‘Christus’ in the Pseudo-Isidorian ‘Liber de Ortu et Obitu Patriarcharum’

Robert E. McNally

doi:10.1017/S0362152900017682

‘Christus’ in the Pseudo-Isidorian ‘Liber de Ortu et Obitu Patriarcharum’

Published online by Cambridge University Press: 04 August 2017

Robert E. McNally

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Robert E. McNally*: Affiliation:
Woodstock College, Woodstock, Md.

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In what is perhaps one of the most provocative essays ever written on a single point of liturgical history, Josef Jungmann, S.J., has traced the roots of the outstanding abuses in medieval piety to an exaggerated, disproportionate emphasis on the divinity of Christ at the expense of his humanity. This way of thinking and speaking of the Incarnation was the inevitable result of the Church's vigorous reaction to ‘the perfidious Arianism’ of the Frankish and Gothic peoples, who poured into Europe in the course of the late fifth and sixth centuries. For these new nations the Christ, the Logos of the Gospel, was subordinate to the Father from whom according to the Scriptures he had been born. Less than God, he was, therefore, only a creature, even though of the most noble proportions. This theological subordinationism was essential to the Arian faith which these nations professed.

Type: Articles
Information: Traditio , Volume 21 , 1965 , pp. 167 - 183

DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/S0362152900017682 [Opens in a new window]
Copyright: Copyright © 1965 New York, Fordham University Press

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References

¹ J. Jungmann, S.J., ‘Die Abwehr des Germanischen Arianismus und der Umbruch der religiösen Kultur im Frühen Mittelalter,’ Zeitschrift für katholische Theologie 69 (1947) 36-99 which has been republished in Liturgisches Erbe und Pastorale Gegenwart (Munich 1960) 3-86. My references here are to the latter work.Google Scholar

² The Synod of Toledo in 589 speaks of Arius as ‘rectae fidei pestis Arius,’ and of Arianism as ‘perfidia Ariana.’ Cf. Mansi, Collectio 9.980B; 984D.Google Scholar

³ The Germanic Semi-Arians, the spiritual children of the Arian bishop Ulphilas († 383) professed the faith of the Synods of Seleucia-Rimini (359). Cf. A. Hahn, Bibliothek der Symbole (Breslau 1897) 207ff.Google Scholar

⁴ 2 Cor. 5.16. Paul's thought here seems to be this: Though we Apostles, especially those among us who knew the Lord in his earthly life, have known him in a corporeal way (secundum carnem), we now no longer know him in this fashion. Decisive now are our inner relations to the Risen One. Cf. J. Jungmann, op. cit. 65.Google Scholar

⁵ For example, the ancient prayer-formula, Per Christum Dominum nostrum, which indicates the mediatorship of Christ, is now altered to Per Dominum nostrum Iesum Christum, Filium tuum, qui tecum vivit et regnat in unitate Spiritus sancti, Deus …, which brings out his Trinitarian aspectGoogle Scholar

⁶ Cf. Contra Varimadum 1 (PL 62.351-400) and Epist. 8 (PL 80.376) of king Sisibut.Google Scholar

⁷ The older formula, Gloria Patri per Filium cum Spiritu sancto, shows the order of procession in the Godhead. It remains an orthodox formula.Google Scholar

⁸ PL 83.1275B-1294C.Google Scholar

⁹ PL 83.1293–1302.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Cf. R. E. McNally, S.J., Der irische Liber de numeris (Munich 1957) for an analysis both of the manuscripts and the sources of this work.Google Scholar

¹¹ Cf. Cuissard, C., Inventaire des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque d’Orléans, Fonds de Fleury (Orleans 1885) 93–94. The manuscript (p. 355) bears the inscription: ‘Hic est liber sancti Benedicti Floriacensis.’ Prof. B. Bischoff is inclined to situate the codex in the diocese of Passau, ‘perhaps in the neighborhood of Mondsee.’ Cf. M. Coens, ‘Les Litanies Bavaroises du ‘libellus precum’ dit de Fleury,’ Analecta Bollandiana 77 (1959) 390.Google Scholar

¹² Bischoff, B., Die südostdeutschen Schreibschulen und Bibliotheken in der Karolingerzeit 1 (Leipzig 1940) 98–99.Google Scholar

¹³ Wilmart, A., Codices Reginenses Latini 1 (Vatican 1937) 474–75.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Cr. Lowe, E. A., Codices Latini Antiquiores 6 (Oxford 1953) 751, p. 15.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Pitra, J. B., ‘S. Isidorus Hispalensis, De laudibus salvatoris,’ Spicilegium Solesmense 3 (Graz 1963) 417. This text runs in our edition from ‘Iesus Christus’ (line 1)) to ‘humanitate (line 32); from ‘Ipse est Pater’ (line 91) to ‘in fine dierum’ (line 16); and from ‘Precepit’ (line 258) to ‘saeculorum’ (line 266).Google Scholar

¹⁶ Morin, D. G., ‘Textes inédits relatifs au symbole et à la vie chrétienne,’ Revue Bénédictine 22 (1905) 505–24. Here only the portion relative to the Athanasian Creed is printed; sc., ‘Patris tamen’ (line 38) to ‘in humanitate’ (line 63).Google Scholar

¹⁷ Cf. McNally, R. E., ‘Isidorian Pseudepigrapha in the Early Middle Ages,’ Isidoriana (Leon 1961) 315.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Cf. e.g., Moralia in Iob 27.10.17 (PL 76.407D). Cf. R. Kottje, Studien zum Einfluss des alten Testamentes auf Recht und Liturgie des frühen Mittelalters, Bonner Historische Forschungen 23 (Bonn 1964) 64 ff.Google Scholar

¹⁹ PL 38.1028, cited by E. Norden, Die Antike Kunstprosa 2 (Darmstadt 1958) 622.Google Scholar

²⁰ Edit., Walker, G.S.M., Scriptores latini Hiberniae 2 (Dublin 1957) 68.Google Scholar