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⁴ Throughout this article I use the terms ‘Benedictine’ and ‘Benedictinism’ in the very loose sense employed by monastic scholars since the time of Mabillon. They refer to the principal form of cenobitic monasticism in the West, founded wholly or in part on the Regula of St. Benedict of Nursia. The terms are of quite modern coinage. See Gillet, R., ‘Spiritualité et place du moine dans l'Église selon Saint Grégoire le Grand,’ Théologie de la vie monastique (Paris 1961) 323.Google Scholar

⁵ All citations, except as noted, are to the edition in The Vercelli Book, ed. Krapp, G. P. (New York 1932). As it is familiar to scholars as one of The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records, it is henceforth cited as ‘Krapp-Dobbie.’Google Scholar

⁶ The suggestion brought forward by Wrenn, C. L. (Review of English Studies, 12 [1936], 106) that banan in line 66 is a late West-Saxon gen. pl. form would do violence to the thematic integrity of the poem. Christ's bana is the Cross, not the nameless, unspecified executioners. There is nothing unusual in the use of the word to denote an inanimate object. (Cf. its modern survival in ratsbane.) See also Robert Oliphant, ‘Middle English bāner,’ Philological Quarterly, 41 (1962) 518–519.Google Scholar

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⁹ Walther, Hans, Proverbia sententiaeque latinitatis Medii Ævi. no. 21191a. For its monastic implications see the chapter ‘Per crucem ad lucem’ in Colombás, Garcia M., Paraíso y Vida Angélica; sentido escatológico de la vocación cristiana (Montserrat 1958).Google Scholar

¹⁰ ‘The Interpretation of the Seafarer,’ The Early Cultures of North-West Europe (H. Chadwick, M. Memorial Studies) (Cambridge 1950) 261–272.Google Scholar

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¹² On peregrinatio in the early Middle Ages, see Bernhard Kötting, Peregrinatio Religiosa: Wallfahrten in der Antike und das Pilgerwesen in der alten Kirche (Regensberg 1950), and Jean Leclercq, ‘Mönchtum und Peregrinatio im Frühmittelalter,’ Römische Quartalschrift, 50 (1960) 212–225. Vocabulary is treated by Leclercq in Études sur le vocabulaire monastique du moyen âge (Rome 1961); esp. s. v. exilium, peregrinatio, etc.Google Scholar

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¹⁵ See Eugène Manning, ‘Le Chapitre 73 de la Règle Bénédictine est-il de Beno, S.ît?’ Archivum Latinitatis Medii Ævi, 30 (1960) 139.Google Scholar

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¹⁸ Testi medioevali inediti, ed. Carmelo Ottaviano (Florence 1933) 18. The idea of robust gaudia as the end of exile is commonplace in early monastic hagiography. See, e. g., the end of Alcuin's second life of St. Willibrord in Monumenta Alcuiniana, edd. Wattenbach and Duemmler (Berlin 1873) 79.Google Scholar

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²¹ The Dream of the Rood. edd. Bruce Dickins and Ross, Alan S. C., 4th ed. (London 1954) 28n.Google Scholar

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²³ Hans Bernhard Meyer, ‘Crux, Decus es Mundi: Alkuins Kreuz-und Osterfrömmigkeit,’ in Paschatis Sollemnia: Studien zu Osterfeier und Osterfrömmigkeit, edd. Balthasar Fischer and Johannes Wagner (Freiburg 1959) 96–107. Google Scholar

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²⁸ Nor is the typical Gothic Crucifixion of the thirteenth century, showing the dead Christ, expressive in this way. See Émile Mâle, L'art religieux du XIII ^e siècle en France, 5th. ed. (Paris 1923) 190–191. Google Scholar

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³⁶ This line probably involves a pun (‘He buried death there’), introducing the Pauline idea of the victory over death. Google Scholar

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⁴⁶ Sister Anna Mercedes [Anne Clare] Courtney, The Dream of the Rood: A Doctrinal Commentary (Fordham Diss., 1963) convincingly demonstrates that the rhetorical pattern of the poem follows the principles established by St. Augustine in De catechizandis rudibus. Google Scholar

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⁴⁹ ‘ Vita Leutfridi Abbatis Madriacensis,’ MHG Script. rer. Mer. VII, 13. See also Mesnel, J. B., Les Saints du diocèse d’Évreux (Évreux 1918) 6. 131–132.Google Scholar

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⁵⁶ PL 195.263. Cited by Berlière, 140. Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Leclercq makes the point that the monastic nature of the mission explains the slowness of the conversion of Germany, ‘Monachisme du haut moyen âge,’ 439–440. Google Scholar

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⁶⁰ Cf. the compilation of visions in Gretser, J.'s ‘De Sancta Cruce,’ tom. 1.3.1–13 (Opera Omnia [Regensburg 1734] I, 323ff.). Often the light from the Cross carves the universe into quadrants with its beams, and this may explain the expression æt foldan sceatum in line 7. See the note in Dickins and Ross.Google Scholar

⁶¹ This point was suggested to me by an unpublished paper by Faith Patten, ‘Structure and Meaning in The Dream of the Rood.’ Google Scholar

⁶² Prof. Richard Ringler has pointed out to me that for ealle men in this passage is more likely to mean ‘for the sake of all mankind’ than, as it is usually taken, ‘before all men.’ Google Scholar

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⁷² ‘ Et nemo ascendit in caelum, nisi qui descendit de caelo, Filius hominis, qui est in caelo. Et sicut Moyses exaltavit serpentem in deserto, ita exaltari oportet Filium hominis, ut omnis qui credit in ipsum non pereat, sed habeat vitam aeternam’ (John 3.13–16).Google Scholar

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⁷⁴ See further Gougaud, Dévotions et pratiques ascétiques, 9; and Du Cange, s.v. ‘Crux.’ Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Rock, Daniel, The Church of Our Fathers. edd. Hart, G. W. and Frere, W. H. (London 1903–04) 129–130. That the Dreamer describes himself as ‘licgende’ possibly reflects some such practice.Google Scholar

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⁷⁷ PL 101. 454. See Cabrol, F., ‘Les écrits liturgiques d’Alcuin, RHE 19 (1923) 510. Gerald Ellard, Master Alcuin, Liturgist (Chicago 1956) 167–168, says Alcuin ‘borrowed the Collect used at Rome for the Feast of the Exaltation.’Google Scholar

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