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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 29 July 2016
An important area of investigation in both historical and contemporary liturgical theology is the relationship between the theology of liturgy and the theology of the Trinity. Liturgical theologians are beginning to examine more closely the intrinsic trinitarian grounding of Christian worship and prayer. Systematic theologians, for their part, have explored various aspects of sacramental and liturgical theology as the foundation of a full and fruitful exploration of trinitarian theology.
1 One of the most notable of these scholars was, until his death in 1994, Edward Kilmartin, J., One, S.J. would find it difficult to overestimate the impact of his research on the area of liturgical studies, or the loss felt by his former students and colleagues since his death. It is to his memory that this article is dedicated.Google Scholar
I would also like to thank the members of the Issues in Medieval Liturgy seminar of the North American Academy of Liturgy, as well as Mary Schaefer, M., for their helpful comments.Google Scholar
The following abbreviations are used throughout: Baroffio and Dell’Oro = Bonifacio Baroffio and Ferdinand Dell’Oro, “L'ordo missae del vescovo Warmundo d'Ivrea,” Studi Medievali, ser. 3, 16 (1975): 795–824; Botte = Bernard Botte, O.S.B., Le canon de la messe romaine: Édition critique (Louvain, 1935); Bragança = Joaquim Bragança, O., “O ‘Ordo Missae’ de Reichenau,” Didaskalia 1 (1971): 137–61; EL = Ephemerides Liturgicae; GrD = Le sacramentaire grégorien, ed. Jean Deshusses, Spicilegium Friburgense 16, 24, 28 (Fribourg, 1971, 1979, 1982); Lemarié = Jean Lemarié, “Le pontifical d’Hugues de Salins, son ‘ordo missae’ et son ‘libellus precum’,” Studi Medievali, ser. 3, 19 (1978): 363–425; Leroquais = Victor Leroquais, “L‘ordo missae du sacramentaire d’Amiens,” EL 41 (1927): 435–45; Martène = Edmond Martène, De antiquis Ecclesiae ritibus (1737; reprint Hildesheim, 1967), 1.4.12; MRR 1, 2 = Joseph Jungmann, A., Mass of the Roman Rite, 2 vols., trans. Francis Brunner, A. (Westminster, Md., 1986; Vienna, 1950); Pierce, “Sacerdotal Spirituality” = Joanne Pierce, M., “Sacerdotal Spirituality at Mass: The Prayerbook of Sigebert of Minden (1022–1036)” (Ph.D. diss., University of Notre Dame, 1988); Rasmussen = Niels Rasmussen, K., O.P., “An Early ordo missae from Hamburg with a litania abecedaria addressed to Christ (Rome, Bibl. Vallicelliana. Cod. B 141, XI cent.),” EL 98 (1984): 198–211; RB = Revue Bénédictine; Salmon = Pierre Salmon, “L‘ Ordo missae dans dix manuscrits du Xe au XVe siècle,” in Analecta liturgica, ST 273 (Vatican City, 1974), 195–221; ST = Studi e Testi. Google Scholar
2 There is a growing body of literature on the problem of liturgical inculturation. Some of the best work, for example, Anscar Chupungco, O.S.B., Cultural Adaptation of the Liturgy (Mahwah, N. J., 1982), examines the issue from a historical perspective, using examples from key moments in Christian history (and the liturgical changes emerging from them) to shed light on the contemporary problems in the relationship between liturgy and culture. See also idem, Worship: Beyond Inculturation (Washington, D. C., 1994). The movement of Christian belief and worship from the cultural world of antiquity to the cultural world of northern Europe is one crucial instance of a “true ‘global’ paradigm change” (Kenan Osborne, O.F.M., “Eucharistic Theology Today,” in The Eucharist, vol. 3: Alternative Futures for Worship [Collegeville, Minn., 1987], 105). See also Pierre-Marie Gy, O.P., “The Inculturation of the Christian Liturgy in the West,” Studia Liturgica 20 (1990): 8–18 (the entire volume deals with the issue of liturgical inculturation, the topic of the 1989 Congress of the Societas Liturgica); and Joanne Pierce, M., “Early Medieval Liturgy: Some Implications for Contemporary Liturgical Practice,” Worship 65 (1991): 509–22.Google Scholar
3 Pierce, “Early Medieval Liturgy,” 511.Google Scholar
4 Entitled “Qualiter missa romana caelebratur,” a one-paragraph description mentions the introit, the Kyrie, the Gloria (on certain occasions), the oratio (or opening prayer), the apostolum, the gradualem or alleluia, the euangelium, the offertorium and the oblationem super oblata. It then provides the complete texts for the preface and Roman canon (with the sursum corda dialogue), concluded by the Lord's Prayer, the Pax, and the incipit of the Agnus Dei (GrD 2–20). Part of the text can also be found in Cyrille Vogel, Medieval Liturgy: An Introduction to the Sources, trans. and rev. William Storey, G. and Niels Krogh Rasmussen, O.P., (Washington, D. C., 1986), 158. See also Jean Deshusses, “The Sacramentaries: A Progress Report,” Liturgy 18 (1984), 39 (cited in Vogel, Medieval Liturgy, 125, n. 223).Google Scholar
5 See Vogel, Medieval Liturgy, 144–46, 155–60.Google Scholar
6 See Leroquais, 435–38. Others, however, have assigned a later, tenth-century date to this manuscript: see Klaus Gamber, Codices Liturgici Latini Antiquiores 1, 2, Spicilegium Friburgense Subsidia 1, pars secunda (Fribourg, 1968), 411, no. 910.Google Scholar
7 See Boniface Luykx, De oorsprong van het gewone der Mis, Heft 3: De Eredienst der kerk (Utrecht/Antwerp, 1954); German trans. Johannes Madey, “Der Ursprung der gleichbleibenden Teile der heiligen Messe (Ordinarium Missae),” Liturgie und Mönchtum 29 (1961): 72–119 (published under the title Priestertum und Mönchtum). See also Joanne Pierce, M., “The Evolution of the ordo missae in the Early Middle Ages,” in Essays in Medieval Liturgy, ed. Lizette Larson-Miller (New York, forthcoming).Google Scholar
8 See Pierce, “Early Medieval Liturgy,” 514. Pierre Salmon notes that such private prayers could indeed have been recited communally (“Libelli precum du VIIIe au XIIe siècle,” Analecta liturgica, ST 273 [Vatican City, 1974], esp. 189–90). See also n. 51 below.Google Scholar
9 Bishop, Edmond, “The Litany of the Saints in the Stowe Missal,” in Liturgica Historica (Oxford, 1918), 138–39.Google Scholar
10 See Louis Gougaud, “Étude sur les loricae celtiques et sur les prières qui s'en rapprochent,” Bulletin d'ancienne littérature et d'archéologie chrétiennes (1911): 265–81; (1912): 33–41, 101–27, esp. 33–34.Google Scholar
11 For a more complete discussion, see Joanne Pierce, “New Research Directions in Medieval Liturgy: The Liturgical Books of Sigebert of Minden (1022–1036),” in Fountain of Life, ed. Gerard Austin, O.P. (Washington, D. C., 1991), 51–67. The original manuscript, Codex Helmstadiensis 1151, is in the Herzog August Bibliothek in Wolfenbüttel, Germany. The eucharistic section was edited in 1557 by Matthias Flacius Illyricus; the ordo missae became known as the Missa Illyrica. This edition can most easily be found in Martène, Ordo 4, cols. 489–528; see also PL 138: 1301–36, although this version should be used with some caution. For a new edition of the entire manuscript, see Pierce, “Sacerdotal Spirituality,” which is presently being revised for publication. For the sources of the Martène edition, see Aimé-Georges Martimort, La documentation liturgique de Dom Edmond Martène. Étude codicologique, ST 279 (Vatican City, 1978); and idem, “Additions et corrections à La documentation liturgique de Dom Edmond Martène,” Ecclesia Orans 3 (1986): 81–105. See also Harmut Hoffmann, Buchkunst und Königtum im ottonischen und frühsalischen Reich, MGH Schriften, vol. 30.1 (Stuttgart, 1986), 91, 374–76, 398; and Wolfgang Milde, “Die Handschriften des Bischofs Sigebert von Minden,” in Lectionarium: Berlin, Ehem. Preussische Staatsbibliothek, Ms. theol. lat. qu. 1 (z. Zt. Krakow, Biblioteka Jagiellónska, Depositum), ed. Martin Klöckener, Codices illuminati medii aevi, 18 (Munich, 1993), 7–25.Google Scholar
12 For a more detailed discussion of this rite, see Joanne Pierce, M., “Early Medieval Vesting Prayers in the ordo missae of Sigebert of Minden (1022–1036),” in Rule of Prayer, Rule of Faith: Essays in Honor of Aidan Kavanagh, O.S.B., ed. Nathan Mitchell and John Baldovin, F., S.J. (Collegeville, Minn., 1996), 80–105.Google Scholar
13 For this reason, the search for parallels to the Minden texts will be limited to several manuscripts antedating the twelfth century.Google Scholar
14 Blessings addressed to the three Persons of the Trinity (Pater/Deus … Filius, Sanctus Spiritus) will be omitted, primarily for space considerations.Google Scholar
15 Pierce, “Sacerdotal Spirituality,” no. 77; Martène, col. 501. The original spelling and punctuation used in the manuscript will be retained here.Google Scholar
16 At this point in the manuscript (and elsewhere, for example, the vesting rite before Mass), the rubrics refer explicitly to the episcopus, or bishop. The more general term most often used in the manuscript, sacerdos, could refer to the bishop himself or (more usually by the eleventh century) to a priest of the cathedral who might be using its liturgical books. See Pierre-Marie Gy, O.P., “Notes on the Early Terminology of the Christian Priesthood,” in The Sacrament of Holy Orders, ed. Bernard Botte et al. (Collegeville, Minn., 1962), 98–115, esp. 107 and 115. See also Pierce, “Vesting Prayers,” 83, n. 11, and 87.Google Scholar
17 Or perhaps to recite as many as time would permit. Fernand Cabrol seems to assume that every prayer text would indeed be recited; he estimates that the celebration of this formal, pontifical ordo missae would have lasted from cockcrow to noon. See Cabrol, “La messe latine de Flacius Illyricus,” RB 22 (1905), 153. This seems unlikely; even though this ordo missae is designed for large celebrations involving the bishop and clergy of the diocese of Minden, the time required in using the complete ordo seems excessive. The alia directive should be interpreted as meaning “another,” implying a choice within a series, not “next” in the sense of required steps; see Pierce, “Sacerdotal Spirituality,” 449–50, and “Vesting Prayers,” 84, n. 12.Google Scholar
18 Pierce, “Sacerdotal Spirituality,” no. 197; Martène, col. 517.Google Scholar
19 It is found in the Gregorian sacramentary, listed as GrD 2077, a post-communion prayer for a Missa Sacerdotis. It is also found in the tenth-century sacramentary of Fulda, and is connected with the final kiss of the altar in several of the Frankish or Germanic ordines missae from the ninth century on, including Amiens (Leroquais, 444, “Expleto offitio sanctum osculetur altare dicens”) and the early eleventh-century ordo missae of Reichenau; see Bragança, no. 60. In other ordines, it is still placed among the prayers after the mass; examples include: the ordo missae of Warmund of Ivrea, ca. 1000 (Baroffio and Dell’Oro, no. w, 50); the eleventh-century ritual-votive missal of Hamburg (Rasmussen, no. 24); and the eleventh-century pontifical of Hugh of Salins (Lemarié, no. 85). It is also found in an Italian (possibly Monte Cassino) ordo missae of the eleventh or early twelfth century (Salmon, 202), and it appears in several contemporary ordines missae reprinted by Martène: a mid-eleventh-century ordo from Saint-Denis (Martène, Ordo 5, col. 528); the tenth-century sacramentary of Ratoldus of Corbie (ibid., Ordo 11, col. 568); the mid-eleventh-century pontifical of Salzburg-Séez (ibid., Ordo 13, col. 579); and the eleventh-century ordo from Stavelot (ibid., Ordo 15, col. 594). Here, see also Pierce, “Sacerdotal Spirituality,” 255, no. 197, and 427–28, no. 197.Google Scholar
20 “Placeat tibi, sancta Trinitas, obsequium servitutis meae: et praesta; ut sacrificium, quod oculis tuae maiestatis indignus obtuli, tibi sit acceptabile, mihique et omnibus, pro quibus illud obtuli, sit, te miserante, propitiabile. Per Christum, Dominum nostrum. Amen.” Text taken from Bernard Botte, O.S.B. and Christine Mohrmann, L'Ordinaire de la Messe (Paris and Louvain, 1953), 92.Google Scholar
21 MRR 2:437–38.Google Scholar
22 For a more detailed discussion, see Joseph Jungmann, “The Defeat of Teutonic Arianism and the Revolution in Religious Culture in the Early Middle Ages,” in Pastoral Liturgy (New York, 1962), 1–101, esp. 23–38.Google Scholar
23 MRR 1:80.Google Scholar
24 Ibid.Google Scholar
25 Ibid., 78.Google Scholar
26 Ibid., 80.Google Scholar
27 Jungmann, Joseph, The Place of Christ in Liturgical Prayer, trans. Peeler, A. (Staten Island, N.Y., 1964), 95.Google Scholar
28 See Jungmann, “The Defeat of Teutonic Arianism,” 43–48.Google Scholar
29 Pierce, “Sacerdotal Spirituality,” no. 31; Martène, col. 493.Google Scholar
30 Pierce, “Sacerdotal Spirituality,” no. 32; Martène, col. 493.Google Scholar
31 At Ivrea (Baroffio and Dell’Oro, no. 8). It is also found in an eleventh-century libellus precum from an Irish monastery in Rome (Salmon, “Libelli precum” [n. 8 above], 166, no. 414); see the commentary on the prayer Dominator Domine Deus, below. It is also found at Salins (Lemarié, no. 20), as well as Saint-Denis (Martène, col. 521), Stavelot (ibid., col. 587–88), and two other ordines in the same section: the mid-eleventh century missal of Troyes (ibid., Ordo 6, col. 530); and an eleventh-century text from San Vincenzo al Volturno (ibid., Ordo 12, col. 570). See Pierce, “Sacerdotal Spirituality,” 317 and 163 (critical apparatus for no. 32).Google Scholar
32 That of Hugh of Salins (Lemarié, no. 20).Google Scholar
33 See André Wilmart, Auteurs spirituels et textes dévots du môyen–âge (Paris, 1932; reprint 1971), 102.Google Scholar
34 Pierce, “Sacerdotal Spirituality,” 316, 332–33; see also MRR 1: 298–300.Google Scholar
35 Other characteristics (which appear in other prayers included in the Minden ordo missae) include: reference to the altar; confession before ministerial assistants; the request for the intercession of the Church and/or individually-named saints; and, at times, an actual list of specific sins. See MRR 1:300–301. For further close textual analysis, see Joaquim Bragança, “A apologia ‘Suscipe confessionem meam,’ ” Didaskalia 1 (1971): 319–34.Google Scholar
36 Botte and Mohrmann, L’Ordinaire (n. 20 above), 73 n. 1.Google Scholar
37 MRR 2:46 n. 21; see also idem, The Place of Christ, 88–89, 221–23.Google Scholar
38 See Paul Tirot, “Les prières d'offertoire du VIIe au XVIe siècle,” EL 98 (1984): 148–97, esp. 162.Google Scholar
39 MRR 2:109.Google Scholar
40 Ibid., 46.Google Scholar
41 Ibid., 46 n. 20. See also Pierce, “Sacerdotal Spirituality,” 368–71. For more on the Hanc igitur, see n. 81 below.Google Scholar
42 Pierce, “Sacerdotal Spirituality,” no. 115; Martène, col. 508. See also Salins (Lemarié, no. 41), Troyes (Martène, col. 532), and Stavelot (ibid., col. 590).Google Scholar
43 Pierce, “Sacerdotal Spirituality,” no. 122; Martène, col. 509. See also GrD 3122, 4392; Amiens (Leroquais, 441); Reichenau (Bragança, no. 33); Ivrea (Baroffio and Dell’Oro, no. 30); Salins (Lemarié, no. 51); Saint-Denis (Martène, col. 524); Troyes (ibid., col. 533); Salzburg-Séez (ibid., col. 577); Stavelot (ibid., cols. 590–91); and an early eleventh-century text from Tours (ibid., Ordo 7, col. 536). It can also be found in the tenth-century ordo missae from Nonantola (Salmon, 199); and the Italian (Monte Cassino) ordo (ibid., 201). The citations from Salmon must be used with care for these highly variable texts, since he lists the contents of these manuscripts by incipit only. The later, stable form of the prayer can be found in Botte and Mohrmann, L’Ordinaire, 72. The text reads: Suscipe, sancta Trinitas, hanc oblationem, quam tibi offerimus ob memoriam passionis, resurrectionis et ascensionis Iesu Christi Domini nostri; et in honorem beatae Mariae semper Virginis, et beati Ioannis Baptistae, et sanctorum Apostolorum Petri et Pauli, et istorum et omnium Sanctorum: ut illis proficiat ad honorem, nobis autem ad salutem: et illi pro nobis intercedere dignentur in caelis, quorum memoriam agimus in terris. Per eundem Christum Dominum nostrum. Amen.Google Scholar
44 “Unde et memores sumus domine nos tui serui sed et plebs tua sancta christi filii tui domine dei nostri tam beatae passionis necnon et ab inferis resurrectionis sed et in caelos gloriosae ascensionis offerimus praeclarae maiestati tuae de tuis donis ac datis hostiam puram hostiam sanctam hostiam immaculatam panem sanctum uitae aeternae et CALICEM SALUTIS PERPETUAE [emphasis in edition].” See Botte, 40.Google Scholar
45 Botte and Mohrmann, L’Ordinaire, 80–82.Google Scholar
46 “Communicantes et memoriam uenerantes in primis gloriosae semper uirginis mariae genetricis dei et domini nostri iesu christi sed et beatorum apostolorum ac martyrum tuorum petri pauli andreae iacobi iohannis thomae iacobi philippi bartholomaei matthaei simonis et thaddaei lini cleti clementis xysti cornelii cypriani laurentii chrysogoni iohannis et pauli cosmae et damiani et omnium sanctorum tuorum quorum meritis precibusque concedas ut in omnibus protectionis tuae muniamur auxilio per christum dominum nostrum.” Cited in Botte, 34–36.Google Scholar
47 Pierce, “Sacerdotal Spirituality,” no. 123; Martène, col. 509.Google Scholar
48 Pierce, “Sacerdotal Spirituality,” no. 124; Martène, col. 509.Google Scholar
49 Pierce, “Sacerdotal Spirituality,” no. 127; Martène, col. 509.Google Scholar
50 It is found in some manuscripts of the Gregorian sacramentary (GrD 3124, 4394), and is widely attested in the ordines missae of the ninth through eleventh centuries. It appears first in the ordo missae of Amiens (Leroquais, 442: Memoria Sacerdotis), and later in Reichenau (Bragança, no. 39), Ivrea (Baroffio and Dell’Oro, no. 31), and Salins (Lemarié, no. 55). The text is also found in Saint-Denis (Martène, col. 525) and Stavelot (ibid., col. 590). Note also the incipit cited in Nonantola (Salmon, 199). See Pierce, “Sacerdotal Spirituality,” 377–78, and no. 124.Google Scholar
51 The text appears in a longer form in the ninth-century prayerbook of Charles the Bald. At present, the only edition of this manuscript is Ninguada, Liber Precationum quas Carolus Calvus … (Ingolstadt, 1583), 112–13. See also Salmon, 189–90.Google Scholar
52 According to the Vulgate text and numbering, the first is Ps 50:11 (averte faciem tuam), the second, Ps 27:2 (Exaudi Domine vocem), the third, (the final couplet), Ps 101:2 (Domine exaudi). Earlier versions of the prayer also close with certain psalm verses, but the texts are different, emphasizing sacrificial or eucharistic themes, e.g. the chalice of salvation (Ps 115:12–13). See Pierce, “Sacerdotal Spirituality,” 377.Google Scholar
53 It does appear in Reichenau (Bragança, no. 35).Google Scholar
54 Pierce, “Sacerdotal Spirituality,” no. 42 (Indulgentiam et remissionem); Martène, col. 495, where it is mistakenly reproduced as the incipit line of a separate prayer.Google Scholar
55 MRR 2:46.Google Scholar
56 Ibid., 46–47.Google Scholar
57 Pierce, “Sacerdotal Spirituality,” no. 128: Pro familiaribus ac fratribus et sororibus; Martène, col. 509–10.Google Scholar
58 See Vogel, Medieval Liturgy (n. 4 above), 70; the manuscript was edited by K. (L. C.) Mohlberg, Eizenhöfer, L., and Siffrin, P., Missale Gallicanum Vetus (Rome, 1958), no. 3463 (Ruland 3).Google Scholar
59 Compare with Amiens (Leroquais, 441), Reichenau (Bragança, no. 34), and Saint-Denis (Martène, cols. 524–25). The text can also be found in Salzburg-Séez (ibid., col. 577), Stavelot (ibid., col. 591), and Troyes (ibid., col. 533). Note also the incipits listed in the Nonantola ordo (Salmon, 199). For further discussion, see Pierce, “Sacerdotal Spirituality,” 379.Google Scholar
60 Pierce, “Sacerdotal Spirituality,” no. 129; Martène, col. 510.Google Scholar
61 A stock phrase: see Ernest Kantorowicz, Laudes Regiae. A Study in Liturgical Acclamations and Medieval Ruler Worship (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1958), 99, n. 119.Google Scholar
62 The earlier Gallican and Gregorian forms refer to the emperor (imperator) and to the kingdom of the Franks (regni Francorum). See Pierce, “Sacerdotal Spirituality,” 380.Google Scholar
63 This prayer can be found in the Gregorian sacramentary tradition (GrD 3097, 3123, 4393); Amiens (Leroquais, 442); Ivrea (Baroffio and Dell’Oro, no. 32); Stavelot (Martène, col. 591); and Troyes (ibid., col. 533). Note a similar text in Reichenau (Bragança, no. 34), and compare with Nonantola (Salmon, 199). See also Pierce, “Sacerdotal Spirituality,” 379–80.Google Scholar
64 Pierce, “Sacerdotal Spirituality,” no. 130; Martène, col. 510. Note also the incipit, “Oratio pro statu s. Ecclesiae et pro omnibus vivis quibus debitores sumus,” in the Nonantola ordo (Salmon, 199).Google Scholar
65 “Te igitur clementissime pater per iesum christum filium tuum dominum nostrum supplices rogamus et petimus uti accepta habeas et benedicas haec dona haec munera haec sancta sacrificia inlibata in primis quae tibi offerimus pro ecclesia tua sancta catholica quam pacificare custodire adunare et regere digneris toto orbe terrarum una cum famulo tuo papa nostro illo” (Botte, 32).Google Scholar
66 Ibid., 53–54.Google Scholar
67 Pierce, “Sacerdotal Spirituality,” no. 131; Martène, col. 510.Google Scholar
68 Pierce, “Sacerdotal Spirituality,” no. 132; Martène, col. 510.Google Scholar
69 Reichenau (Bragança, nos. 36 and 37); Salins (Lemarié, nos. 52 and 56). The incipits also appear in the Nonantola ordo (Salmon, 199).Google Scholar
70 For example, the celebrant's prayers include phrases such as “prosit mihi ad tutamen mentis et corporis” (Pierce, “Sacerdotal Spirituality,” no. 176); “gratiam salutis ac sanitatem animae” (ibid., no. 177); and, in the communion formula for the subdeacons or other clerics, “sanctificet corpus et animam tuam in uitam aeternam” (ibid., no. 188; Martène, cols. 515–16). See also the second of the three Suscipe sancta Trinitas prayers, above, recited for the celebrant himself; it, too, refers to the act of making an offering to God for the forgiveness of his sins and “pro sanitate corporis et animae meae.”Google Scholar
71 Pierce, “Sacerdotal Spirituality,” no. 133; Martène, col. 510.Google Scholar
72 Pierce, “Sacerdotal Spirituality,” no. 134; Martène, col. 510.Google Scholar
73 Pierce, “Sacerdotal Spirituality,” no. 135; Martène, col. 510.Google Scholar
74 GrD 3069: Super oblata (Missa pro defuncto); GrD 4395: Memoria defunctorum. Google Scholar
75 Amiens (Leroquais, 442), Saint-Denis (Martène, col. 525), Salzburg-Séez (ibid., col. 577), Stavelot (ibid., col. 591), and Troyes (ibid., col. 533). See Pierce, “Sacerdotal Spirituality,” 224 and 381–82. The incipit also appears in Nonantola (Salmon, 199).Google Scholar
76 For example, the bride on her wedding day, or the bishop at his consecration (MRR 2:181–82). The prayer appears to have been “reworked” and cast into a standard form about the time of Pope Gregory the Great (V. Kennedy, L., “The pre-Gregorian Hanc Igitur,” EL 50 [1936]: 349–58).Google Scholar
77 “Hanc igitur oblationem seruitutis nostrae sed et cunctae familiae tuae quaesumus domine ut placatus accipias diesque nostros in tua pace disponas atque ab aeterna damnatione nos eripi et in electorum tuorum iubeas grege numerari per christum dominum nostrum” (Botte, 36).Google Scholar
78 Reichenau (Bragança, no. 38) and Salins (Lemarié, no. 57), as well as Stavelot (Martène, col. 591). Compare with the text found in Salzburg-Séez (ibid., col. 577); the incipit also appears in Nonantola (Salmon, 199).Google Scholar
79 See Salins (Lemarié, no. 53).Google Scholar
80 See Pierce, “Early Medieval Liturgy” (n. 2 above), 512–14. The classic discussion of prayer style and provenance can be found in Edmund Bishop, “The Genius of the Roman Rite,” in Liturgica Historica (n. 9 above), 1–19.Google Scholar
81 Pierce, “Sacerdotal Spirituality,” no. 136; Martène, col. 510.Google Scholar
82 See Joseph Braun, “Alter und Herkunft der sog. Missa Illyrica,” Stimmen aus Maria Laach 69 (1905): 143–55. See also Pierce, “Sacerdotal Spirituality,” 52–67, 109–12, 127–28, and idem, “New Research Directions” (n. 11 above), 57.Google Scholar
83 Warren, Frederick E., The Liturgy and Ritual of the Celtic Church (Oxford, 1881), 261; cf. Pierce, “Sacerdotal Spirituality,” 104.Google Scholar
84 Most manuscript witnesses to the Memento Domine section of the Roman canon read circum adstantium, while the 1481 edition of the Missale Romanum reads circumstantium. See Botte, 32, and Botte and Mohrmann, L’Ordinaire (n. 20 above), 76.Google Scholar
85 “Memento domine famulorum famularumque tuarum et omnium circum adstantium quorum tibi fides cognita est …” Botte, 32–34.Google Scholar
86 Since the manuscript is incomplete, it is not known what other prayer texts may have been originally included.Google Scholar
87 Pierce, “Sacerdotal Spirituality,” no. 230; the Martène edition includes only the eucharistic section of the manuscript. The last folio of the manuscript contains only the title of the third prayer (Pierce, “Sacerdotal Spirituality,” no. 231).Google Scholar
88 Gougaud, “Étude” (n. 10 above), 33–34. See also Joseph Jungmann, Christian Prayer through the Centuries (New York, 1978), 58–62.Google Scholar
89 The Book of Cerne (Cambridge, 1902), ed. Kuypers, A. B., 103–106. Other early sources include the libellus of Troyes, ca. 804 (André Wilmart, ed. Precum libelli quattuor aevi karolini [Rome, 1940], 11–13, no. (3)); and the early ninth-century prayerbook of Fleury (Martène, Lib. IV, cols. 655–94; here, cols. 674–75). Contemporary eleventh-century witnesses appear to include a manuscript from an abbey at Nonantola (Salmon, “Libelli precum” [n. 8 above], 138, no. 108), and another from a region influenced by Beneventan use (ibid., 143, no. 155). All attribute the prayer to Saint Gregory. See also Pierce, “Sacerdotal Spirituality,” 444–46.Google Scholar
90 It was called “the Trinity of the Scots” (Salmon, “Libelli precum,” 147–48); the prayer can be found in a mid-eleventh century manuscript from this abbey (ibid., 153, no. 261). Like the others, it is attributed to Saint Gregory.Google Scholar
91 “Intercedat pro me iustus Isaac qui fuit oboediens patri usque ad mortem in exemplum Domini nostri Jesu Christi qui oblatus Deo Patri pro salute mundi”; see Pierce, “Sacerdotal Spirituality,” 274.Google Scholar
92 Many theologians have discussed the evolution of this theological concept. See, for example, Jaroslav Pelikan, The Christian Tradition, vol. 1: The Emergence of the Catholic Tradition (100–600) (Chicago, 1971), 146–50. See also Gustaf Aulén, Christus Victor, trans. Herbert, A. G. (New York, 1969, 1979).Google Scholar
93 Jungmann, The Place of Christ (n. 27 above), 277.Google Scholar
94 See Vogel, Medieval Liturgy (n. 4 above), 249.Google Scholar
95 See, for example, Catherine LaCugna, God For Us: The Trinity and Christian Life (New York, 1991), 112–27, and Jungmann, “The Defeat of Teutonic Arianism” (n. 22 above), esp. 23–58, on the medieval west.Google Scholar
96 As Jungmann notes, “The triune God is the receiver of our prayer and of our sacrifice, the Son no less than the Father, which is also expressed by the address being directed now to the Father, now to the Son, or remaining indifferent” (The Place of Christ, 102).Google Scholar