¹ On the historical development of the institution of papal envoys, cf. R. v. Scherer, Handbuch des Kirchenrechts (Graz 1886–98) I 519–539 and J. B. Sägmüller, Lehrbuch des katholischen Kirchenrechts I (4th ed. Freiburg 1930–38) 577–88. Shorter treatments in LThK 6 (1934) 449–50 and Plöchl, W. Geschichte des Kirchenrechts (Vienna 1953–55) I 131–3, 294–6; II 95–100. Of the numerous monographs on papal legation, the following are significant in our context: Ruess, K. Die rechtliche Stellung der päpstlichen Legaten bis Bonifaz VIII. (Görres-Gesellschaft, Sektion f. Rechts- u. Sozialwissensch. 13; Paderborn 1912); Zimmermann, H. Die päpstliche Legation in der ersten Hälfte des 13. Jahrhunderts (Görres-Ges. 17; Paderborn 1913); Wynen, A. Die päpstliche Diplomatie, geschichtlich und rechtlich dargestellt (Das Völkerrecht, ed. Ebers, J. 10; Freiburg 1922); E. Göller, ‘Zur Geschichte des päpstlichen Legationswesens im ausgehenden 15. Jahrhundert,’ Festschrift Felix Porsch (Görres-Ges. 40; Paderborn 1923) 234–40; Paro, G., The Right of Papal Legation (Studies in Canon Law, Cath. U. of Amer. 211; Washington 1947).Google Scholar

² Extravagantes communes 1.1 de consuetudine c. un.: ‘… Huiusmodi officium et potestatem ipsius Romani Pontificis, quam non ab homine, sed a Deo recepit …’Google Scholar

³ Responsio Pii VI ad Metropolitanos Moguntinum, Treverensem, Coloniensem et Salisbnrgensem super Nuntiaturis apostolicis (Romae 1789).Google Scholar

⁴ Allocution Summi Pontificatus, Aug. 20, 1880, against the action of the Belgian government in breaking off diplomatic relations with the Vatican and cancelling the visa of the Nuncio Vannutelli: and the Encyclical Longinqua oceani, Jan. 6, 1895 to the bishops of North America (‘ non extrinsecus quaesito sed nativo iure’ the pope sends his legates). Gasparri, P., Codicis iuris canonici Fontes 3 (Rome 1925) Nos, 581, 628.Google Scholar

⁶ Codex iuris canonici (= CJC) can. 265. On the ranking of papal legates in the Middle Ages, Durandus (Durantis) says, Speculum iudiciale 1.1 de legato § 3 (the ed. here used is Speculum Iuris Gulielmi Durandi cum Jo. And. Baldi de Ubaldis aliorumque praestantiss. Jurisc. theorematibus. Venetiis 1612): ‘Genera legatorum … tria sunt. Nam alii sunt laterales, alii constituti, alii nati. Laterales sunt qui a latere domini Papae emanant … Dici ergo potest quod legatorum alii sunt minimi, ut nuntii et cursores, et alii magni, ut nati, alii maiores ut constituti; alii maximi ut laterales’ (p. 32). In the fifteenth century the form with de (‘legati de latere’) is employed almost exclusively. Cf. Lesages, G. L. ‘La titulature des envoyés pontificaux sous Pie II,’ Mélanges d'archéologie et d'histoire 58 (1941–46) 206–247. On the right of papal legation and the status and rights of the papal legates in general, cf· Wynen 30–45; Ottaviani, A., Institutiones juris publici ecclesiastici (Rome 1925) 216; M· Conte a Coronata, Institutiones juris canonici (3rd ed. Turin 1947) I 418–21; Paro 169–70· The person and activities of the papal legates are also under special protection in ecclesiastical crimimal law: can. 120 §2; 1557 §1.3; 2341; 2343 §2; 2344.Google Scholar

⁶ CJC can. 266; 239 §1 n°. 21. Also cf. Paro 92–100. Google Scholar

⁷ Can. 7 (graec. 5), ed. Th, H. Bruns, Canones Apostolorum et Conciliorum saec. IV.-VII. (Berlin 1839) I 93.Google Scholar

⁸ Bruns I 102. Google Scholar

⁹ Wynen 76; Sägmüller, Kirchenrecht I 582 n.2. Google Scholar

¹⁰ Duchesne, L., Le Liber Pontificalis (Paris 1892) II 284.Google Scholar

¹¹ Ep. 4.26. ed. Caspar, E., Das Register Gregors VII. (MGH, Ep. sel.; 1920–23) I 341. The Ceremonial of the Papal ‘Legatus A Latere’Google Scholar

¹² Gregory VII's attitude is made clear, for example, in this passage: ‘… manifestissime notum est: quod Romana ecclesia hanc consuetudinem habuit ab ipsis suae fundationis primordiis, ut ad omnes partes, quae christianae religionis titulo praenotantur, suos legatos mitteret; quatinus ea quae gubernator et rector eiusdem Roma nae ecclesiae per suam praesentiam expedire non praevalet, vice sua legatis concessa, monita salutis ac morum honestatem per eos cunctis per orbem terrarum constitutis ecclesiis nunciaret, easque apostolica doctrina in omnibus, quae sacrae religioni conveniunt, diligenter instrueret’; JL 5042; ed. Ph. Jaffé, Bibliotheca rerum Germanicarum II (Berlin 1865) 547. — Wynen (56) calls the eleventh century a ‘Wendepunkt in der Entwicklung des päpstlichen Legationswesens.’ — Also cf. Hofmann, K., Der ‘Dictatus Papae’ Gregors VII. (Görres-Ges. 63; Paderborn 1933) 89–97.Google Scholar

¹³ J. B. Sägmüller, Die Tätigkeit und Stellung der Cardinäle bis Bonifaz VIII. (Freiburg 1896) 60; Wynen 76f. Google Scholar

¹⁴ X (= Decretals of Gregory IX) 3.39 de censibus c. 17. Google Scholar

¹⁵ Liber Sextus 1.15 de officio legati cc. 1, 2. — ‘… maius omnibus post Romanum Pontificem in provincia sibi decreta imperium censetur habere,’ Sext. 1.6 de electione et electi potestate c. 36. Eugene IV is probably referring to the legate's legal faculties in speaking of ‘multa ac magna per canones attributa privilegia.’ Gasparri, Fontes 1 No. 50 §7. The literature on the status and legal faculties of the legatus a latere is compiled in Hinschius, P. Das Kirchenrecht der Katholiken und Protestanten (Berlin 1869–97) I 5. A number of older, in part quite voluminous treatises are collected in Tractatus illustrium in utraque tum pontificii tum caesarei iuris facultate iurisconsultorum, vol. 13.2: De potestate ecclesiastica (Venice 1584). Cf. also Hrabar, V. E., De legatis et legationibus tractatus varii (Dorpati Livornorum 1905).Google Scholar

¹⁶ Sext. 1.6.36; X 1.30. 3, 6, 8, 9.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Gasparri, , Fontes I No. 50 § 7.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Sext. 1.15.1. Cf. Wynen 57.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Göller 235. ²⁰ Wynen 15–18. Google Scholar

²¹ E.g., Hostiensis: ‘… licet papa sit caput generale universalis ecclesiae et singuli fideles membra generalia, est tamen speciale caput cardinalium et ipsi membra eius specialia respectu aliorum,’ Lectura ad X 5.33 de primi, c. 23 Antiqua v. fidelitatis et obedientiae. ‘Ita similiter Papa et Cardinales faciunt unum Corpus, cuius Papa est Caput et Cardinales sunt membra,’ Glossa ordinaria ad Sext. 1.15.1. — ‘Mittuntur de latere Domini Papae, quia et ipsi pars corporis eius esse intelliguntur.’ Glossa ord. ad X 1.30.9 — ‘… pars sint corporis ipsius pontificis et prope modum ex ipsius latere creati,’ Hieronymus Manfredus, Tractatus de Cardinalibus c.18, in Tract. illustr. (n. 15 supra) 13.2 fol. 91. — Popes also use this terminology: thus Eugene IV writes in 1439: ‘… Cardinales pro honoris, ac dignitatis eminentia, partem sui corporis Summi Pontifices appellant,’ Gasparri, Fontes 1.50 § 6. Other examples are to be found in Sägmüller, Cardinäle 225–7 und Paro 92f. Johannes Burckard (see Document VI, infra) transfers this notion to the relationship of the canons of a metropolitan or diocesan chapter to the ordinarius: ‘ipsi sunt membra ordinarii.’ A legate who is not a cardinal can be dispatched a latere ‘dum tamen mandatum ab eo [Papa] recipiat viva voce,’ Hostiensis, Summa aurea (Venetiis 1570) 1.30 de off. legati n.2. Nevertheless ‘proprie dicuntur missi de latere domini papae cardinales,’ Durandus, Speculum 1.1 de Legato § 3. Google Scholar

²² ‘ Ergo legatorum alii a fonte derivantur: ut cardinales: et hi specialissimi dicuntur: et specialissimo privilegio honorantur,’ Summa aurea 1.30 De off. legati n. 2.Google Scholar

²³ X 1.30.4. The same expression is found in the canonists, e.g., Durandus: ‘Honorandus autem est legatus … ac benigne tractandus, tanquam Domini Papae vicem gerens’ Speculum 1.1 de leg. § 1 p. 30. Google Scholar

²⁴ De reformatione c. 20.Google Scholar

²⁵ On the historical development of the permanent nunciatures, cf. Sägmüller, Kirchenrecht I 583f. n.7, with a critical study of the various opinions. Cf. also pertinent passages in Wynen (58–63), Paro, and LThK 7 (1935) 646. — On the nuncio's ceremonial, cf. Meister, A., ‘Zeremoniell der Nuntien,’ Römische Quartalschrift 5 (1891) 159–78. — The nuncio's ceremonial was not fully worked out until 1622; Wynen 131 n.3.Google Scholar

²⁶ CJC can. 266: ‘tantum potest, quantum ei a Summo Pontifice demandatum est.’ Google Scholar

²⁷ Thus Paro, for example, speaks of the ‘personal privileges’ of the legates, who ‘used papal insignia’ (100–02). Plöchl II 98 mentions the legates’ ‘besondere Ehrenvorrechte.’ Google Scholar

²⁸ Mensching, G., Das lebendige Wort: Texte aus den Religionen der Völker (Darmstadt 1952) 205. Also cf. The Wisdom of Confucius, Edited and translated with notes by Lin Yutang, chapters 8 and 10 (Modern Library edition [New York 1943] 204–218, 229–237).Google Scholar

²⁹ D. 94 c.1. Durandus also quotes this sentence. The medieval form for dispatching a legate a latere had: ‘quia humana natura non patitur, ut essentia nostri corporis totam simul in diversis locis exhibeat se presentem, illos in partem apostolicae solicitudinis de latere nostro nonnunquam assumimus,’ Speculum 1.1 de leg. § 2 p. 31. Google Scholar

³⁰ JL 5042 (cf. n. 12 supra). Accordingly the unique status of the legatus a latere is characterized by Hofmann (Der Dictatus Papae 89–90) as follows: ‘Während die Legaten von Bischöfen oder Fürsten eine Nachricht überbringen, Botendienst leisten für ihren Auftraggeber, sind die vom Papst ausgehenden Gesandten zugleich Träger der päpstlichen Autorität …, sie sind das Medium, durch das der abwesende Papst persönlich gegenwärtig wird.’ ³¹ MGH, SS 4.769. Google Scholar

³² From the Bohemian Chronicle of Cosmas, MGH, SS 9.87. Google Scholar

³³ In the translation of Leo Allatius, in Raynaldus, Annales eccles. ad ann. 1213 § 6. — The concept which gave rise to the Roman custom is, nevertheless, found also in a specifically Eastern canon, c. 7 of the Trullan Synod (692): ‘Precipimus, ne diaconus … ante presbiterum sedeat, nisi cum locum habuerit proprii patriarche aut metropolitani.; tunc enim sicut illius locum tenens honorabitur,’ D. 93 c. 26. ³⁴ X 5.33 de privileg. c. 23. Google Scholar

³⁵ Berger, E., Les Registres d'innocent IV (Paris 1884–87) n. 4225.Google Scholar

³⁶ Ruess (n. 1 supra) 205 n. 3 seems to doubt the reliability of this account. The canonist Hieronymus Manfredus expressly states the legate can wear the insignia ‘licet alias sit religiosus,’ De cardinalibus c. 18, in Tractatus illustr. 13.2, fol. 91v. Google Scholar

³⁷ The legate's right to give blessings is for the thirteenth century quite certain, on the strength of the text of Innocent IV, not just a probability, as Ruess holds (208–09). It was probably practiced much earlier. From the moment the legate dressed like the pope, he assumed his faculty of blessing the people like the pope. According to Durantis, the cardinal legate Radulph of Albano, upon entering Viterbo, where Clement IV (1265–68) was residing, exercised the right ‘per vias et vicos populo benedicere,’ to which he was not entitled in this case. ‘Sed illud fit de consuetudine vel mandato papae potius quam de iure.’ Speculum 1.1 de legato § 8 p. 57. Google Scholar

³⁸ Ruess 208. Google Scholar

³⁹ Lectura ad X 5.33 de privil. c. 23 Antiqua. Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Sägmüller, , Cardinäle 60 223. Earlier examples of a legate's being commissioned in the consistory are known from the last two decades of the twelfth century. Cf. Friedländer, J. Die päpstlichen Legaten in Deutschland und Italien am Ende des 12. Jahrhunderts (1181–1198) (Hist. Studien 177; Berlin 1928) 135; Ruess 126–28. According to Durandus, the legatus a latere is dispatched ‘de consilio collegii cardinalium et non aliter,’ as is also stated in the old formula of commission, ‘de fratrum nostrorum consilio.’ Spec. 1.1 de legato § 3 p. 31. On this formula, which is used in all important papal decisions, and its difference from the formula ‘de consensu,’ cf. Bresslau, H. Handbuch der Urkundenlehre II (2nd ed. by Klewitz, H. W.; Leipzig 1931) 56–58.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Museum Italicum (Luteciae Parisiorum 1687–89) II 438–43 (PL 78.1270–4).Google Scholar

^41a On Dec. 23, 1571, Sixtus IV created five Cardinal legates : L. von Pastor, Geschichte der Päpste … II (13th ed. Freiburg im B. 1955) 468–472. Google Scholar

⁴² That the legatus a latere does not share in the income of the cardinals results from his claim to the procuratio: the churches of the territory to which he is sent are obliged to defray the cost of the journey, maintenance, and other expenses for the legate and his retinue. The earliest testimony of such a right is found in a text of Gregory II (715–13), which Cardinal Deusdedit has preserved in his canonical collection, 3.141 (ed. Wolf v. Glanvell, Die Kanonessammlung des Kardinals Deusdedit [Paderborn 1905] I 329): ‘Providentes ei necessaria, et comites itineris, cibum etiam ac potum, vel si quo indiguerit’; JE 2160. Deusdedit 2.111 interpolated this right in the formula for a bishop's oath which he took from the Liber diurnus: ‘Promitto … legatum apostolicae sedis euntem et redeuntem cum honore suscipere et in suis necessitatibus adiuvare’ (Glanvell I 238). Innocent III classifies it as a customary right: ‘procurationes … quae consueverunt apostolicae sedis legatis et nunciis exhiberi,’ X 3.39 de censibus et procur. c.17. Paro (101) calls the right ‘a custom common to the period and acknowledged by lay princes.’ It was mainly a misuse of this right which led to the ‘während des ganzen Mittelalters in den verschiedensten Ländern vielfache, heftige, immer mehr wachsende Opposition von staatlicher und kirchlicher Seite gegen die päpstlichen Gesandten’; cf. Sägmüller, Kirchenrecht I 583. For a detailed account, cf. Berlière, U. ‘Ledroit de procuratio ou de gîte; Papes et légats,’ Bulletin Acad. Brussels (1919) 509–38. The legate Napoleon Orsini for instance ‘hatte … es verstanden, seine Legationen, vor allem seine zweite von 1306–09, wenn sie politisch und militärisch auch gescheitert war, zu einem grossartigen finanziellen Erfolg zu gestalten’: Willemson, A., Napoleon Orsini (Historische Studien 172; Berlin 1927) 146. — As to the amount of the cardinal legates’ income, we get an indication in the fact that in 1455 Johannes Carvajal drew an annual salary of 6000 florins. Cf. Fraknói, W., ‘Cardinal Joannes Carvajals Legationen in Ungarn 1448–1461,’ Ungarische Revue 10 (1890) 126. Cardinal Barbo received 2083 florins on Feb. 6, 1472, against his expenses for a journey as legate to Hungary, Poland, and Bohemia: Pastor, Geschichte der Päpste II 470.Google Scholar

⁴³ Museum Italicum II 441–42 (PL 78.1272–3).Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Ed. Gattico, J., Acta selecta caeremonialia (Home 1753) I 69–72.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ A previously unknown collection of documents and sketches from the office of the Master of Ceremonies Johannes Burckard. It will be fully discussed in my unpublished study, Agostino Patrizi und das Caeremoniale Romanum. Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Published 1516 in Venice (Antonio and Silvano Capelli a Bancho) by Marcello Cristoforo as Rituum ecclesiasticorum sive sacrarum ceremoniarum Romanae S.S. Ecclesiae. Libri tres non ante impressi. The edition of Catalani, J. (Rome 1750–51, 2 vols), with a detailed commentary by the editor, is regarded as quasi-official.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ 1.8. The text is printed here according to the Rome edition of 1560, typis Valeriis Dorici fol. 42^v-43. (I 320 in the Catalani edition). An excerpt from his Ordo in MS Vat. lat. 8416 fol. 71 reads: ‘De creatione Legati de Latere. Car^lis creatus Legatus in omnibus facit ut promotus ad episcopatum. Et dum parat se ad iter, visitatur ab aliis car^bus. Adveniente die profectionis exiens a concistorio deducitur ordine quo supra ad portam ciuitatis, ibi gratias agens osculatur etc.’ The term episcopatus here of course means the dignity of a cardinal bishop. Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Fol. 44; Catalani I 328–30. Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Ibid.; Catalani I 329.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ ‘ Quoniam legati officium seu potestas paucis prudentibus innotescit, super quo dubia oriri vidimus infinita, et peritos ad invicem dissentire.’ Speculum 1.1 de legato pr. At the beginning of the sixteenth century some canonists weres till of this opinion, cf. Zimmermann 13.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Lectura ad X 5.33 c.23 Antiqua, § Dominicae v. utens insigniis. Following his lead, Johannes Andreae teaches that the legates could use the papal insignia only ‘cum mare transeunt.’ Antonio de Butrio (1338–1408) is of the same opinion. Cf. Ruess 204–06.Google Scholar

⁵² Should this perhaps read ‘properare’? The use of the papal insignia made the journey easier in that it showed the envoy to be a legatus a latere without need of further identification. Google Scholar

⁵³ Gay, J., Les Registres de Nicolas III (Paris 1898–1904) n. 312.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Odericus Raynaldus ad ann. 1301, § 5. Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Ruess 206. Paro evades the issue: ‘This was especially the case when, for example, a legatus a latere went overseas,’ p. 101. ⁵⁶ Cf. Document III below. Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Lugduni 1518 and in Tractatus illustr. (n. 15 supra) 13.2 fol. 131^v-142^v. Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Q. 1.4; Tractatus illustr. 13.2 fol. 132^v. Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Ibid. fol. 150^v-230^v. On Gambarrus cf. DDC 5 (Paris 1953) 933.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ ‘ Quamvis Hostien. voluerit quod illis insigniis pontificalibus uteretur solum trans mare … Sed vidi legatos his indistincte uti.’: 1, De potestate legati antequam provinciam ingrediatur, fol. 151^v.Google Scholar

⁶¹ ‘ Cardinales, ut Legati sedis apostol. mare transeuntes utuntur vestibus rubeis, palafredo albo, freno et calcaribus deauratis, et sine litteris cardinali creditur, asserenti se legatum sedis apostolicae. Secus est in aliis nuntiis, et legatis, quia illis non creditur, nisi facultatem suam notam faciant.’ q. 13, Tractatus illustr. 13.2 fol. 59. Also cf. Ruess 207. According to the Tract. de potestate legati a latere in Gallia ed. Nicolao Boer (Tract. illustr. 13.2, fol. 142^v-150^v), it was customary in France to publish the papal letter of appointment: ‘legati in ingressu decretae sibi provinciae solent legationis suae literas publicare’: n. 30, fol. 145^v. This was afterwards put in the State archives. In 1471 the departure of the Cardinal legate Bessarion to France was delayed for the reason that a letter of safe conduct had not yet been issued by King Louis XI: Pastor, Geschichte der Päpste II 468.Google Scholar

⁶² Tract. illustr. 13.2, fol. 258–282^v.Google Scholar

⁶³ Q. 5, fol. 259v. — The ceremonial of the legates is mentioned by Villadiego in qq. 5, 6 and 7, fol. 259^v-262. Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Q. 5, fol. 259^v. Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Q. 7, fol. 260^v. — Similarly Jo. Brunellus (Jean Bruneau): ‘Cardinali legato a latere is est exhibendus honos qui et summo pontifici’: Tractatus de dignitate et potestate legati, concl. 9, ibid. fol. 237 Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Q.7, fol. 260^v. Google Scholar

^66a But see below, additional note to the introductory remarks for Document I. Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Cf. p. 305 above. Google Scholar

⁶⁸ The canonistic argument adopted by Burckard (Il 5) from Cardinal Piccolomini is of course not valid. As the jurisdiction of the ordinarius is not suspended by the arrival of a papal leqatus a latere, the latter cannot simply be designated as representing the former. The argument is based on the medieval concept of the unity of the pope and his cardinals in ‘one body.’ Cf. n. 21 above. Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Spec. 1.1 de legato § 4 p. 36. ⁷⁰ Ibid. § 7 p. 53.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Cf. the brief but unusually informative chapter, ‘Kaiser Konstantin unter den Bischöfen in Nicaea’ in Istinsky, H. U., Bischofsstuhl und Kaiserthron (Munich 1955) 38–43.Google Scholar

⁷² Wynen 152. Also cf. Wynen 130–37 on the ceremonial of papal diplomacy. Google Scholar

⁷³ It is indeed to be regretted that the Chair of Peter could not be occupied longer by this churchman who possessed such a grasp of history, political sagacity, sense of ecclesiastical dignity, and human understanding as is displayed by these lines. The Reformation in Germany might well have run a different course if Pius III had been guiding the Church in Leo X's place. Google Scholar

^73a Concerning this ancient Gallican use and its survival in certain parts of Europe, see Jungmann, J. A., Missarum sollemnia (Vienna 1948) II 356–359 (Engl. transl. [by Brunner, F. A., C.SS.R.], The Mass of the Roman Rite II [New York 1955] 294–297).Google Scholar

^73b Since Cardinal Giorgio da Costa was setting out on a legation ‘per omnem Italiam,’ Cardinal Piccolomini says nothing about the ‘episcopal blessing’ in the instructions he drew up for his friend. Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Q. 6, Tract. illustr. 13.2, fol. 260. Google Scholar

⁷⁵ The original meaning of the cardinal's red garb is preserved in the privilege of the Archbishop of Salzburg, who retains to this day the right to the cardinal's red as legatus natus of the Holy See. Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Schmitz, L.-Kallenberg, Practica Cancellariae apostolicae saeculi XV. exeuntis (Münster 1904) xvii-xviii. For a facsimile of a legate's document, cf. ibid. plate II.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Schmitz-Kallenberg xviii. It is highly probable from the outset that the practice attested for the second half of the fifteenth century did not basically originate in that period. Schmitz-Kallenberg's opinion, ‘wie weit dieser Gebrauch zurückgeht, bedarf einer näheren Untersuchung,’ should be reformulated: this custom ought to be considered as having been always in use unless the contrary can be proved. Also cf. Meister, A.'s review in Römische Quartalschrift 20 (1906) 107.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Bresslau, H., Handbuch der Urkundenlehre I (2nd ed. Leipzig 1912) 290–322; W. von Hofmann, Forschungen zur Geschichte der kurialen Behörden vom Schisma bis zur Reformation (Rome 1914) I 243–303, II 209–26; Schmitz-Kallenberg 51–52; Gottlob, A., Aus der Camera Apostolica des 15. Jahrhunderts (Innsbruck 1889) 194.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ The abbreviates are actually private officials of the notaries, who in the fifteenth century are no longer personally involved in drawing up documents: Breslau I 294–5. Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Ibid. 296–99. ⁸¹ Ibid. 303–5. ⁸² Ibid. 308–9. ⁸³ Ibid. 321–22. ⁸⁴ Ibid. 341–42.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ Hofmann I 248; also cf. Bresslau I 342–43. Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Hofmann I 248–56; Bresslau I 329–46. Google Scholar

⁸⁷ Hofmann I 277. ⁸⁸ Göller (n. 1 supra) 236. Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Friedländer, J., Die päpstlichen Legaten in Deutschland und Italien am Ende des 12. Jahrhunderts (1181–1198) (Berlin 1928) 137–38.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ Schmitz-Kallenberg xviii; Göller 236. Google Scholar

⁹¹ Ed. Celani I 653–54. Burckard's account of the events during this mission, in which he himself took part, is found ibid. 615–43. Google Scholar

⁹² At the Curia, fees were originally weekly, later monthly. Cf. Bresslau I 343. Google Scholar

⁹³ An additional fee of 10% was customary in the office of the bullaria, cf. ibid. 341. Google Scholar

⁹⁴ Cf. ibid. 345–46. Google Scholar

⁹⁵ Op. cit. xix.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Commentaria in Regulas cancellariae (Lugduni 1545) 314. At the close of the Middle Ages there were three different formulas in use for the signatura. The Pope signed with ‘Fiat,’ a specially designated referendarius representing the Pope, with ‘Concessum in presencia domini nostri pape,’ the vicecancellarius or his deputy with ‘Concessum’ or ‘Concessum de mandato domini nostri pape.’ Bresslau, H., Handbuch der Urkundenlehre II (n. 40 supra) 104–09. Also cf. Bresslau I 349–52 and E. von Ottenthal, Die päpstlichen Kanzleiregeln von Johannes XXII. bis Nikolaus V. (Innsbruck 1889). Just as the individual popes arranged chancery procedure by their own regulae cancelleriae, so the cardinal legate had the right, as ‘alter ego’ of the pope, to establish certain rules in his chancery. Burckard has incorporated in his Diarium formularies of documents for Bernardino Carvajal's legation of 1496; ed. Celani I 656–68. The formulas begin with the name of the legate, who is called simply ‘Bernardinus.’ According to Ruess 208, the legate would permit only the emperor's name to precede his own.Google Scholar

⁹⁷ p. xix n.1. Google Scholar

¹ MS itenere. Google Scholar

² Francis de Oddis was bishop of Assisi from 1444 to 1456. He was also active as deputy of the cardinal legate in Hungary. Fraknói 126, 131. Google Scholar

³ MS Arch. Cerem. Tilum. I was unable to identify this personage. Google Scholar

⁴ MS primo. Google Scholar

¹ MS prefecto. Google Scholar

² MS procedire. Google Scholar

³ Freely rendered from Ulpianus: Dig. 1.16.6 De officio proconsulis et legati.—This passage was commented upon by Jo. Brunellus (Jean Bruneau), Tractatus de dignitate et poteslate legati, concl. 9, in Tractatus universi juris 13.2 fol. 237^v. Google Scholar

⁴ In Plutarch's Vita of Pericles, par. 8 : καί ποτε τον Σοφοκλέους, ὃτε συστϱατηγῶν ἐξέπλευσε μετ’ αὐτοῦ, παῖδα καλòν ἐπαινέσαντος, « Οὐ μόνον, » ἒφη, « τὰς χεῖϱας, ὦ Σοφóκλεις, δεῖ καθαϱὰς ἒχειν τòν στϱατηγόν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς ὂψεις » (Plutarchi Vitae parallelae, recognoverunt Cl. Lindskog et Ziegler, K., I 2 [Leipzig 1914] 11). The text of MS Arch. Cerem. ends here.Google Scholar

⁵ The continuation of this sentence is found in Burckard's Instruction (Doc. VI 15 below.). Also cf. the introduction to Document VI. Google Scholar

¹ Matth. 22.21. ² 1 Petr. 2.13f. Google Scholar

³ X 1.33 de maioritate et obedicntia c. 6. Google Scholar

⁴ Dig. 1.16 de officio proconsulis et legati L.1. Google Scholar

⁵ Hostiensis (Henricus de Segusio), Lectura ad X 5.33 de privilegiis c. 23 v. utens insigniis. Google Scholar

⁶ MS + ex quo, crossed out. Google Scholar

⁷ Marcianus, Dig. 1.16.2. ⁸ Ulpianus, Dig. 1.16.4.6. Google Scholar

⁹ Durandus, Guilelmus, Speculum 1.1 de leg. § 7 p. 53.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Ulpianus, Dig. 1.16.4.3. ¹¹ Ulpianus, Dig. 1.16.6.3. ¹² Joh. 15.5. Google Scholar

¹³ Missale Romanum, Dom. III post Pentecosten.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Ibid. Dom. I post Pentecosten. ¹⁵ Nov. 6 (Auth. coll. 1.6) pr.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Here follows the text of the liturgical prayer for travelers, ‘Itinerarium.’ Of the four orations ending the modern version, only the first two are given: ‘Deus qui filios Israel’ and ‘Deus qui Abraham’; but they are here the third and the fourth, preceded by the orations ‘Actiones nostras’ and ‘Omnipotens.’ Google Scholar

¹⁷ Dist. 93 cc. 1 and 26. Google Scholar

¹⁸ Nov. 6 (Auth. coll. 1.6) pr. Google Scholar

¹⁹ MS + cum regia, crossed out. ²⁰ MS dicendus. ²¹ MS parthe. Google Scholar

²² MS legato. Google Scholar

²³ MS Sanctus, added by another hand; + et, crossed out. ²⁴ MS dari. Google Scholar

¹ Agostino Patrizi's ‘Ceremonie Legati de Latere’ (Doc. III). Google Scholar

² The title ‘rex Romanorum’ for the uncrowned emperor first appears under Henry III in 1010. Schramm, P. E., Kaiser, Rom und Renovatio (Leipzig 1929) I 227 n. 4.Google Scholar

³ Son of Emperor Charles IV; crowned king of Hungary in 1387, elected German king in 1410, crowned emperor in Rome by Eugene IV in 1433, died in 1437. Google Scholar

⁴ Elected German king in 1440, crowned by Nicholas V in 1452 at the last imperial coronation in Rome. Google Scholar

⁵ At the Council of Union, Ferrara (1437–39) - Florence (1439). Google Scholar

⁶ Johannes Carvajal. Cf. Doc. I above. Google Scholar

⁷ Bessarion of Trapezunt, bishop of Nicaea, created cardinal in 1439 by Eugene IV, supporter of the union at the Council of Ferrara-Florence, champion of the projected crusade, humanistic scholar, an ornament of the college of cardinals in his day. As cardinal legate he was sent to the peace negociations between Milan and Venice in 1449, to Bologna in 1450, to Germany in 1461 (Cardinal Piccolomini makes reference to this mission), in 1463 to Venice again, in 1471 to France. On the way back from this last mission, Bessarion died at Ravenna in 1472. LThK 2 (1931) 247–48.Google Scholar

⁸ Francesco Piccolomini was appointed cardinal legate to the Parliament of Regensburg, February 18, 1471, left Rome March 18th, and returned December 27th. He was also legatus a latere in the years 1460–61, 1464, 1488–89, and 1494–95. Agostino Patrizi was in the legate's retinue on his mission to Germany, which he described in a text ‘De legatione Germanica Fr. Piccolominei Cardinalis Senensis,’ ed. Freher-Struve, Rerum Germanicarum Scriptores II (Argentorati, Dulssecker, J. R. 1717) 288–92. Also cf. Ph. Dengel, Eine Beschreibung Tirols aus dem Jahre 1471 (Innsbruck 1932) and Kramer, H., ‘Agostino Patrizzis Beschreibung der Reise des Kardinallegaten Francesco Piccolomini zum Christentag in Regensburg 1471,’ Mitteilungen des Österr. Staatsarchivs, Ergänzungsband 2 (Festschrift 1; 1949) 549–565. In this document one may note particularly the passages in which Patrizi tells of the Cardinal's return of gifts made by princes (Kramer 552 n. 2); of his meeting with the Emperor (556 n. 2a); of his bearing in the company of high and low (555 n.2); of details relating to his household and chancery (ibid.).Google Scholar

⁹ Auxias de Podio, cardinal since 1473, was appointed legatus a latere to Germany on April 21, 1479, left Rome on May 17th, and returned December 1st (Eubel II 47.380, 382, 389). Google Scholar

¹⁰ At the time of Cardinal Piccolomini's mission to Germany, Adolf of Nassau was archbishop of Mainz (1461–75). Google Scholar

¹¹ MS nullium. Google Scholar

¹² The saint preached daily in Vienna from June 7 to July 27, 1451, and again in 1454. Hofer, J., Johannes von Capestrano (Innsbruck 1936) 322–23, 581.Google Scholar

¹³ The question here has concrete reference to Maximilian. Google Scholar

¹⁴ Johannes Carvajal. Google Scholar

¹⁵ Ladislaus V, Posthumus (1440–57), son of the German king, Albert II, crowned king of Hungary soon after his birth, raised in Austria as ward of Frederick III, since Wladislaw I of Poland held the Hungarian throne. Upon the latter's death, Johannes Hunyady took over the reins of governement on behalf of Ladislaus, who did not come to Hungary until 1452. In 1453 he was crowned king of Bohemia. He seems to have been assassinated by poisoning. Google Scholar

¹⁶ MS facili. ¹⁷ MS + me. Google Scholar

¹⁸ Giovanni Gigli, a cleric of Lucca, papal collector in England from 1476 to 1490, representative of Henry VII before the pope at Rome in 1496, thesaurarius in 1497. Richard, P., ‘Origines des nonciatures permanentes,’ Rev. d'hist. eccl. 7 (1906) 328–29.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Marco Barbo, nephew of Pope Paul II, created cardinal of San Marco by his uncle, was sent to Germany, Hungary and Poland in 1472 to arrange for fighting the Turks. The fact that Giovanni Gigli was in his retinue does not seem to be mentioned in other sources. Google Scholar

¹ MS 5633: Xstamus. Google Scholar

² MS apparatam. Google Scholar

¹ Instructio — Legatione: in the margin, in the hand of Paris de Grassis. Google Scholar

² Inter crucem — recipiunt underlined, a reference mark in the margin.Google Scholar

³ MS + legationis. Google Scholar

⁴ Inter qnam — locum teneat underlined, reference mark in the margin.Google Scholar

⁵ MS ipsam. Google Scholar

⁶ Two added letters crossed out. Google Scholar

⁷ MS invitant. ^7a MS Bernardum. ⁸ MS spiritui. Google Scholar

⁹ Lacuna of one and a half lines. Google Scholar

¹⁰ An added word crossed out, illegible. Google Scholar

¹¹ MS hunc. ¹² MS pronuntiatio. ¹³ MS facere. Google Scholar

^13a Thus MS. ³⁴ a S^mo —incipiendi underlined. Google Scholar

¹⁵ Rochetum cum underlined.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Cf. Doc. II [9] and n. 3. Google Scholar

¹⁷ Cf. ibid. and n. 4. Google Scholar

¹⁸ An added word crossed out, illegible. ¹⁹ MS ut. Google Scholar

²⁰ De consideratione 4.4.12: ‘Qui missi, post aurum non eant, sed Christum sequantur: qui quaestum legationem non aestiment, nec requirant datum, sed fructum.’ (I am indebted to Father Thomas Merton, Gethsemani Abbey, Kentucky, for having identified this passage.Google Scholar

²¹ MS + integritate v(el). ²² lavabit — genuflectunt underlined. Google Scholar

²³ h(oc) e(st) above quod, which is crossed out.Google Scholar

²⁴ nullomodo — Episcopi crossed out.Google Scholar

²⁵ MS legato. ²⁶ MS R ^me. Google Scholar

^26a MS + conioneat. The following sentences make a disorderly and sketchy impression. Since it is obviously not a matter of a copyist's mistakes, I have made no attempt at emending the text. ²⁷ MS illo. Google Scholar

²⁸ MS + ante aquam, crossed out. Google Scholar

²⁹ MS + stante, crossed out. Google Scholar

³⁰ MS eum. Google Scholar

³¹ MS + loca. Google Scholar

³² MS + et mitram preciosam, crossed out. Google Scholar

³³ MS + usque ad medium. Tum similiter incensat reliquias seu imagines supra altare versus cornu Evangelii positas. ³⁴ MS + fecit. Google Scholar

³⁵ MS vesperibus. Google Scholar

¹ Thus MS. ² Added by another hand. Google Scholar

² MS cruci. Google Scholar

³ Added by another hand. ¹ MS + nisi, crossed out. Google Scholar

¹ Until here Burckard's autograph; the rest by a considerably later hand. Google Scholar

² Thus Burckard, who here crossed out the phrase of the scribe, Surgit pontifex et stans detecto capite versus ad crucem dicit. Google Scholar

³ The scribe here had actus famulorum tuorum; corrected by Burckard. Google Scholar

⁴ The MS has the full text of these orations. Google Scholar

¹ Perhaps an allusion to Patrizi's Cerimonie Legati de Latere (Doc. III), which may have been known to the writer. Google Scholar

² Grossed out, illegible. Google Scholar

³ The Master of Ceremonies Johannes Burckard was bishop of Orte, cf. introductory remarks to this document. Google Scholar

⁴ Bernardinus Gutteri (Gutierez) from Salamanca, master of ceremonies with Burckard, cf. ibid. Google Scholar

⁵ Only one person of this name is known in connection with the papal office of ceremonies: Paris de Grassis in one place states that he acted for Burckard's successor, the Master of Ceremonies Balthassar of Viterbo, ‘simul cum nepote meo Hippolito.’ The passage is printed in Thuasne, L.'s edition of Burckard's Diarium, III xliii n. 4.Google Scholar

⁶ Cf. Document VI [4] at n. 10. Google Scholar