171 was a canon at Reims, where Robert's brother Henry was then archbishop; see Tardif, , MH no. 631 and Duchesne, , Dreux 236.Google Scholar

⁵³ Newman, , Nesle I 254 n. 39; Duchesne, , Dreux 33. Duchesne inferred from Alberic of Trois-Fontaines' notation of Henry's name before Philip's that Henry was the second son, but Alberic, writing long after the time, probably listed Henry thus because of the importance of his see; see Alberic, , Chronicon, ed. Scheffer-Boichorst, Paul, MGH SS 23.909. Note the pattern of names for the sons: the heir bears the father's name; the two sons who enter the church are named for uncles who are ecclesiastics; the two elder of the lay cadets are named for lay kinsmen (Guy of Braine had a brother named William: André, Duchesne, Histoire de la maison de Chastillon sur Marne [Paris 1621] preuves 23); the source of the name of the youngest son, John, is unknown.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Nor is their consent to the proceedings ever mentioned — in contrast to the frequent notations concerning the sons. The only direct reference to any of Robert's daughters in his extant charters is the record, without personal names, of his gift of a rent ‘duabus Filiabus nostris, quae in Domo de Charmo Religionis habitum assumpserunt’: Duchesne, , Dreux 239.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ No. 10 below. In fact, a later dating for this act may be preferred; see no. 10 n. 1 below.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Jumièges I no. 79. The editor attributes this act to 1158 (20 April 1158 – 11 April 1159). In fact, it can be dated no more precisely than between 1156 (the date of Robert's consecration as bishop of Chartres) and 11 April 1159 (the terminus ad quern for the confirmation of it by Louis VII: ibid. no. 80).Google Scholar

⁵⁷ That Rex should be capitalized, but not francie or francorum — or Comes, but not drocensis — violates modern rules. The original usage may, however, reflect priorities, not merely scribal quirks, on the part of contemporaries. In the present context, the discussion of comital titles at nn. 41-45 above may suggest one basis for such stress. For related observations concerning the usage in royal documents, see my ‘Dynastic Structures and Capetian Throne-Right: The Views of Giles of Paris,’ Traditio 33 (1977) 241 n. 70.Google Scholar

¹ All the elements in the formula of the date accord for 1152; the epact and indiction indicate a date prior to 1 September 1152; see also Lewis, , Royal Succession 252 n. 93.Google Scholar

² Soupir (dép. Aisne, arr. Soissons, cant. Vailly).Google Scholar

³ Courcelles (dép. Aisne, arr. Soissons, cant. Braine).Google Scholar

⁴ Ancy (dép. Aisne, arr. Soissons, cant. Braine, comm. Limé).Google Scholar

⁵ On Guy of Garlande, see Bournazel, Eric, Le gouvernement capétien au XII^e siècle, 1108-1180: Structures sociales et mutations institutionnelles (Paris 1973) 39–40, 57, 60.Google Scholar

⁶ This person also witnessed no. 2 below, which lists him as ‘Reginaldus Pauper.’ I have been unable to identify him with any of Robert's known kinsmen. He may possibly have been the same as Reginald of Courtenay, supposed son of Florus, illegitimate son of Philip I; see Léopold, Delisle, Recueil des actes de Henri II, roi d'Angleterre et duc de Normandie, concernant les provinces françaises et les affaires de France, Introduction (Ch. et D.; Paris 1909) 420.Google Scholar

⁷ Alberic of Oulchy-le-Château (dép. Aisne, arr. Soissons); see Newman, , Nesle II 65. Alberic had witnessed donations to Saint-Yved by Agnes' grandfather, Andrew of Baudement, and his family in or before 1145: AN, LL 1583 56 no. 19. Vassal of the count of Champagne, he also held property from Robert and Agnes; see Longnon, , Documents I 31 no. 843, and no. 12 below.Google Scholar

⁸ This person, sometimes called ‘Rainierus of Braine,’ witnessed charters of other persons for Saint-Yved: AN LL 1583 142, 144, 145 nos. 111, 113-14. He was a miles: ibid. 60 no. 21.Google Scholar

⁹ Milo Balena is called dapifer in nos. 4-5 below. Of Robert's acts, he also witnessed no. 2 below and Duchesne, , Dreux 236 (of 1150). He was a miles: AN, LL 1583 60 no. 21. In 1186, his son Robert appears as Agnes' vassal and a donor to Saint-Yved: ibid. 128 no. 98.Google Scholar

¹⁰ This person also witnessed no. 3 below. He may be the same as the Bartholomew who subscribed, after Robert the prepositus, no. 5 below. Sometimes styled ‘Bartholomew of Braine’ and a burgensis, he appears also in acts of Andrew of Baudement and of bishops of Soissons for Saint-Yved: AN, LL 1583 52, 56, 58, 59, 60, 142 nos. 18-21, 111; see also no. 107.Google Scholar

¹¹ This person, sometimes called ‘Paganus of Braine,’ also witnessed acts of Andrew of Baudement and of bishops of Soissons for Saint-Yved: ibid. 52, 56, 58, etc., nos. 18-21, 111; see also no. 140.Google Scholar

¹ Bellefontaine (dép. Aisne, arr. Château-Thierry, cant. Fère-en-Tardenois, comm. Villeneuve-sur-Fère). B fol. 212^r has the note: ‘Bellifontis, Bellefontaine, ferme et fief dépendant de l'Abbaye de Val-chrétien, cette ferme est de la paroisse de Villeneuve sur Fere à trois quarts de lieues de Fere en Tardenois.’ Google Scholar

² See no. 1 n. 6 above.Google Scholar

³ See no. 1 n. 9 above.Google Scholar

⁴ William des Barres, lord of Oissery (dép. Seine-et-Marne, arr. Meaux, cant. Dammartinen-Goële). It is unclear whether this person was William I († 1161 ?) or William II († 1182); on them see Quesvers, Paul and Stein, Henri, Inscriptions de l'ancien diocèse de Sens publiées d'après les estampages d'Edmond Michel III (Paris 1902) 414–15. William II, together with John ‘de Fontaneto’ (see no. 6 at n. 2 below), in 1166 witnessed a donation to Gournay-sur-Marne by Robert I's son-in-law, Guy II, lord of Châtillon-sur-Marne, Montjay, etc.: Saint-Martin-des-Champs II 298 no. 393.Google Scholar

⁵ Courmelles (dép. Aisne, arr. and cant. Soissons). In 1146, Goslenus, bishop of Soissons, confirmed to the abbey of Longpont land given by ‘johannes de Cormella et auunculus ejus johannes de valboin cum filio suo rogero’: AD Aisne, H.692 (cartulary of Longpont) fol. 50^v .Google Scholar

⁶ This person also witnessed nos. 3 and 5 below.Google Scholar

⁷ The chaplain Thomas also delivered a charter in 1160 (Duchesne, , Dreux 236) and witnessed no. 5 below.Google Scholar

¹ C notes ‘sellé en cire Jaune’ and reproduces the seals (fol. 39^v). Robert's was round, with an equestrian warrior and the legend: ‘Sigillvm Roberti Comitis fratris Regis.’ Agnes' was oval, with a standing lady and the legend: ‘Signum Annetis Comittisse Barri.’ Neither of these seals figures in Douët-d'Arcq, , Collection de sceaux. Google Scholar

² Ormont (dép. Aisne, arr. Château-Thierry, cant. Fère-en-Tardenois, comm. Vézilly).Google Scholar

³ Courteaux (dép. Aisne, arr. Château-Thierry, cant. Fère-en-Tardenois, comm. Coulonges).Google Scholar

⁴ Paganus also witnessed no. 4 below. A Paganus de Aurelianis, who may have been the same person, in 1185 witnessed an act of Robert II for Saint-Vincent-aux-Bois: Duchesne, , Dreux 248. In May 1186, Robert II confirmed a donation of property in Eure-et-Loir to the Maison-Dieu at Dreux by this Pagan and two others: Lefèvre, Édouard, Documents historiques sur le comté et la ville de Dreux (Chartres 1859) 288-90 n.Google Scholar

⁵ See no. 1 n. 9 above.Google Scholar

⁶ Drogo of Pontoise, serviens noster, in 1171 witnessed Robert's act for Saint-Gervais at Bourges: Tardif, , MH no. 631. He may have been the same as the ‘Drogo Camerarius’ of 1187: Saint-Martin-des-Champs III no. 494.Google Scholar

⁷ See also no. 1 at n. 10 above.Google Scholar

⁸ See also no. 2 at n. 6 above.Google Scholar

¹ Vauberlin (dép. Aisne, arr. Soissons, cant. Braine, comm. Courcelles).Google Scholar

² Vauxaillon? (dép. Aisne, arr. Laon, cant. Anizy-le-Château).Google Scholar

³ See no. 1 n. 9 above.Google Scholar

⁴ See no. 3 n. 4 above.Google Scholar

⁵ This person, in or before 1145, witnessed donations by Andrew of Baudement to Saint-Yved: AN, LL 1583 56 no. 19. He was a miles : Duchesne, , Dreux 234. See also Newman, , Nesle II no. 26. He may have been Gilbert of La Ferté-Milon (dép. Aisne, arr. Château-Thierry, cant. Neuilly-Saint-Front); cf. ibid. I 183 n. a. Google Scholar

¹ The terminus post quern for this act is Robert's marriage to Agnes. Of the witnesses, Milo Balena appears in acts of 1152 through 1167-69 (see no. 1 n. 9 above and AN, LL 1583 144 no. 114 [deathbed charter of Gervasius of Bazoches, on whom see Newman, Nesle I 127 n. d]), and the chaplain Thomas in 1155 and 1160 (see no. 2 n. 7). For Robert and Bartholomew, see no. 1 n. 10 and no. 2 n. 6 above. Odo, brother of Robert ‘de curtomonte,’ witnessed donations by Andrew of Baudement for Saint-Yved in or before 1145: AN, LL 1583 56 no. 19. He may be the same as the Odo ‘de Courtemont’ who witnessed a donation to Saint-Médard at Soissons in or before 1151 (de Jubainville, d'Arbois, Histoire III 440) and the Odo ‘de Curremont’ whose donations to Igny were confirmed in 1157-59 by Pope Hadrian IV (Péchenard, , Histoire d'Igny 559-60 [JL no. 10529]). Although these data may suggest a terminus ad quern of ca. 1160, the paucity of known charters from Robert datable to the 1160s precludes any reconstruction of his entourage during that decade and so requires the wider range of dates proposed here.Google Scholar

² Couvrelles (dép. Aisne, arr. Soissons, cant. Braine). B fol. 226^r has the note: ‘Chourellam (Couvrelle) village à la porte de Braine, a droite du grand chemin qui conduit à Soissons.’ Google Scholar

³ See no. 1 n. 9 above.Google Scholar

⁴ See n. 1 above.Google Scholar

⁶ See no. 2 n. 6 above.Google Scholar

⁶ See no. 1 n. 10 above.Google Scholar

⁷ See no. 2 n. 7 above.Google Scholar

¹ This is the only citation of a ‘Gilius capellanus,’ but an ‘Egidius presbiter’ witnessed three other acts of Robert in 1178 and 1179: Hôtel-Dieu de Paris no. 13; Lefèvre, , ‘Documents’ 361; and Métais, , Les Templiers 12.Google Scholar

² This John also witnessed a charter delivered in 1180 at Sens and one to Breuil-Benoît: Duchesne, , Dreux 238 and de Xivray, Berger, Recherches 114.Google Scholar

³ Garnerus ‘de Theunvilla’ or ‘de Tiunvilla’ (possibly Thionville [dép. Eure-et-Loir, arr. Châteaudun, cant. Bonneval, comm. Neuvy-en-Dunois]) witnessed three other acts: Hôtel-Dieu de Paris no. 13; Métais, , Les Templiers 12; and no. 8 below.Google Scholar

⁴ This Ralph, also called ‘de Plesseio’ and ‘de Plessiaco,’ witnessed acts from Robert delivered at Fermaincourt in 1181 and in Brie in 1184; no. 8 below and Saint-Martin-des-Champs III no. 475.Google Scholar

⁵ Renardus — styled, variably, Robert's clericus, capellanus, or cancellarius — delivered acts from 1178 through 1186: Hôtel-Dieu de Paris no. 13; Lefèvre, , ‘Documents’ 361; Métais, , Les Templiers 12; Duchesne, , Dreux 238; Saint-Martin-des-Champs III nos. 475, 494; and no. 12 below. As is evident from the places where these charters were enacted, he traveled with Robert at least much of the time. He was also a canon at Beauvais: Saint-Martin-des-Champs III no. 494. It is unclear whether he was the same person as the Reginaldus of no, 8 n, 3 below.Google Scholar

¹ Probably Notre-Dame of Estrée (Strata). Google Scholar

² Saint-Jean of Breuil-Benoît.Google Scholar

³ Raginaldus (sometimes styled magister), capicerius of Dreux, also witnessed two of Robert I's acts from 1171 and an act of Robert II from 1184; Tardif, MH no. 631 and Duchesne, Dreux 236, 238. It is unclear whether he was the same person as the magister Raginaldus or Renaudus, canon at Saint-Étienne and deacon, who witnessed other charters in 1178, 1179, and perhaps later: Lefèvre, , ‘Documents’ 361; Métais, , Les Templiers 12; and no. 13 below. See also no. 6 n. 5 above.Google Scholar

⁴ Peter ‘de Foro,’ canon at Saint-Étienne (BN, MS 10106, fol. 14^r), also witnessed an act of Robert I for Breuil-Benoît: de Xivray, Berger, Recherches 114.Google Scholar

⁵ Crispinus, whose full name (which he retained throughout his life) and position among these witnesses imply that he was a canon at Saint-Étienne, was either the brother or (perhaps more likely) brother-in-law of Garnerius Morhier; he was a canon at Notre-Dame at Chartres, probably by 1184, and chanter there from at least 1194: Notre-Dame de Chartres I nos. 113, 121; ibid. III¹ 39-40; Grand-Beaulieu nos. 122, 130. Crispinus also witnessed acts of Robert I for Breuil-Benoît and Estrée and, in 1188, an act of Robert II for Notre-Dame at Chartres: de Xivray, Berger, Recherches 114; no. 13 below; and Notre-Dame de Chartres I² 217 no. 108. He was probably the same as the ‘Crispinus Capellanus Firmaecuriae’ who witnessed a charter of Robert II in 1184: Duchesne, , Dreux 238.Google Scholar

⁶ Correction: Simon of Saint-Fargeau (dép. Seine-et-Marne, arr. Melun, cant. Melun-sud), a miles, who also, between 1171 and 1187, witnessed acts of Robert I delivered in Brie and at Fermaincourt: Tardif, , MH no. 631; Hôtel-Dieu de Paris no. 13; Lefèvre, , ‘Documents’ 361; Saint-Martin-des-Champs III nos. 475, 494. On Simon and his family see also Cartulaire de l'abbaye de Notre-Dame des Vaux de Cernay I (edd. Merlet, Lucien and Moutié, Auguste; Paris 1857) 121 no. 102.Google Scholar

⁷ See no. 6 n. 3 above.Google Scholar

⁸ See no. 6 n. 4 above.Google Scholar

⁹ Cf. Duchesne, , Dreux 236: ‘Fulco Herchemboudi parentus.’ In fact, Fulco and Paretus were two different persons. ‘Fulco archembaudi,’ in the presence of Countess Agnes, witnessed an accord at Saint-Étienne: BN, MS latin 10106, fol. 14^r. Paretus witnessed an act of Robert at Fermaincourt in 1178: Lefèvre, , ‘Documents’ 361. With him was ‘Fulco, preceptor’; cf., from Sens in 1180, Duchesne, , Dreux 238: ‘Fulco Praetor [sic], Bernerius Paratus….’ Google Scholar

¹ The termini for this act are set by the death of Louis VII and the terminus ante quern for that of Robert I's son Peter (see no. 11 n. 3 below).Google Scholar

² Peter of Donjon, a miles and son of a miles. From the fact that Peter's house was at the castellum of Dreux, R. Merlet and Jusselin infer that his surname signifies that he was warden of that castle: Grand-Beaulieu 70 no. 172 n. 1. If that was the case, the position was probably hereditary, since Peter's father and eldest surviving son appear with the same surname: ibid. no. 236 and Cartulaire de l'abbaye de Saint-Père de Chartres II (ed. Guérard, Benjamin; DI; Paris 1840) 584 no. 88. For Peter and his family, see also Grand-Beaulieu nos. 104-106, 129, 172, 199, 232, 234; no. 10 below; and Le Prévost, Auguste, Mémoires et notes pour servir à l'histoire du département de l'Eure II¹ (pub. Léopold Delisle and Louis Passy; Évreux 1864) 429-31.Google Scholar

³ Le Luat-sur-Vert (dép. Eure-et-Loir, arr. and cant. Dreux, comm. Vert-en-Drouais).Google Scholar

⁴ A donation to Estrée by Durandus, his brother, and their nephew was confirmed by Rotrodus, bishop of Évreux (1139-65): AD Eure, H 319 fol. 73^v no. 161.Google Scholar

⁵ For a donation to Estrée by Robert ‘de Roseto,’ see AD Eure, H 319 fol. 19^v no. 34.Google Scholar

⁶ For a donation to Estrée by Garinus of Malicorne, see AD Eure, H 319 fol. 20 no. 37. Garinus, his father Crispinus of Nonancourt, and others of their family figure often in the charters of the Grand-Beaulieu, : Grand-Beaulieu nos. 52, 54, 59-60, 107, 131. Garinus was a miles: ibid. no. 187.Google Scholar

⁷ Grand-Pré (dép. Eure-et-Loir, arr. Dreux, cant. Nogent-le-Roi, comm. Villemeux-sur-Eure).Google Scholar

⁸ Cf. no. 10 below: ‘a fonte monachorum id est a fonte de Renecourt….’ Thus probably Renancourt (dép. Eure-et-Loir, arr. Dreux, cant. Nogent-le-Roi, comm. Villemeux-sur-Eure).Google Scholar

⁹ Franchet, at Saint-Germain-sur-Avre (dép. Eure, arr. Évreux, cant. Nonancourt).Google Scholar

¹⁰ Priory of Saint-Martin at Heudreville (dép. Eure, arr. Évreux, cant. Nonancourt, comm. Mesnil-sur-l'Estrée); see Le Prévost, , Mémoires et notes II¹ 404.Google Scholar

¹¹ See also no. 10 at n. 14.Google Scholar

¹² See also no. 10 at n. 21.Google Scholar

¹³ See also no. 10 at n. 22.Google Scholar

¹ The termini for this act are set by the appearance of Robert I's son Peter as a witness; see above, text at n. 55, and no. 11 n. 3 below. Since, however, several of the witnesses appear relatively late in other texts, a terminus post quern of ca. 1170 might be preferred; see nn. 12-22 below.Google Scholar

² See no. 9 n. 2 above.Google Scholar

³ Amalric, , miles strenuus, was one of the founders of Estrée; his earliest donations to the abbey, to which his wife Columba and his sons consented, appear to date from 1144: Le Prévost, , Mémoires et notes II¹ 429-31.Google Scholar

⁴ The donation by Baldric, who appears to have been Amalric's eldest son and first heir, is mentioned in a charter of Rotrodus, bishop of Évreux, from 1161: AD Eure, H 319 fol. 7^v no. 7.Google Scholar

⁵ Les Forges (dép. Eure, arr. Évreux, cant. Nonancourt, comm. Mesnil-sur-l'Estrée).Google Scholar

⁶ Cf. the terms of the confirmation by Pope Alexander III in 1164, Gallia Christiana XI Instr. 136 (JL no. 11018): ‘alias terras & prata quae ex utraque parte fluminis Arvae habetis.’ Google Scholar

⁷ These donations are recorded in more detail in the notification of them by Robert, bishop of Chartres (1156-64): AD Eure, H 319 fol. 13 no. 22. There the donors are Baldric and his aunt, Margaret, who make the gifts when Baldric's sister becomes a nun; but the vassal whose fief is included is called Gilbert ‘de montulle’ (Montuslé).Google Scholar

⁸ See no. 9 n. 3 above.Google Scholar

⁹ See no. 9 n. 9 above.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Gue-de-Rueset, at Muzy (dép. Eure, arr. Évreux, cant. Nonancourt).Google Scholar

¹¹ See also the notification of this donation by Robert, bishop of Chartres: AD Eure, H 319 fol. 73^v no. 161.Google Scholar

¹² A Peter ‘de Maceriis’ witnessed an act of Robert II in 1188 and, along with Robert, one of Gilbert of Crèches (see n. 15 below) in 1197: Notre-Dame de Chartres I² 217 no. 108; Métais, , Les Templiers 34 no. 26.Google Scholar

¹³ Germundus of Dreux, a miles, witnessed other acts of Robert I from 1171 through 1180: Tardif, , MH no. 631; Lefèvre, , ‘Documents’ 361; Métais, , Les Templiers 12 no. 5; Duchesne, , Dreux 238.Google Scholar

¹⁴ See also no. 9 at n. 11 above.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Gilbert of Crèches witnessed an act of 1149-65 for Estrée (datable because Milo of Muzy was archdeacon of Chartres and Rotrodus of Warwick bishop of Évreux): AD Eure, H 319 fol. 73^v no. 161. In 1170-76, he, Hugh ‘de Creton’ (see at n. 18 below), and others were donors: Grand-Beaulieu 38 no. 88. In 1184, he witnessed an act of Robert II for Saint-Vincent-aux-Bois: Duchesne, , Dreux 238. In 1197, he became a Templar: Métais, , Les Templiers 33-34 no. 26; see also n. 12 above.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Sulpicius Gaudin witnessed a confirmation by the wife and daughter of Garinus of Malicorne (see no. 9 n. 6 above) at Nonancourt in 1156-63: Grand-Beaulieu 24 no. 52 (datable by Robert's accession as bishop of Chartres and the confirmation by Pope Alexander III: ibid. 30 no. 64; JL no. 10858). He also witnessed ibid. no. 59 (p. 27), which may be later (it does not figure in the papal confirmation). See also, from 1191, ibid. 61 no. 151 : ‘Testibus … Nicholao nepote Sulpicii Gaudin….’ Google Scholar

¹⁷ ‘Renaudus prima’ — together with Peter of Donjon, Herbertus bone, and Robert of Nonancourt (see nn. 20, 22 below) — witnessed the donation to Estrée by Durandus of Estrée which dates from 1165 or earlier: no. 9 n. 4 above.Google Scholar

¹⁸ See n. 15 above.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Bernard ‘de Aunei’ also witnessed the act of Gilbert of Crèches for the Templars in 1197; see nn. 12, 15 above.Google Scholar

²⁰ Herbert Bone appears as a witness by 1165; see n. 17 above. In a notice of his own donation, he is called ‘Herbertus filius Bone’: AD Eure, H 319 fol. 20^r no. 36.Google Scholar

²¹ See also no. 9 at n. 12 above.Google Scholar

²² See also n. 17 and no. 9 at n. 13 above.Google Scholar

¹ I have been unable to identify with certainty this Nova villa, but since modern manuscript summaries filed with A call the donor Adam ‘de novelle de Coucy’ and ‘de Coucy la Ville,’ the most likely choice is perhaps Neuville (dép. Aisne, arr. Laon, cant. Coucy-le-Château, comm. Coucy-la-Ville); a, however, identifies it as Neuville-sur-Margival (dép. Aisne, arr. Soissons, cant. Vailly).Google Scholar

² Le Sart (dép. Aisne, arr. Laon, cant. La Fère, comm. Anguilcourt-le-Sart). On Nicholas, a miles, and Ralph, lord of Sart and castellan of Laon, see Newman, , Nesle II 204 nn. b-c, f.Google Scholar

³ This act establishes 20 April 1185 (the last day of 1184 by the Easter reckoning) as a terminus ad quern for Peter's death. Note, too, the lack of mention of Peter in a charter of Robert I, also from 1184, for Sainte-Geneviève which cites the participation of the two elder lay sons and of the younger cadet John: Duchesne, , Dreux 238, Peter's death was much commemorated by his family — by Robert II in 1185, Robert I and Agnes in 1186, and Agnes again later: ibid. 248; no. 12 below; Caviness, , ‘Saint-Yved’ 547–48.Google Scholar

⁴ This person may be the same as the Hugh, son of Robert ‘de Baisi,’ who appears in the region of Soissons and Laon ca. 1184; see Newman Nesle II 56 n. 3.Google Scholar

⁵ Margival (dép. Aisne, arr. Soissons, cant. Vailly).Google Scholar

⁶ Probably Leuilly (dép. Aisne, arr. Laon, cant. Coucy-le-Château).Google Scholar

¹ On this family and its donations to Longpont, see Newman, , Nesle II 65–66. See also no. 1 n. 7 above.Google Scholar

² See, from 1166, the donation of Ralph I of Coucy ‘rogatu magistri mei Galteri medici et amicorum eius’: AN, LL 1583 p. 88 no. 49.Google Scholar

³ See AD Aisne, H 692 (cartulary of Longpont) fol. 59^r, from 1185: ‘… testes … frater helo de longoponte.’ Google Scholar

⁴ Robert II's chaplain Peter appears in acts of Robert II from 1184-86 and 1189: Duchesne, , Dreux 238, 248; Lefèvre, , Documents 290 n.; BN, MS latin 10106 fols. 9^v-10^r. See also Notre-Dame de Chartres I² 217 no. 108.Google Scholar

⁵ Ralph I of Coucy († 1191), by his second marriage son-in-law of Robert I and, by a daughter from his first marriage, father-in-law of Robert II: Duchesne, , Dreux 45, 248, 254, and Histoire … de Coucy 212, 351.Google Scholar

⁶ Odelard of Braine also witnessed an act of Robert I at Sens in 1160: Duchesne, , Dreux 236. On him see also Newman, , Nesle II 159 n. 2.Google Scholar

⁷ Simon of Pont-Saint-Médard (dép. Aisne, arr. Laon, cant. Coucy-le-Château) witnessed acts of Ralph I of Coucy in 1174 and 1190: Plessis, Toussaints Du, Histoire de la ville et des seigneurs de Coucy (Paris 1728) 143, 147. Simon's father Peter also witnessed acts of Ralph: ibid. 143 and Newman, , Nesle II 120 nn. g-h. See also ibid. no. 48, an act involving Ralph of Coucy, which Peter of Pont-Saint-Médard and Philip Cosset (see next note) witnessed. Although knightly contacts overlapped — in this regard, note the links between Ralph of Sart (no. 11 at n. 2 above) and Ralph of Coucy and his circles (Newman, Nesle II no. 48 and 120 nn. h-i) — it appears that Simon and the two following witnesses were in attendance to subscribe the present charter as members of the entourage of Ralph of Coucy; see also n. 2 above.Google Scholar

⁸ Son of Robert Cosset of Coucy: ibid. 119 n. f. Philip, who died in or before 1209, bequeathed land to Longpont; he was then a parishioner of Abbécourt (dép. Aisne, arr. Laon, cant. Chauny). AD Aisne, H 692 fol. 17^r .Google Scholar

⁹ Ingelrannus of Saint-Paul witnessed an act of Ralph of Coucy for Saint-Yved in 1166: AN, LL 1583 p. 89 no. 49.Google Scholar

¹⁰ See no. 6 n. 5.Google Scholar

¹ The termini for this act are set by the approximate date at which reference to at least three sons of Robert I might first have been made (see above, text at nn. 55-56) and the date of Robert's death (11 October 1188: Cartulaire de l'église Notre-Dame de Paris IV [ed. Benjamin Guérard; DI; Paris 1850] 166). Of the witnesses, Master Rainaldus also witnessed dated comital charters in 1178, 1179, and perhaps later (see no. 8 n. 3 above), and Crispinus of Dreux did so in 1181 and 1188 (see no. 8 n. 5 above). This charter is similar in content to, although very different in redaction from, that of Berger de Xivray, Recherches 114, of the witnesses to which — aside from Master Rainaldus and Crispinus of Dreux — Peter ‘de Foro’ also appeared in 1181 (no. 8 at n. 4 above), John ‘de Fontaneto’ in 1179 and 1180 (see no. 6 n. 2 above), and Milo of Neauphle in 1180 and 1184 (Duchesne, Dreux 238). It seems likely, therefore, that despite the wider termini this act probably dates from perhaps the mid-1170s to 1188, as would also the related charter in Berger de Xivray.Google Scholar

² It is unclear which Robert Mauvoisin is intended. On that family see Newman, , Nesle I 264–65 and Bournazel, , Le gouvernement 37-39.Google Scholar

³ See no. 8 n. 3 above.Google Scholar

⁴ See no. 8 n. 5 above.Google Scholar

¹ Although a narrower range of dates might be proposed for this act, the evidence for them is inferential and contradictory. Accordingly, the termini used are the dates of Robert's receipt of Dreux and of his death; see above, text at n. 4 and no. 13 n. 1.Google Scholar