1 Delooz, Pierre, “Towards a Sociological Study of Canonized Sainthood in the Catholic Church,” in Saints and their Cults: Studies in Religious Sociology, Folklore and History , ed. Wilson, Stephen (Cambridge, 1983), 196.Google Scholar I would like to offer my sincere thanks to Boynton, Susan, Farrell, Colleen, Huber, Jane, Lawrence, Frank, Mancia, Lauren, Rubin, Miri, Waldman, Thomas, and the anonymous readers for providing crucial feedback, including invaluable musicological contributions from Frank Lawrence. All errors remain my own.Google Scholar

2 See, for example, Brandenbarg, Ton, “Saint Anne: A Holy Grandmother and Her Children,” in Sanctity and Motherhood , ed. Mulder-Bakker, Anneke (New York, 1995), 31–65; idem, “St Anne and Her Family: The Veneration of St Anne in Connection with Concepts of Marriage and Family in the Early-Modern Period,” in Saints and She-Devils: Images of Women in the 15^th and 16^th Centuries , ed. Dresen-Coenders, Lène (London, 1987), 101–27; Sheingorn, Pamela, “The Wise Mother Image of St Anne Teaching the Virgin Mary,” in Gendering the Master Narrative , ed. Erler, Mary (Ithaca, NY, 2003); eadem and Ashley, Kathleen, Introduction to Interpreting Cultural Symbols: Saint Anne in Late Medieval Society (Athens, GA, 1990), 1–43, and the articles therein; Nixon, Virginia, Mary's Mother: Saint Anne in Late Medieval Europe (University Park, PA, 2004); eadem, “Die heilige Anna: Die heilige Anna und die Erlösungsangst im Spätmittelalter,” in Herrscher, Helden, Heilige , ed. Müller, Ulrich and Wunderlich, Werner (St. Gallen, 1996), 543–56. A recent article, Brusa, Gionata, “Un ufficio inedito per s. Anna a Vercelli,” Scrineum 9 (2012): 257–67, has identified additional liturgical evidence for thirteenth-century Vercelli, near Milan, but does not discuss earlier traditions.Google Scholar

3 For discussion of the earliest signs of devotion to Anne, see Bannister, H. M., “The Introduction of the Cultus of St. Anne into the West,” English Historical Review 18, no. 69 (1903): 107–12; Leclercq, H., “Anne,” in DACL, 2 (1921–53), cols. 2162–74; and Charland, Paul-Victor, Madame Saincte Anne et son culte au moyen age, 2 vols. (Paris, 1911–13).Google Scholar

4 This was noted in the authoritative work by Pfaff, Richard W., The Liturgy in Medieval England: A History (Cambridge, 2009), 213–14. Another exception is Reames, Sherry, “Origins and Affiliations of the Pre-Sarum Office for Anne in the Stowe Breviary,” in Music and Medieval Manuscripts: Palaeography and Performance , ed. Haines, John and Rosenfeld, Randall (Aldershot, UK, 2004), 349–68, although her interest lies in the fourteenth-century office found in the Stowe Breviary (1322–25), and she thus only briefly mentions that there was earlier interest in the feast (350).Google Scholar

5 The edition is Wilmart, André, “Les compositions d'Osbert de Clare en l'honneur de saint Anne,” Annales de Bretagne 27 (1925–26): 1–33, introduction at 1–8. The second citation is from Hall, Thomas N., “The Earliest Anglo-Latin Text of the Trinubium Annae (BHL 505zl),” in Via Crucis: Essays on Early Medieval Sources and Ideas in Memory of Cross, J. E., ed. Hall, Thomas N. (Morgantown, WV, 2002), 104–37, at 104.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

6 “Quaedam nova et inusitata de genitricis dei generosa parente,” Ep. 12; Osbert of Clare, , Letters , ed. Williamson, E. W. (Oxford, 1929), 77.Google Scholar

7 For the dating of the earliest version, see Smid, H. R., Protevangelium Jacobi: A Commentary (Assen, 1965), 11 and 22–23. For the Gospel of Pseudo-Matthew, see Gijsel, Jan, Libri de nativitate Mariae, Corpus Christianorum: Series Apocryphorum, 9–10 (Turnhout, 1997).Google Scholar

8 Translated in The Apocryphal New Testament , trans. Elliott, J. K. (Oxford, 1993), 91–92. Fassler, Margot has recently attributed the Liber de nativitate to the circle of Fulbert of Chartres, on which see Fassler, Margot, The Virgin of Chartres: Making History through Liturgy and the Arts (New Haven, CT, 2009), 81–82. It was previously attributed to Paschasius Radbertus, on which see Lamy, Marielle, L'Immaculée conception: Étapes et enjeux d'une controverse au Moyen-Âge (XIIe–XVe siècles) (Paris, 2000), 31.Google Scholar

9 Hall, , “Trinubium,” 109–11.Google Scholar

10 Clayton, Mary, The Apocryphal Gospels of Mary in Anglo-Saxon England (Cambridge, 1998).Google Scholar

11 The Pseudo-Matthew is found in London, BL Cotton Nero E. I, fols. 116v–118r, from Worcester, on which see Jackson, Peter and Lapidge, Michael, “The Contents of the Cotton-Corpus Legendary,” in Holy Men and Holy Women: Old English Prose Saints' Lives and Their Contexts , ed. Szarmach, Paul E. (Albany, NY, 1996), 131–46. The Malmesbury manuscript is Oxford, Bodleian Bodl. MS 852, a collection of saints' lives, to which was added a Latin version of the Gospel of Pseudo-Matthew (fols. 68r–72v) in the twelfth century.Google Scholar

12 On the Old English versions, see Clayton, , Apocryphal Gospels , 138, 165–91; and eadem, “Aelfric and the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin Mary,” Anglia: Zeitschrift für englische Philologie 104 (1986): 286–315.Google Scholar

13 Oxford, Bodleian Barlow MS 4, fols. 1r–6r. On this, see Gameson, Richard, “St Wulfstan, the Library of Worcester and the Spirituality of the Medieval Book,” in St Wulfstan and His World , ed. Barrow, Julia and Brooks, N. P. (Aldershot, UK, 2005), 59–104, at 61.Google Scholar

14 See Clayton, , Apocryphal Gospels , 129–30, for the Protevangelium, and 319–22 for a transcription of the text. See also Gransden, Antonia, “The Cult of St. Mary at Beodericisworth and Then in Bury St Edmunds Abbey to c. 1150,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 55 (2004): 627–53, at 642–43; and Webber, Teresa, “The Provision of Books for Bury St Edmunds Abbey in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries,” in Bury St Edmunds: Medieval Art, Architecture, Archaeology and Economy , ed. Gransden, Antonia, British Archaeological Association 20 (Leeds, 1998), 186–93, at 188. The Trinubium is found in Cambridge, St. John's College MS 35 (B. 13) and is discussed in Hall, , “Trinubium.” Google Scholar

15 Ibid., 136.Google Scholar

16 London, BL Cotton MS Caligula A. xiv, fol. 26r–v. For the originality of the images and their attribution to Worcester, see Heslop, T. A., “Manuscript Illumination at Worcester c. 1055–1065: The Origins of the Pembroke Lectionary and the Caligula Troper,” in The Cambridge Illuminations: The Conference Papers , ed. Panayotova, Stella (London, 2007), 65–75; and Jacobsson, Ritva, “Unica in the Cotton Caligula Troper,” in Music in the Medieval English Liturgy: Plainsong and Medieval Music Society Centennial Essays , ed. Rankin, Susan and Hiley, David (Oxford, 2005), 11–45, especially at 13 on the manuscript's provenance and 32–33 on their placement in the manuscript.Google Scholar

17 Heslop, T. A. ascribed the manuscript to Worcester. Heslop, , “Illumination,” 66.Google Scholar

18 “Credidit angelico Ioachim per nuntia verbo credens foecundam conceptu germinis Annam. Christum glorificat inopi qui semper habundat.“ xiv, Caligula A., fol. 26r. For a digital image, see http://www.bl.uk/onlinegallery/onlineex/illmanus/cottmanucoll/t/largeimage75002.html, accessed 23 May 2014.Google Scholar

19 “Quam domino vovit pater ad templumque dicavit: Ecce patet partus quem [fu]derat Anna per artus aecclesie matrem genuit pregnando salutem.” Ibid., fol. 26v. For a digital image, see http://www.bl.uk/onlinegallery/onlineex/illmanus/cottmanucoll/j/largeimage75003.html, accessed 23 May 2014.Google Scholar

20 See Blackhouse, Janet, Turner, D. H., and Webster, Leslie, The Golden Age of Anglo-Saxon Art: 966–1066 (London, 1984), 86. Although Richard Gameson (“Library of Worcester,” 75) has argued that Worcester was no great center for book decoration, this does not mean that the images would not have been commissioned at Worcester to then be executed by the Hereford artist.Google Scholar

21 The only other existing depictions of Joachim are all in the East, from the tenth and eleventh centuries onward, and differ from the Caligula manuscript. See figs. 41 and 43 in Lafontaine-Dosogne, Jacqueline, Iconographie de l'enfance de la Vierge dans l'Empire Byzantin et en Occident: L'art Byzantin (Brussels, 1965), 1:76–81. The image of the pair with baby Mary is found nowhere else. The only examples that come close are eighth-century frescoes of Anne holding Mary in the church of Santa Maria Antiqua, in Rome, but they are stylistically very different. See generally Cartlidge, David R. and Keith Elliott, J., Art and the Christian Apocrypha (London, 2001), 29–32.Google Scholar

22 For a brief history of Marian feasts, see Palazzo, Éric and Johansson, Ann-Katrin Andrews, “Jalons liturgiques pour une histoire du culte de la Vierge dans l'Occident latin (Ve–XIe siècle),” in Marie: Le culte de la Vierge dans la société médiévale , ed. Iogna-Prat, Dominique, Palazzo, Éric, and Russo, Daniel (Paris, 1996), 15–43.Google Scholar

23 On the Conception feast, see the seminal article by Bishop, Edmund, “On the Origins of the Feast of the Conception of the Blessed Virgin Mary,” in Liturgica Historica: Papers on the Liturgy and Religious Life of the Western Church , ed. Bishop, Edmund (Oxford, 1918), 238–59. Bishop included a response to debates about the origins in previous research, which was later supplemented by Van Dijk, S. J. P., “The Origins of the Latin Feast of the Conception of the Blessed Virgin Mary,” Dublin Review 228 (1954): 428–42. On the Presentation feast, see Clayton, Mary, The Cult of the Virgin Mary in Anglo-Saxon England (Cambridge, 1990), 42–44; and Kishpaugh, Mary Jerome, “The Feast of the Presentation of the Virgin Mary in the Temple: An Historical and Literary Study” (PhD diss., The Catholic University of America, 1941). Because the doctrine of Mary's Immaculate Conception had not yet been articulated when the feast was developed and was only proclaimed as dogma in 1854, I shall refer to the feast as that of the Conception. This reflects its medieval name, as it appears in calendars always as Conceptio Sanctae/Beatae Mariae. Google Scholar

24 London, BL Cotton MS Vitellius E. xviii; London, BL Cotton MS Titus D. xxvii; and Le Havre, Bibliothèque Municipale MS 330. Cf. Clayton, , Cult of the Virgin , 43–46.Google Scholar

25 London, BL Harley MS 2892; and Oxford, Bodleian Bodl. MS 579. Cf. Clayton, , Cult of the Virgin , 44–46.Google Scholar

26 Clayton, , Cult of the Virgin. Google Scholar

27 The most extensive survey of the Anglo-Norman Marian cult to date is Morgan, Nigel, “Texts and Images of Marian Devotion in English Twelfth-Century Monasticism, and Their Influence on the Secular Church,” in Monasteries and Society in Medieval Britain: Proceedings of the 1994 Harlaxton Symposium , ed. Thompson, Benjamin (Stamford, UK, 1999), 117–36. For a study of the cult at Bury St Edmunds, see Gransden, , “Cult of St. Mary at Beodericisworth” (n. 14 above).Google Scholar

28 Anselm of Canterbury, , Prayers and Meditations , trans. Ward, Benedicta (Harmondsworth, UK, 1973), 106–17; and S. Anselmi Opera Omnia , ed. Schmitt, F. S. (Edinburgh, 1946), 3:13–25. On this, see Fulton, Rachel, From Judgment to Passion: Devotion to Christ and the Virgin Mary, 800–1200 (New York, 2002), 195–205, 232–43.Google Scholar

29 Eadmer of Canterbury, De excellentia Virginis Mariae , PL 159:557–80; Augustodunensis, Honorius, Sigillum Beatae Mariae: The Seal of Blessed Mary , trans. Carr, Amelia (Toronto, 1991); William of Malmesbury, De laudibus et miraculis Sanctae Mariae , ed. Canal, J. M. (Rome, 1968). On Mary as monastic role model, see Ihnat, Kati, “‘Our Sister is Little and Has No Breasts’: Mary and the Jews in the Sermons of Honorius Augustodunensis,” in The Jewish-Christian Encounter in Medieval Preaching , ed. Adams, Jonathan and Hanska, Jussi (New York, forthcoming).Google Scholar

30 Roper, Sally Elizabeth, Medieval English Benedictine Liturgy: Studies in the Formation, Structure and Content of the Monastic Votive Office, c. 950–1540 (New York, 1993), 57, 244–48.Google Scholar

31 On the iconographical innovations, see Heslop, T. A., “The English Origins of the Coronation of the Virgin,” Burlington Magazine 147 (2005): 790–97. The first scholar to attribute the miracle collections to England was Southern, Richard W., “The English Origins of the ‘Miracles of the Virgin,’” Medieval and Renaissance Studies 4 (1958): 176–216. See also Ihnat, Kati, “Marian Miracles and Marian Liturgies in the Benedictine Culture of Post-Conquest England,” in Contextualising Mediaeval Miracles , ed. Mesley, Matthew and Wilson, Louise (Oxford, forthcoming).Google Scholar

32 This was first noted by Bishop, , “Origins of the Feast,” 238–59, especially at 249. See also Heslop, T. A., “The Canterbury Calendars and the Norman Conquest,” in Canterbury and the Norman Conquest: Churches, Saints and Scholars 1066–1109 , ed. Eales, R. and Sharpe, R. (London, 1995), 53–62. Even Richard Pfaff, who has otherwise challenged the idea of a purge of English feasts, acknowledges the disappearance of the Conception. Pfaff, Richard W., “Lanfranc's Supposed Purge of the Anglo-Saxon Calendar,” in Warriors and Churchmen in the High Middle Ages: Essays Presented to Karl Leyser , ed. Reuter, Timothy (London, 1992), 95–108, at 104.Google Scholar

33 Bishop, , “Origins of the Feast,” 249.Google Scholar

34 “Mihi considerare volenti occurrit hodierna solemnitas, quae de conceptione beatae Matris Dei Mariae multis in locis festiva recolitur. Et quidem priscis temporibus frequentiori usu celebrabatur, ab iis praecipue in quibus pura simplicitas et humilior in Deum vigebat devotio. At ubi et major scientia et praepollens examinatio rerum mentes quorumdam imbuit et erexit, eamdem solemnitatem, spreta pauperum simplicitate, de medio sustulit; et earn quasi ratione vacantem redegit in nihil. Quorum sententia eo maxime in robur excrevit quod ii, qui earn protulerunt, saeculari et ecclesiastica auctoritate divitiarumque abundantia praeeminebant…. festum scilicet de conceptione ipsius sacratissimae dominae sua qua se pollere gloriabantur auctoritatis ratione abolere non timuerunt.” (Eadmer of Canterbury, Tractatus de Conceptione Sanctae Mariae , ed. Thurston, H. and Slater, T. [Freiburg, 1904], 1, 5.)Google Scholar

35 “Quod si quis earn primae originis peccato non omnimode expertem fuisse pronuntiat, cum illam ex legali conjugio matris et feminae conceptam verissime constet; si sententia catholica est, ego a catholicae et universalis Ecclesiae veritate nulla ratione volo dissentire. Magnificentiam tamen operationum virtutis divinae quadam quasi mentis lippitudine pro posse considerans, videor mihi videre quia si quid originalis peccati in propagatione matris dei et domini mei extitit, propagantium et non propagatae prolis fuit.” (Ibid., 9–10.) Google Scholar

36 On this, see Fournée, Jean, “Du De Conceptu Virginali de Saint Anselm au De Conceptione Sanctae Mariae de son disciple Eadmer ou de la Virgo purissima à la Virgo immaculata,” in Les mutations socio-culturelles au tournant des XIe–XIIe siècles , ed. Foreville, Raymonde (Paris, 1984), 711–21; Burridge, A. W., “L'Immaculée Conception dans la théologie de l'Angleterre médiévale,” Revue d'histoire ecclésiastique 32 (1936): 570–97. On the treatise more generally, see Lamy, , Immaculée conception (n. 8 above), passim.Google Scholar

37 On Eadmer and the liturgy, see Rubenstein, Jay, “Liturgy against History: The Competing Visions of Lanfranc and Eadmer,” Speculum 74 (1999): 271–301.Google Scholar

38 For Osbert's biography, see the introduction written by Armitage Robinson, J. to Osbert of Clare, , Letters (n. 6 above), 1–20; as well as Mason, Emma, Westminster Abbey and Its People (Woodbrige, UK, 1996), 89–91; and Briggs, Brian, “The Life and Works of Osbert of Clare” (PhD diss., University of St Andrews, 2004), 3–61.Google Scholar

39 Briggs, (“Life and Works,” 3, 194–96) cites paleographic evidence but also the fact that the Chichester chronicle, found before the letters, dates to ca. 1160. When the chronicle was attached to the letter collection is nevertheless unknown, leaving the date of the manuscript still unclear. For the dating of the letters themselves, see ibid., 7–10.Google Scholar

40 Osbert says himself: “If my appointment had prevailed with the king …” (“si mea olim coram rege praevaluisset electio”), indicating that he had been put forward and, it seems, elected for the position by the monks. (Ep. 1; Osbert of Clare, Letters , 47.) For Osbert's exile after his election was overturned, in his own words, see Ep. 4; ibid., 60, with translation at 8. With reference to the election, see also Mason, Emma, Westminster Abbey, 33.Google Scholar

41 On Osbert's attempts to promote Westminster, see Briggs, , “Life and Works,” 37–62; for his involvement in forgery, 42–54; and on Edward's, canonization, 55–97. On the same, see also Mason, , Westminster Abbey, 89.Google Scholar

42 Osbert composed a number of hagiographical texts, all for Anglo-Saxon saints: Edburga (for Ely), Edmund (for Bury St Edmunds), Aethelbricht (for Hereford), and Edward the Confessor (for Westminster). Briggs, , “Life and Works,” 22–23.Google Scholar

43 Ep. 7; Osbert of Clare, , Letters , 65.Google Scholar

44 John of Worcester, The Chronicle of John of Worcester , ed. Darlington, R. R. and McGurk, P. (Oxford, 1995), 186.Google Scholar

45 “Festivitas conceptionis sanctae Mariae in concilio apud Londoniam apostolica auctoritate confirmata est.” ( Annales de Theokesberia: 1066–1263 , ed. Luard, Henry Richards, Monastici, Annales 1, RS 36 [London, 1864], 45.) Darlington and McGurk indicated the shared similarities of this entry with that of the Worcester Chronicle in John of Worcester, Chronicle, 188.Google Scholar

46 Southern, Both Richard and Bishop, Edmund suggested that the miracle collections, containing the Aelfsige legend, were composed to support the feast of the Conception. (Southern, , “English Origins” [n. 31 above]; and Bishop, , “Origins of the Feast” [n. 23 above], 249.) However, the Aelfsige miracle does not appear in the earliest collections. Historians have tended to take the story at face value, attributing the foundation of the feast to Ramsey, i.e., The Winchcombe and Coventry Chronicles: Hitherto Unnoticed Witnesses to the Work of John of Worcester , trans. Hayward, Paul (Tempe, AZ, 2010), 115; and Lamy, , Immaculée conception, 91–92.Google Scholar

47 “Conceptio beatae Mariae primo celebratur in Anglia.” ( Annales Prioratus de Wigornia , ed. Luard, Henry Richards, Monastici, Annales 4, RS 36 [London, 1869], 377.) Paul Hayward's recent edition of the Winchcombe chronicle as a witness to that of John of Worcester points to the fact (Winchcombe and Coventry Chronicles, 115–16) that this particular entry derives from a Gloucester source. The late date of the manuscript witnesses might explain why the scribes, likely unfamiliar with the feast's pre-Conquest history, ascribed its first celebration in England to this time.Google Scholar

48 For the transition, see Barrow, Julia, “The Community of Worcester, 962–c. 1100,” in St Oswald of Worcester: Life and Influence , ed. Brooks, N. P. (London, 1996), 84–99.Google Scholar

49 On Wulfstan's practices, see William of Malmesbury, Saints' Lives , ed. Winterbottom, Michael and Thomson, Rodney M. (Oxford, 2002), 111–13; Rankin, Susan, “Music at Wulfstan's Cathedral,” in St Wulfstan and His World , ed. Barrow, Julia and Brooks, N. P. (Aldershot, UK, 2005), 221; and Hughes, Anselm, ed., Portiforium of Saint Wulfstan, 2 vols. (London, 1960), 2:60–62. The Portiforium is Cambridge, Corpus Christi College MS 391. On the Conception feast entry, see Clayton, , Cult of the Virgin (n. 23 above), 44–46.Google Scholar

50 John of Worcester, Chronicle , 223–25.Google Scholar

51 For Honorius's biography, see Flint, V. I. J., Honorius Augustodunensis of Regensburg (Aldershot, UK, 1995).Google Scholar

52 The Sigillum has been translated as Augustodunensis, Honorius, Sigillum (n. 29 above). The earliest copies of this manuscript are from the diocese of Worcester, for which see Flint, V. I. J., “The Commentaries of Honorius Augustodunensis on the Song of Songs,” Revue Bénédictine 84 (1974): 196–211, at 203. On the text, see Fulton, , From Judgment to Passion (n. 28 above), 247–88; and Ann Matter, E., The Voice of My Beloved: The Song of Songs in Western Medieval Christianity (Philadelphia, 1990), 157–58.Google Scholar

53 Heslop, , “Origins” (n. 31 above). For the manuscript, see Henry, Avril, The Eton Roundels (Aldershot, UK, 1990), especially at 32–43 for the connection to Worcester. Other institutions followed suit in having Marian seals, including Great Malvern priory — a Worcester dependancy — Reading, Abingdon, Pershore, and Kelso abbeys, and Lincoln Cathedral, all in the first half of the twelfth century, but Worcester seems to have been the first. See Heslop, T. A., “The Virgin Mary's Regalia and Twelfth-Century English Seals,” in The Vanishing Past: Studies of Medieval Art, Liturgy and Metrology Presented to Christopher Hohler , ed. Borg, Alan and Martindale, Andrew (Oxford, 1981), 53–62, at 56–58; and idem, “The Romanesque Seal of Worcester Cathedral,” in Medieval Art and Architecture at Worcester Cathedral (Leeds, UK, 1978), 71–79.Google Scholar

54 It is doubtful whether these fragments ever represented actual use. One is found in a ninth-century manuscript from Naples, on which see Hall, , “Trinubium” (n. 5 above), 108; and Ortenberg, Veronica, The English Church and the Continent in the Tenth and Eleventh Centuries: Cultural, Spiritual, and Artistic Exchanges (Oxford, 1992), 116–18, 208. The other is from the abbey of Saint-Vivant-sous-Vergy, Burgundy, from the eleventh century. Wilmart claims that the Saint-Vivant text demonstrates an earlier celebration of the feast of St. Anne in France than elsewhere in Europe. However, it is a fragmentary addition to the original manuscript. (Wilmart, André, “Sur les fêtes de la Conception et de Sainte Anne: Chants en l'honneur de Sainte Anne dans un manuscrit français du XIe siècle,” Ephemerides liturgicae 42 [1928]: 258–68.) Google Scholar

55 The abbot, Guy, died on 5 August, 1136 or 1137. Cf. Knowles, David, Brooke, C. N. L., and London, Vera C. M., The Heads of Religious Houses: England and Wales, 940–1216 , 2nd ed. (Cambridge, 2001), 59. Simon had been chancellor to Queen Adeliza, wife of Henry I, until he was made bishop in 1125. For more on him, see Bethell, D. L., “English Black Monks and Episcopal Elections in the 1120s,” English Historical Review 84 (1969): 681–98.Google Scholar

56 “Quod de beata prius Anna conscripseram multis in legendo placuisse fidelibus, et quod per nonnullas iam solenni veneratione diffusus esset ecclesias ille tractatus.” (Ep. 13; Osbert of Clare, , Letters [n. 6 above], 80.) Google Scholar

57 “[Solennitas eius festiva singulis annis in Wigornensi recensetur ecclesia,] et quo propensiore possumus honoris indicio eius praerogativa dignitatis attolitur incremento; [duobus enim privilegiis in observando celebrior penes nos cunctis temporibus extitit; ego praelibo solennem fratribus refectionem in die prima, decanus vero praesens luce ministrat octava.]” (Ep. 12; ibid., 77.) Google Scholar

58 “In tantae festivitatis tripudio tui laboris ditescere postulamus augmento, ut in nocturnis solennibus sit nobis ad solatium quod sanctae praerogaveris ecclesiae cum historiae decantatione legendum,” to which Osbert answers: “tibique sequens opus quod petisti destinare curavi tuisque successoribus ad legendum; orationem praeterea quam rithmice ad beatam matrem Annam edidi, annectere scriptam non praetermisi historiam praetera et solennes hymnos.” (Ibid.) Google Scholar

59 Baugh, Albert C., “Osbert of Clare, the Sarum Breviary and the Middle-English Saint Anne in Rime Royal,” Speculum 7 (1932): 106–13, at 108. The same was argued by Wilmart, “Compositions” (n. 5 above), 7.Google Scholar

60 On this definition of hystoria, see Rankin, Susan, “Music” (n. 49 above), 223.Google Scholar

61 It was ultimately used as the text for the three lessons of the first nocturn of matins for Anne's feast in the Sarum Breviary. Baugh, , “Osbert of Clare,” 108. See also Pfaff, , Liturgy in Medieval England (n. 4 above), 213, who agrees that it may have been used for matins readings.Google Scholar

62 These are “O praeclara mater matris” (AH 15:186) and “O beata mater Anna” (AH 33:36).Google Scholar

63 Wilmart, , “Compositions,” 8.Google Scholar

64 This was overlooked by Pfaff, Richard ( Liturgy in Medieval England , 213–14), who nevertheless records most of the other evidence for the feast.Google Scholar

65 Caligula, A. xiv, fols. 71v–72v. It is found in both Analecta Hymnica , 34:155–56, and in Misset, E. and Weale, W. H. J., Thesaurus Hymnologicus (Bruges, 1892), 182–83. On the dating of the manuscript, see Hartzell, K. D., Catalogue of Manuscripts Written or Owned in England up to 1200 Containing Music (Woodbridge, UK, 2006), 238–43. Since both editions deviate from the Cotton Caligula text, based on later manuscripts, I have reproduced the full text in the appendix along with a chart of the melodies kindly provided by Lawrence, Frank. All subsequent references are to the line numbers assigned in this transcription. A copy of the manuscript pages, with music, is also provided in figure 1. The sequence is not found in the offices for Anne identified in liturgical manuscripts from the cathedral of St. Eusebius of Vercelli by Brusa, , “Un ufficio inedito per s. Anna a Vercelli,” 260–61.Google Scholar

66 My most sincere thanks go to Frank Lawrence, who provided me with his unpublished analysis of this text.Google Scholar

67 Rankin, , “Music,” 221.Google Scholar

68 On the development of the twelfth-century sequence, see Fassler, Margot, Gothic Song: Victorine Sequences and Augustinian Reform in Twelfth-Century Paris (Cambridge, 1993), especially at 58–82 and 72–73, which provide a particularly useful set of guidelines for analyzing the twelfth-century sequence.Google Scholar

69 For the complete list, see Misset, and Weale, , Thesaurus Hymnologicus , 183; and AH 34:156.Google Scholar

70 The legacy of Osbert's texts is evident in the late-medieval liturgies for Anne, as illustrated in Reames, , “Origins and Affiliations” (n. 4 above); and Baugh, , “Osbert of Clare” (n. 59 above).Google Scholar

71 The office is found in Paris, BNF MS Lat. 18168, fols. 105v-110v. For discussion and lists of liturgical texts for the feast from across Europe, see Corbin, Solange, “Miracula Beatae Mariae semper Virginis,” Cahiers de civilisation médiévale 39–40 (1967): 418–29. Osbert's sermon for the feast of the Conception was written only after his texts for Anne and therefore would not have provided a model, though the two share many of the same themes.Google Scholar

72 On the connections between Cluny and St. Pancras, with particular reference to Marian liturgical texts, see Steiner, Ruth, “Marian Antiphons at Cluny and Lewes,” in Music in the Medieval English Liturgy , ed. Rankin, Susan and Hiley, David (Oxford, 1993), 175–204.Google Scholar

73 I would like to thank Thomas Waldman for very kindly sharing his as-yet unpublished paper, “Hugues d'Amiens et la Vierge Marie” (paper presented at the Autour de Lanfranc: Réformes et réformateurs dans l'Europe de l'Ouest [XIe–XIIe siècle] conference, Caen, , 29 September-2 October, 2010).Google Scholar

74 Ibid. See also Freeburn, Ryan P., Hugh of Amiens and the Twelfth-Century Renaissance (Aldershot, UK, 2011), 37.Google Scholar

75 Found in Cambridge, UL MS Ii. 4.20, fols. 197r–198r. On the manuscript, which is argued to have offices notably for saints that had a special connection to Ely, see Pfaff, , Liturgy in Medieval England (n. 4 above), 224–25.Google Scholar

76 “Quicquid enim in insigni genealogia Christi ad evangelicam respicit hystoriam, totum ex abundanti recurrit ad Annam ut ipsa sit quasi quaedam meta legis et gratiae, per quam dignitas humanae videtur in Christo refloruisse naturae.” (Wilmart, , “Compositions” [n. 5 above], 17.)Google Scholar

77 “Genitrix de styrpe David.” (AH 15:186.)Google Scholar “Salomonis patris David Vite Privilegium deus istud reservavit Ut esses de carne sua et Christus de carne tua In forma mortalium.” (AH 33:36.)Google Scholar

78 “Multi et sancti reges et egregii sacerdotes…. Sedile tuum in excelso caelorum fastigio eorum exornat assessio.” (Wilmart, , “Compositions,” 29.)Google Scholar

79 “David autem pater tuus in cythara laudes tuas psallit, et coram archa testamenti domini manibus plaudens spiritualiter saltat et ludit.” (Ibid., 31.)Google Scholar

80 Appendix, lines 5–6.Google Scholar

81 “Maria plena gratia styrpe concepta regia assistentes tue laudi miserando nos exaudi.” (BNF MS Lat. 18168, fol. 109r–v.) Google Scholar

82 Responsory: “Abrahe stirpe generosa virgo prodit gloriosa que nullius per exemplum se sacravit deo templum.” (Ibid., fol. 106r.) Sequence: “Qua sacra concipitur Maria progenie David ex gregia.” (Ibid., fol. 110r.) Google Scholar

83 “Conceptio gloriose virginis Marie ex semine Abrahe concepta de tribu Juda clara ex stirpe David.” (Ibid., fol. 197r.) Google Scholar

84 “In columnis vero summorum patriarcharum Abrahae et David soliditas principalis ostenditur, ad quos de Christo facta promissio specialiter declaratur. Ezechias et Iosias gloriosi reges et incomparabili sanctitate fulgentes, quasi preciosi lapides immensos vibrant radios: et in regiae genitricis dei domus artificio, fulgore mirabiliter preminent copioso. Salomonis aurum quod insignis Annae vestit aedificium, ita preciosos lapides circundat in opere: ut dulcis eius eloquii vernet sublimiter eximia claritate. Colores preterea diversi resplendentes in hac aula regia genitricis dei, sacra nimirum prophetarum series apparet: quae de mysterio incarnationis Christi una eademque fide diversa vaticinia preconari solet. Duodecim autem filii Iacob huius fundamenti supportant materiam, et in sublime regiam insigniter erigunt structuram. In illis Iuda et Levi potissimum preminent, ex quibus regnum et sacerdotium eiusdem gentis prodiit: eosque quasi duos parietes lapis Christus angularis in beatae matris Annae celebri formatione colligavit. Ceterum pro marmore quod aream pavimenti condecorat in aedificatione huius regalis palacii, omnium pene regum Iuda in sacra genealogia series est conputata. Quorum quidam quamvis essent in perversis operationibus coram domino reprobi: extiterunt tamen insignes praecelsa maiestate sanguinis generosi. Et haec est preclara et sublimis structurae tantae materia, ex quorum propagine deus pater gloriosae genitricis unigeniti sui singulare et novum fabricavit palacium. Quod quidem iure beatam Annam dixerim, in cuius thalamo ornaretur sancta et perpetua virgo: ut prima caelestium idonea fieret copulae nuptiarum.” (Wilmart, , “Compositions,” 16–17.)Google Scholar

85 “Tu namque es quasi superni legis palatium, Maria vero genitrix eius totius divinitatis insigne sacrarium. Te etiam licet opinari imperatoris aeterni per quod mundum ingressus est extitisse vestibulum, illam vera scimus splendidum eius in virgineae carnis integritate prefulsisse pariter et templum et thalamum. Templum quia in illo omnia quae divini iuris sunt summus pontifex dedicavit, thalamum quia in eo rex fabricator caeli et terrae requiescere voluit.” (Ibid., 31.) Google Scholar

86 “In te collocata est testamenti domini inpreciabilis archa, de domo et familia David quam edidisti felix: puerpera virgo Maria. In cuius sacratissimo corpore illa videlicet urna aurea habens manna delituit.” (Ibid.) Google Scholar

87 Appendix, lines 17–24.Google Scholar

88 If Osbert does not address any letters to Eadmer, it is likely because the latter was no longer alive in late 1127, the date of Osbert's letter to Anselm on the subject of the Conception feast. For Eadmer's biography, see Southern, Richard W., Saint Anselm and His Biographer: A Study of Monastic Life and Thought (Cambridge, 1966), 229–40.Google Scholar

89 “Patereturne, quaeso, ipsius palatii fundamentum invalidum fieri vel lutulentum, et structurae quae foret aedificandae incongruum, et non cohaerens? Non puto … hoc enim habitaculum illud sacrarium spiritus sancti esse fatemur, in quo et per quod eadem sapientia humanae naturae conjungi voluit et incorporari, et omnibus se pura mente confugientibus parcere et misereri; quod sacrarium, aula videlicet universalis propitiationis, cum operante spiritu sancto construeretur, fundamentum illius initium, primordium conceptionis beatae Mariae, quam ipsam aulam nominamus, prout intelligo, extitit.” (Eadmer of Canterbury, Tractatus [n. 34 above], 14–15.) Google Scholar

90 “Dominus possedit me initio viarum suarum antequam quidquam faceret a principio ab eterno ordita sum et ex antiques antequam terra fieret nec dum erant abyssi et ego iam concepta eram.” (BNF MS Lat. 18168, fol. 109r.) Google Scholar

91 “Felix Anna, quae in operatione redemptionis nostrae veluti radix videtur in arbore: de qua caelestis virga egressa est beatissima virgo Maria…. Ex Bethleem siquidem civitate David et radice Iesse oriunda prodiit, cuius beata soboles Maria videlicet Christum peperit.” (Wilmart, , “Compositions” [n. 5 above], 15.)Google Scholar

92 “Exultant etiam patriarche, quibus figuris premonstratum est et oraculis quod virga de radice Iesse deberet florem ligni vitae producere: cuius fructus et angelos et homines sua posset refectione saciare.” (Ibid., 29.) Google Scholar

93 “[Per te mater affluit] de qua virga floruit Tollens mundi scandalum germinans amigdalum.” (AH 33:36.)Google Scholar

94 Appendix, lines 9–12.Google Scholar

95 “Hic est dominicus ager balsamorum caelestium floribus circumseptus.” (Wilmart, , “Compositions,” 15.)Google Scholar

96 For the key role of Fulbert of Chartres in popularizing this association, particularly in his sermon for the feast of Mary's Nativity, Approbate Consuetudinis, see Fassler, Margot, “Mary's Nativity, Fulbert of Chartres and the Stirps Jesse: Liturgical Innovation circa 1000 and Its Afterlife,” Speculum 75 (2000): 405–16.Google Scholar

97 See ibid., 410–12.Google Scholar

98 “Virga Iesse de radice genus duxit inclitum oraculum prophetarum quod fuerat proditum inde virgam egressuram florem Christi parituram.” And “Egredietur virga de radice Iesse et flos de radice ejus ascendet et erit justitia cingulum lumborum ejus et fides cinctorium renum ejus.” (BNF MS Lat. 18168, fols. 106v, 109r.) Google Scholar

99 “Virga Aaron fructifera Marie typum gesserat que nobis fructum attulit nostram qui famem dispulit.” (Ibid., fol. 106r.) Google Scholar

100 Lesson 6: “Flos vel fructus illius virga sacerdotalis in tabernaculo domini incarnatione nostri salvatoris prefiguraverit.” Lesson 7: “Beatam ergo dei genitricem ac perpetuam virginem Mariam cuius annua conceptionis festa veneramur de radice Iesse concipiendam sancto repletus spiritu vates cecinit. Radix vero Iesse est familia Iudeorum. Virga quoque Maria que florere odoriferum virgineo de corpore sancto spiritu cooperante veraciter carnem factum mundo protulit dominum nostrum Ihesum Christum.” (BNF MS Lat. 18168, fol. 107r–v.) This latter text is used for lesson 6 in the Ely office (CUL Ii.4.20, fol. 197v).Google Scholar

101 “Ego ex ore altissimi prodivi primogenita ante creaturam ego quasi Libanus incisus vaporavi habitationem meam et quasi balsamum non mixtum odor meus et quasi Terebinthus extendi ramos meos et rami mei honoris et gratie.” (BNF MS Lat. 18168, fol. 109v.) Google Scholar

102 Appendix, lines 14–16.Google Scholar

103 “Hunc nobis fructum fertilis Anna non sterilis peperit, hanc benedictionis perpetuae copiam de rore caeli ministravit.” (Wilmart, “Compositions” [n. 5 above], 19.) Google Scholar

104 “Ex illa preciosa superne benedictionis terra, caelestis figulus ollam spei nostre composuit.” (Ibid., 15.) Google Scholar

105 “Et de choncha Gedeonis mystica illam meis sensibus instilla dulcedinem, quae vellus et aream infudit arentem.” (Ibid., 30.) Google Scholar

106 “[Hermon namque anathema dicitur. Sion vero speculatio interpretatur.] Quicquid enim puritatis et munditiae de reprobis regibus Iuda carnaliter succedentibus remanere potuit, totum in gloriosae et felicis Annae sancta et egregia carne stillavit. Et hic est ros anathematis, eorum videlicet generatio carnalis, qui velut in specular descendit in Annam: quia gratia Mariam nobis maris stellam parturivit, quae in solo naufragantis mundi quassatis lumen aeternae claritatis infundit.” (Ibid., 19; PL 23:822, 819.) Google Scholar

107 “Mariam maris stellam” (ibid., 30–31).Google Scholar

108 Appendix, lines 7–8.Google Scholar

109 “Verbum patris mundo fulsit virginis per uterum cuius mentem non gravavit onus premens scelerum ut super vellus pluvia hodie descendit in Maria.” (BNF MS Lat. 18168, fol. 107v.) Google Scholar

110 “Rorate celi desuper et nubes pluant justum aperiatur terra et germinet salvatorem.” (BNF MS Lat. 18168, fol. 109v.) Google Scholar

111 “Haec est illa stella maris per quam fulsit lux solaris cuius festum celebremus adiuvamen imploremus” and “O Maria clausus ortus naufragantes mundi portus placa nobis qui te fecit matrem sibi quam elegit.” (Ibid., fol. 105v.) Google Scholar

112 “Stella maris o Maria tibi presens contio, odas solvit vota fundit summo cum tripudio, ad conceptum te provexit hodiernum conditor, per quam mundo caro factum subveniret perditum, ergo pia commenda tua prece filio, Alvo tuo virginali qui sponsus ut proprio processit thalamo.” (Ibid., fol. 109r.) Google Scholar

113 “Loquantur alii de alia famae celebris et nominis Anna, quae filium suum petivit a domino: ego de hac loquar ut dignum est sublimius, et eius praedicabo dignitatem excellentius. Illa mater fuit Samuelis, ista dei genitricis. Illa prophetae, ista beatae semper virginis Mariae. Illa Nazareum domini peperit, ista matrem Nazareni qui Nazareos consecrat generavit. Anna mater prophetae nato Samuele cecinit canticum, proles felix Annae et mater salvationis nostre timphanistria concentuum facta est supernorum. Anna namque gratia dicitur, et hereditas patris nostris Iacob in eadem magnificentius insignitur.” (Wilmart, , “Compositions,” 18–19.) Osbert no doubt derived the interpretation of Anne as meaning “grace” from Jerome's, Hebrew Names (PL 23:811): “Anna, gratia ejus.” Google Scholar

114 “[Haec igitur nobis per Annam profluxit benedictio,] ut ex illa unguenti salutaris emanaret copia: cuius adhuc hodie barba Aaron adipe et pinguedine madet infusa.” (Wilmart, , “Compositions,” 20.)Google Scholar

115 “Sicca tellus aruit tamen vellus maduit Et siccato vellere locus madet areae Sic Iudea primitus est infusa celitus Aruit quae propere suo cocta scelere Sed turba gentilium sequens dei filium Madet tincta crismate et Iota baptismate Ista nobis unctio ista benedictio Per te mater affluit.” (AH 15:186.)Google Scholar

116 See nn. 86 and 109 above.Google Scholar

117 “Angelo annuntiante Ioachim cognovit ante Quod Mariam pareres.” (AH 33:36.)Google Scholar

118 The prayer opens the office of matins in the Saint-Martin liturgy and closes it in the Ely one, and also constitutes the chapter for terce in the former. It is also found in both the Leofric Missal and the Winchester Missal, both providing eleventh-century evidence for the Conception feast, on which see n. 25 above.Google Scholar

119 “O utinam o parens illustris, utinam inquam beatum Ioachim sponsum tuum in illa sanctorum videam gloria, ubi super omnes choros angelorum filia eius exaltata est perpetua virgo MARIA. Desidero namque ipsius candentis barbe coram virginis filio albedinem inspicere et quo eum dignum honore inter summos yerarchas nepos eius et dominus habeat considerare…. Igitur o Ioachim pater excelse, grandeve senex herosque venerande: fac ut antiquus dierum qui rerum finis est omnium idemque principium, fac quibus prevales meritis apud eum: ut meorum indulgentiam mihi conferat peccatorum.” (Wilmart, , “Compositions” [n. 5 above], 31–32.)Google Scholar

120 For skepticism about the apocrypha already in the Anglo-Saxon period, see Clayton, , “Aelfric” (n. 12 above), 287.Google Scholar

121 “Sed utrum ita proxime nascitura quovis oraculo aut angelo nuntiata sit, sicut dominus Christus filius ejus, aut beatus Joannes … in divina pagina non habetur, in canonica scriptura non reperitur.” (Eadmer of Canterbury, Tractatus [n. 34 above], 5.) “Nec enim ecclesia dei inconcussae auctoritatis ducit ipsam scripturam, quae ortum illius ab angelo praenuntiatum refert.” (Eadmer of Canterbury, De excellentia virginis Mariae, PL 159:560.) Google Scholar

122 Eadmer of Canterbury, Tractatus , 14–15.Google Scholar

123 Ep. 7; Osbert of Clare, Letters (n. 6 above), 66.Google Scholar

124 “Dicere tamen non audeo quod de hac sancta generatione corde concipio.” (Ep. 13; ibid., 79.) Google Scholar

125 Ibid., 80.Google Scholar

126 “Ut aliquis aemulus cynico me dente incipiat rodere et detractionibus perversis integritatem fidei meae lacerans infestare.” (Ibid., 79.)Google Scholar

127 See Lamy, , Immaculée conception (n. 8 above), 49–52.Google Scholar

128 Ep. 42; Osbert of Clare, Letters , 155–57, 175–77. On the De armatura castitatis, see Briggs, , “Life and Works” (n. 38 above), 144–49.Google Scholar

129 Ep. 42; Osbert of Clare, Letters , 160–61. Briggs (“Life and Works,” 151) notes that this distinguishes Osbert's vision of women from that of men, seeing as he advocates virginity to his female correspondents much more forcefully than he does to his male ones.Google Scholar

130 Prayer 1: “Et hoc est, o virago conspicua, quod in igne species eius quasi species electri conspicitur.” Prayer 2: “His oriunda virago excrevisti parentibus talibusque velut quedam aurora…. Cum hoc reminiscens dico preciosa virago, quod te totus mundus venerari debeat evidenter intelligo…. Omnibus inclita virago diebus et noctibus horis atque momentis me tuae defensioni protegendum committo.” (Wilmart, , “Compositions” [n. 5 above], 28, 29, 30.) Google Scholar

131 “Fac ut vitam castitatis teneam cum candidatis.” (AH 15:186.)Google Scholar

132 “Sed per continentiam fiam quasi viola Inter sacras virgines floream ut lilium.” (AH 33:36.)Google Scholar

133 “Quae conservet in me gratum celibemque famulatum. … Sed reformet signis datis ornamentum castitatis Quod a morte liberat.” (Ibid.) Google Scholar

134 “Si me nequit humilis salvare virginitas Casta licet fragilis me salvet humilitas.” (Ibid.) Google Scholar

135 “Ne desperent peccatores si convertant pravos mores Penitentes dent exemplum sintque gratum deo templum.” (AH 33:36.)Google Scholar

136 “Qui fons patens domus David peccatores multos lavit.” (AH 15:186.)Google Scholar

137 “In hoc fonte Petrus lavit quod negando iam peccavit Et res partiens Zacheus rapuitque quod Matheus Et de Magdalo Maria per exemplum vitae via Et latro pendens in cruce diluit se Christo duce.” (Ibid.) Google Scholar

138 “Et me semper illibatam sponsam sibi consecratam Homo deus habeat.” (Ibid.) Google Scholar

139 Newman, Barabara, “Flaws in the Golden Bowl: Gender and Spiritual Formation in the Tweltfth Century,” in From Virile Woman to WomanChrist: Studies in Medieval Religion and Literature (Philadelphia, 1995), 19–45, at 23; and Morton, Vera and Wogan-Browne, Jocelyn, Guidance for Women in 12th Century Convents (Woodbridge, UK, 2003).Google Scholar

140 Briggs, , “Life and Works” (n. 38 above), 14–16.Google Scholar

141 Ep. 22, 40, 42; Osbert of Clare, Letters (n. 6 above), 91, 139, 155. On Osbert's relationship with Adelidis, see Morton, and Wogan-Bowne, , 16–17, and on his letters to his nieces, see 109–11.Google Scholar

142 Ep. 40, 42; Osbert of Clare, Letters , 139, 155.Google Scholar

143 “Clarissima virgo, immo generosa virago, beata Cecilia.” (Ep. 42; ibid., 155.) Google Scholar

144 “Festinandum itaque est tibi virgo sacra, virago devota, ut ad illas nuptias occurras cum corusca lampade ubi perennis diei perfruaris claritate.” (Ep. 40; ibid., 139.) Google Scholar

145 The image of weaving was already associated with Mary in the sermons of the fifth-century Proclus of Constantinople. See Constas, Nicholas, “Weaving the Body of God: Proclus of Constantinople, the Theotokos and the Loom of the Flesh,” Journal of Early Christian Studies 3 (1995): 169–94.Google Scholar

146 “Haec itaque gloriosa et felix Anna ad opus genetricis Christi purpura preciosa contexitur: ex qua divina providentia secta virgo puerpera, tanquam candida perpetuae virginitatis linea summo caelorum opifici splendidius adornatur.” (Wilmart, , “Compositions” [n. 5 above], 15.)Google Scholar

147 “Chananeus namque negotiator interpretatur. Syndonis autem huius candor niveus puritas est et munditia virginalis, quam beata mater Anna manibus suis quasi contexuit: dum genitricem dei Mariam ad diem temporalis ortus in forma humana de palatio uteri sui corporaliter eduxit. Hanc ad redemptionem generis humani deo patri vendidit, ut in illo commertio incarnatum patris verbum matris fieret precium.” (Ibid., 18.) Google Scholar

148 “In illa enim superni imperatoris aula erunt paranymphi tui angeli, cives dei, ut te ad regis introducant cubiculum, et investiant purpura et bysso coloribus intinctis, sanctorum praerogativa meritorum.” (Ep. 22; Osbert of Clare, Letters , 91.)Google Scholar

149 “Byssus et purpura indumentum eius, quia carnem suam virgo sine macula integra conservavit, eandemque sanguine suo purpuream angelorum regi et domino dedicavit.” (Ep. 42; ibid., 155.) Google Scholar

150 Morton, and Wogan-Browne, , Guidance (n. 139 above), 2, 3.Google Scholar

151 There is some evidence (Osbert of Clare, Letters, 198–200) that there was a female religious community on land bishop Wulfstan owned, at least in 1086, although its history is obscure.Google Scholar

152 Honorius's polemical Offendiculum against married priests was inspired by Anselm's De presbyteris concubinariis seu offendiculum sacerdotum, on which see Flint, V. I. J., “Place and Purpose in the Works of Honorius Augustodunensis,” Revue Bénédictine 87 (1977): 97–127; and eadem, Honorius Augustodunensis of Regensburg: Authors of the Middle Ages (Aldershot, UK, 1995), 132–33.Google Scholar

153 The Winchester manuscript is London, BL Cotton MS Vitellius E. xviii; the Christ Church benedictional (in which both Anne and the Conception feasts were copied simultaneously) is London, BL Cotton MS Tiberius B. iii; the St. Augustine's psalter is Oxford, Bodleian Ashmole MS 1525; and the Ely missal is Cambridge University Library MS Ii.4.20. For all these calendars, see Wormald, Francis, English Benedictine Kalendars after A.D. 1100 (London, 1939); as well as Pfaff, , Liturgy in Medieval England (n. 4 above), 224–25 for Ely.Google Scholar

154 Annales Prioratus de Wigornia , ed. Luard, Henry Richards, Monastici, Annales 4, RS 36 (London, 1869), 432. See Pfaff, , Liturgy in Medieval England, 214 and 210–12 for a description of the antiphoner.Google Scholar

155 See Pfaff, , Liturgy in Medieval England , 213–14 on the Worcester litanies, and 218 for Evesham. The Reading psalter is Oxford, Bodleian Auct. MS D. 4. 6, fol. 247v. On the litanies, see more generally Morgan, Nigel, English Monastic Litanies of the Saints after 1100, 2 vols. (London, 2012).Google Scholar

156 London, BL Cotton Nero, C. iv, fols. 4r, 8r. On the Psalter, see Haney, Kristine Edmondson, The Winchester Psalter: An Iconographic Study (Leicester, UK, 1986); Wormald, Francis, The Winchester Psalter (London, 1973); and Crown, Carol Uhlig, “The Winchester Psalter: Iconographic Sources and Themes of the Virgin Mary, Kingship and Law” (PhD diss., Washington University, 1975). For digitized images, see http://www.bl.uk/manuscripts/Viewer.aspx?ref=cotton_ms_nero_c_iv_fs001r, accessed 23 May 2014.Google Scholar

157 Haney, Kristine Edmondson, “The Immaculate Imagery in the Winchester Psalter,” Gesta 20 (1981): 111–18, at 111 and 115. Mara Witzling has pointed out differences in the depiction of Joachim, who looks like a young man in the Winchester image, suggesting it is David instead. (Witzling, Mara R., “The Winchester Psalter: A Re-Ordering of its Prefatory Miniatures according to the Scriptural Sequence,” Gesta 23 [1984]: 17–25.) This does not alter the interpretation of the second image in which Anne features.Google Scholar

158 Haney, , “Immaculate Imagery,” 112–13.Google Scholar

159 See n. 153 above.Google Scholar

160 William of Malmesbury, Miraculis (n. 29 above). A new edition and translation is in preparation by Thomson, Rodney and Winterbottom, Michael, who have very kindly shown me earlier drafts.Google Scholar

161 On the historical basis of the story, see de Gaiffier, Baudouin, “A propos de Guido, évêque de Lescar et du culte de Ste Anne,” Analecta Bolandiana 88 (1970): 74.Google Scholar

162 “Si exorares me, pro amore sanctae Annae, dilectae genitricis meae, et praecordialibus votis, ipsam interventricem tibi adquireres apud unigenitum filium meum, a vinculis carceralibus solutus recederes, et libertatis corporeae gratiam citius obtineres.” (William of Malmesbury, Miraculis , 91.)Google Scholar

163 “Benedicta sit mater Anna, quae, virgo, te genuit, et benedictus venter de quo redemptio prodiit orbis terrae.” (Ibid.) Google Scholar

164 For the popularity of miracle collections in Anglo-Norman England as a way to preserve a memory of the saints, see Koopmans, Rachel, Wonderful to Relate: Miracle Stories and Miracle Collecting in High Medieval England (Philadelphia, 2011); and Yarrow, Simon, Saints and Their Communities: Miracle Stories in Twelfth-Century England (Oxford, 2006).Google Scholar

165 Reproduced by permission. © British Library Board.Google Scholar