¹ Rush, A. C., Death and Burial in Christian Antiquity (Washington, D.C. 1941).Google Scholar

² Tertullian, , De corona militis 10 (I 438-439 Oehler); Apologeticum 13.7, 42.6 (I 166, 274 Oehler); Ad nationes 1.10 (I 324-331 Oehler).Google Scholar

³ Felix, Minucius, Octavius 12.6, 38.2-4. Cf. Clement of Alexandria, Paedagogus 2.8.61, 2.8.72-73 (ed. Stählin, O., GCS Clemens 1.193, 201-202).Google Scholar

⁴ Jerome, , Epist. 66.5 (ed. Hilberg, J., CSEL 54.502).Google Scholar

⁵ Literary sources of antiquity and archaeological remains provide ample testimony to the ancient belief that the dead really lived on gifts, sacrifices and meals offered them by those who survived them. Thus, among others, Lucian, , De luctu 9.14; id. Charon; id. Philopseudes 21.27; Pausanias 4.32.3; Apollodorus, , Bibliotheca 2.5.1; id. Epitome 7.16-17; Ovid, Traditio, Fasti 2.533-543. — Cf. also Harrison, J. E., Greek Vase Paintings (London 1894) 24-26, Plate XLII; Cumont, F., After Life in Roman Paganism (New Haven 1922) 50-56, 200-203; Rohde, E., Psyche: The Cult of Souls and Belief in Immortality among the Greeks (Translated from the eighth German edition by Hillis, W. B.; London 1925) 17-19, 524-529.Google Scholar

⁶ Tertullian wrote to the effect that, whereas the dead were once commonly honored with funeral repasts at their tombs (De testimonio animae 4 [I 406-407 Oehler]), Christians now honor their dead with Eucharistic oblations and alms (De corona militis 3 [I 422 Oehler]). Cf. Cyprian, , Epist. 39.3 (ed. Hartel, G. CSEL 3.2. 583); 12.2 (ibid. 503-504).Google Scholar

⁷ Rush, A. (op. cit.) devoted a few pages (92-99) to this problem. Franz J. Dölger has an important contribution on the Holy Eucharist under the symbol of a fish in the early Christian era (IXΘYC 11: Der heilige Fisch in den antiken Religionen und im Christentum [Munster 1922] 515-535), he does not, however, treat of Christian Viaticum in its relationship to pagan viaticum .Google Scholar

⁸ Erman, A., Die Religion der Aegypter (Berlin 1934) 211ff.; Steindorff, G., The Religion of the Ancient Egyptians (New York 1905) 123-125; Breasted, J., A History of Egypt from the Earliest Times to the Persian Conquest (2nd rev. ed. New York 1924) 63-65. Cf. Roeder, G., ‘Sonne und Sonnengott nach agyptischer Vorstellung,’ in Roscher's Ausführliches Lexikon der griechischen und römischen Mythologie 4 (Leipzig 1909-1915) 1155-1210. — For the development of Egyptian eschatological beliefs, see Breasted, , Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt (New York 1912).Google Scholar

⁹ Breasted, , History of Egypt 64.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Steindorff, , op. cit. 123–124.Google Scholar

¹¹ Breasted, , A History of Egypt 65: ‘It was not everyone who succeeded in reaching this field of the blessed; for it was surrounded by water. Sometimes the departed might induce the hawk or the ibis to bear him across on their pinions, again friendly spirits, the four sons of Horus, brought him a craft upon which he could float over; sometimes the sun-god bore him across in his barque; but by far the majority depended upon the services of a ferryman called “Turn-face” or “Look-behind,” because his face was ever turned to the rear in poling his craft.’ — Cf. Erman, , op. cit. 215-217; Steindorff, , op. cit. 124-125.Google Scholar

¹² Erman, , op. cit. 243; Breasted, , History of Egypt 176.Google Scholar

¹³ For general information, see Rohde, , op. cit. (n. 5 supra); Moore, C. H., Ancient Beliefs in the Immortality of the Soul (New York 1931); Samter, E., Die Religion der Griechen (Berlin-Leipzig 1925); Harrison, J. E., Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion (Cambridge 1903); Hyde, W. W., Greek Religion and Its Survivals (Boston 1923); Guhl, E., Koner, W., The Life of Greeks and Romans (London 1889).Google Scholar

¹⁴ Immisch, O., ‘Cerberus,’ Roscher’s Lexikon 2.1119–1135; Eitrem, S., ‘Kerberos,’ RE 11 (1921) 271-284.Google Scholar

¹⁵ In the mythologies of ancient Greece and Rome, Charon, a deity of the lower world, was the son of Erebus and Styx. He is usually described as a dark and grisly old man in dirty clothes who conducted the shades of the dead across the lake to the lower world. — Cf. Waser, O., ‘Charon,’ RE 3.2176–2179; Saglio, E., ‘Charon,’ DS 1.1099-1101; Sherwood Fox, W., The Mythology of All Races, I. Greek and Roman (Boston 1916) 142-148. A recent study is that of F. A. Sullivan, S. J., ‘Charon, the Ferryman of the Dead,’ Classical Journal 46 (1950/51) 11-17, who takes account of the representations in Greek and Etruscan art, the evidence of Greek and Roman literature, and that of modern Greek folklore; he is not especially concerned with Charon's coin.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Saglio, E., loc. cit. 1099; Rohde, , Psyche 245 n. 9.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Lécrivain, C., ‘Funus (Grèce),’ DS 2.1371; Smith, H. B., ‘Funus (Greek),’ Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities (3rd ed. London 1890) 1.884. — The belief in Charon, however widely accepted and popularized, did not enjoy universal credence. Among the peoples of Greece, as well as of Rome, there were not lacking those who rejected this myth. Thus, an ancient Greek inscription states: ‘There is no boat of Hades, no ferryman Charon, no Aeacus as doorkeeper, no dog Cerberus’ (Epigrammata Graeca 646 [ed. Kaibel, G., Berlin 1878, p. 265]).Google Scholar

¹⁸ Pausanias, 5.33.7.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Quoted by Pausanias, 10.28.1-2.Google Scholar

²⁰ Aeschylus, , Seven Against Thebes 854–860.Google Scholar

²¹ Furtwängler, A., ‘Charon, eine altattische Malerei,’ Archiv für Religionswissenschaft 8 (1905) 191–202.Google Scholar

²² Pausanias, 10.28.1-5.Google Scholar

²³ Cf. infra , p. 12f.Google Scholar

²⁴ Harrison, , Greek Vase Pa in tings, Plate XLIII; Saglio, DS 1.1099, fig. 1356; Guhl-Koner, , op. cit. (n. 13 supra) 293, fig. 322. Sullivan, , op. cit. 12f. gives a general appreciation of the important representations of Charon found on Athenian lekythoi, 5th cent. B.C., referring (17 n. 13) to Fairbanks, A., Athenian Lekythoi (Univ. of Michigan Studies, Humanistic Series 6-7) I (1907) plates 7, 14.4, with description p. 367; II (1914) pl. 3.1, 4, 24.1 and 3, with p. 273 Sullivan’s fig. 2 (opposite p. 15) excellently reproduces the Charon figure on a vase of the Metropolitan Museum, New York, shown in Fairbanks II pl. 4; while his fig. 1 (p. 13) apparently illustrates Fairbanks’ vase Class IX, 1, 16 (then in a private collection at Athens).Google Scholar

²⁵ On the Homeric hereafter, see Rohde, , Psyche 3–54.Google Scholar

²⁶ Cf. Rohde, , op. cit. 217–222 (on Eleusinian Mysteries); 254-266, 282-303 (on the cult of Dionysos); 335-361 (on Orphism). — Hyde, , Greek Religion 27, declares: ‘The doctrines of Orphism, based largely on Hesiod and his successors, with its initiatory rites adopted from Phrygia and Crete, spread over the Greek world like a wave of reform. Here was taught a very different kind of hereafter from that pictured by Homer.’ Harrison, J. E., Prolegomena xii, states that ‘Orphism was the last word of Greek religion.’ Google Scholar

²⁷ Rohde, , op. cit. 239.Google Scholar

²⁸ Rohde, , op. cit. 524–580.Google Scholar

²⁹ Op. cit. 541. The author adds (ibid.) that ‘this belief that the souls rise to the neighborhood and even community of the heavenly deities has its origin both in religious aspirations and in philosophy.’ Google Scholar

³⁰ Cf. Lucian, , Cataplus 24; De luctu 8.Google Scholar

³¹ Rohde, , Psyche 527–533; Hyde, , Greek Religion 3-40.Google Scholar

³² The secret cults promised to supply the souls of their devotees with a sure guide to the desired regions. The Orphic Tablets, discovered in the tombs of Italy, have preserved fragments of such a guide. The Tablet of Petelia (2nd or 3rd century B.C.), found in excavations in Southern Italy, contains minute details of the path which the spirit must follow in order to arrive safely at its destination: ‘Thou shalt find to the left of the house of Hades a well-spring, and by the side thereof standing a white cypress To this well-spring approach not near. But thou shalt find another by the lake of Memory, cold water flowing forth, and there are Guardians before it. Say « I am a child of Earth and of Starry Heaven. But my race is of Heaven (alone). This ye know yourselves. And lo, I am parched with thirst and I perish. Give me quickly the cold water flowing from the lake of Memory. » And of themselves they will give thee to drink from the holy well-spring: and thereafter among the other heroes thou shalt have lordship…’ The Tablet breaks off at this point. The Orphic Tablets, accompanied by translation and critical appraisal, are reproduced by Harrison, , Prolegomena 574ff. — The ancient Egyptians entertained similar ideas about the need of a guide for the souls on their way to the celestial dwellings. Cf. Budge, E., Sacred Books and Early Literature of the East II (New York 1917) 155; Erman, , op. cit. (n. 8 supra) 213; Breasted, , History of Egyp 174-175.Google Scholar

³³ Plato, , Phaedo 107E.Google Scholar

³⁴ Plato, , Phaedo 108A (Jowett's version adapted).Google Scholar

³⁵ Plato, , Phaedo 108BC.Google Scholar

³⁶ Rohde, , Psyche 542.Google Scholar

³⁷ Eitrem, S., ‘Hermes,’ RE 7.738-792; Lavedan, P., ‘Hermes,’ Dictionnaire de la mythologie et des antiquités grecques et romaines (Paris 1932) 514.Google Scholar

³⁸ Lucian, , Charon ; Cataplus 1 (where Charon calls Hermes ‘our honorable guide of souls’), 3–5; Dialogi mortuorum 22.Google Scholar

³⁹ Epigrammata Graeca 414 (165 Kaibel).Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Epigrammata Graeca 312 (118 Kaibel).Google Scholar

⁴¹ Epigrammata Graeca 650 (266 Kaibel).Google Scholar

⁴² The need of a provision for the welfare of the departed spirits in the other world and for their journey thereto was felt by various peoples through the ages. Cf. Tylor, E. B., Primitive Culture: Researches into the Development of Mythology, Philosophy, Religion, Language, Art and Custom (New York 1874) I 481–502, II 35-40; Bendann, E., Death Customs: An Analytical Study of Burial Rites (London-New York 1930) 45-82.Google Scholar

⁴³ Lécrivain, DS 2.1367-1381; Sergi, G., ‘Death and Disposal of the Dead (Greek),’ in Hastings’ Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics 4.472–474; Smith, H.B., loc. cit. (n. 17 supra) 884-890. — Cumont, , op. cit. (n. 5 supra) 72, explains that, originally, existence in the beyond was conceived as a mere prolongation of earthly life. It is to this idea, therefore, that the old custom corresponds of placing in the tomb the articles and other objects which a dead man was in the habit of using, and which he was supposed to enjoy even in death.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Cf. Lucian, , De luctu 9, 14, 19; Philopseudes 21, 27.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Psyche 524.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Hesychius, , Lexicon s. v. Ναῦλον (ed. Schmidt, M., Jena 1858-68) III 142 : τὸ εἰς τὸ στόμα τῶν νεϰϱῶν έμβαλλόμενον νομισμάτιον. Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Hesychius, , Lexicon s. ν. Δανάϰη I 459 (Schmidt) : … ἐλέγετο δὲ ϰαὶ ό τοῖς νεϰϱοῖς διδόμενος ὀβολός. Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Suidae Lexicon (ed. Adler, A., II [Leipzig 1931] 5f.), s.v. Δανάϰη. Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Suidae Lexicon (IV [Leipzig 1935] 176 Adler), Ποϱθuεῖον (pl.) in the same sense occurs in Charon's opening speech in Lucian, , Dial. mort. 22; cf. infra at n. 62.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Callimachus, , frg. 278 (ed. Pfeiffer, R., I [Oxford 1949] 262); frg. 110 (Schneider). Pfeiffer's page of annotation on the 3-line fragment supplies a rich body of related material.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Cf. infra, n. 54.Google Scholar

⁵² Euripides, , Alcestis 252–257 (A. S. Way's version in the Loeb Classical Library Euripides IV 427).Google Scholar

⁵³ Aristophanes, , Frogs 180–269.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Aristoph. Frogs 138–140: Δι. Εἶτα πῶς πεϱαιωθήσωμαι; ‘Hϱ. ‘Ev πλοιαϱίῳ τνννοντῳί σ’ άνὴϱ γέϱων / ναύτης διάξει δὔ ὀβολὼ μισθὸν λαβών (cf. Frogs 181-182). — On the surprising mention here and in verse 270 (infra, n. 55) of two obols when one is elsewhere Charon's regular fare, we may well quote the explanation given by H. Van Daele in Aristophane (Collection des Universités de France) IV (Paris 1928) 92: ‘Le taux de « deux oboles » était celui d'un grand nombre de salaires ou d’indemnités diverses à Athènes; c'était en particulier celui de l'allocation de guerre appelée diobélie que Cléophon avait fait voter en 410. Aristophane suppose plaisamment que Thésée a importé aux enfers ce chiffre usuel à Athènes: Charon lui-même ne fait plus payer une obole, mais deux, à ses passagers.’ Others would explain through the fact that Dionysus is planning a round trip (cf. the case of Psyche, infra at n. 107). Rohde regards the two-obol fare in the Frogs as ‘not satisfactorily explained’ (Psyche 245 n. 9).Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Aristoph. Frogs 270 (Rogers’ translation from the Loeb Classical Library Aristophanes II 321).Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Aristoph. Lysistrata 605-607 (Rogers’ transl. Loeb Aristoph. TV 63).Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Anthologia Graeca 7.67. The English version is by Paton, W. R., in the Loeb Library Greek Anthology II 41.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Ibid. 7.68.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Ibid. 7.600.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Ibid. 7.63, 66, 365, 530.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Cf. Mandybur, T., Mitologia Grecka w Dyalogach Lukiana (Cracow 1901).Google Scholar

⁶² Lucian, , Dial. mort. 22.1; English translation of Williams, H. (Boston 1888).Google Scholar

⁶³ Lucian, , Dial. mort. 22.1–2.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Lucian, , Dial. mort. 11.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Jacobitz’s, K. edition in the Teubner Lucian I 205–222.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Lucian, , Charon 11; version by A. M. Harmon in the Loeb Library Lucian II 419. The Harmon version is the source or basis of all the English rendering of Lucian hereinafter presented.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Lucian, , Cataplus 1.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Op. cit. 3–5.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Op. cit. 18.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Op. cit. 21.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Rohde, , Psyche 524. Smith, , op. cit. (n. 17 supra) 885, states: ‘Lucian, in his treatise De Luctu, gives a connected account of the customs connected with Greek funerals; and since this account does not differ materially from the information derived from the notices scattered through earlier literature, we may infer that no great change took place in the funeral customs of Greece in historical times.’ Google Scholar

⁷² Lucian, , De luctu 2–9.Google Scholar

⁷³ Op. cit. 8.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Op. cit. 9.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Op. cit. 3.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Op. cit. 10.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Op. cit. 24.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ See, for general information: Rodd, J. R., The Customs and Lore of Modern Greece (London 1892); Abbott, G. F., Macedonian Folklore (Cambridge 1903); Lawson, J. C., Modern Greek Folklore and Ancient Greek Religion (Cambridge 1910); Schmidt, B., Das Volksleben der Neugriechen und das hellenische Altertum (Leipzig 1871); Hesselling, D. C., Charos: Ein Beitrag zur Kenntniss des neugriechischen Volksglaubens (Leyden 1897); Bent, J. T., The Cyclades or Life Among the Insular Greeks (London 1885); McDaniel, W. B., Roman Private Life and Its Survivals (Boston 1924); Halliday, W. R., Greek and Roman Folklore (New York 1927); Hyde, , Greek Religion 203-212; Sullivan, , op. cit. (n. 15 supra).Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Bent, J. T., op. cit. 213, notes that the expression ‘Charon seized him’ is common on the island of Mykonos.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Schmidt, , op. cit. 237. — Rodd, J. R., op. cit. 283-286, cites a well-known ballad ‘O Χάϱος καὶ αἱ Ψυχαί and other folksongs of the Mainotes in which Charon is represented as a boatman, but in these instances he has none of his ancient characteristics. Elsewhere (p. 126), Rodd states the Orthodox Greek Church long waged an unsuccessful war against this most tenacious superstition. Hyde (op. cit. 210) avers that near Smyrna the coin so placed has been referred generally to the ancient Greek custom of placing the coin in the mouth of the corpse to meet the demands of Charon the ferryman. C. Newton (Travels and Discoveries in the Levant [London 1865] I 289) speaks of having met with Charon’s fare in Macedonia, where Turkish coins were put into the mouth of the dead man. At Steinmachus in Thrace, Schmidt (op. cit. 238) found this custom still in vogue, and that the coin was intended ‘for Charus.’ Abbott (op. cit. 193) says that in some districts of Macedonia Charon’s penny is still put under the tongue or in the lap of the dead man.Google Scholar

⁸¹ Schmidt, , op. cit. 235–239.Google Scholar

⁸² Cuq, E., ‘Funus (Rome),’ DS 2.1386-1409; Showerman, G., ‘Death and Disposal of the Dead (Roman),’ in Hastings’ Encyclopedia 4.505-507; Smith, H. B., ‘Funus (Roman),’ Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities (London 1890) 1.890-894; Friedländer, L., Roman Life and Manners under the Early Empire (Authorized translation of the seventh enlarged edition by Freese, J. H. and Magnus, L. A.; 4 vols. London-New York 1908-1913); Laing, G. J., Survivals of Roman Religion (New York 1931); Cumont, , op. cit. (n. 5 supra); McDaniel, , op. cit. (n. 78 supra); Sullivan, , up. cit. (n. 15 supra), who stresses (p. 15f.) the elements distinguishing the Etruscan Charu(n) from his Greek namesake.Google Scholar

⁸³ Op. cit. III 300. Cf. Laing, , op. cit. 230-231.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Op. cit. 5.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ In a fragment of a tragedy by Ennius quoted by Cicero, , Tusc. Disp. 1.21.48, we find a salute to Acheron and the nether world: ‘Acherusia templa alta Orci salvete infera / pallida leti nubila tenebris local’ Google Scholar

⁸⁶ On the influence which Greek literature and fine arts exercised on Roman life and manners, see Friedlander, , op. cit. III 1–83.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ Cicero, , Tusc. Disp. 1.12.27: ‘… idque cum multis aliis rebus, tum e pontificio iure et a caerimoniis sepulchrorum intellegi licet, quas maximis ingeniis praediti nec tanta cura coluissent nec violatas tam inexpiabili religione sanxissent, nisi haereret in eorum mentibus mortem non interitum esse omnia tollentem atque delentem, sed quandam quasi migrationem commutationemque vitae, quae in claris viris et feminis dux in coelum soleret esse, in ceteris humi retineretur et permaneret tamen.’ — On the other hand, there were indeed not a few who utterly rejected all thought of a life hereafter. Pliny the Elder, for instance, ridiculed the human vanity, as he called it, which imagines a life beyond the grave, and added that ‘it worships departed spirits and makes those gods who have ceased to be even men’ (Natural History 7.188-191). Moreover, there are extant numerous materialistic inscriptions and epitaphs that disclaim any belief in a life beyond the grave (cf. CIL 6.26003, 7193a). Apropos of these, Friedländer's observation is very much to the point. He remarks that ‘as compared with thousands which betray no doubt in a life after death, the number of materialistic epitaphs is exceedingly small’ (op. cit. III 285).Google Scholar

⁸⁸ Cuq, DS 2.1393.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Cumont, , op. cit. (n. 5 supra) 73.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ Cicero maintained that no old woman is so weak-minded as to be afraid of the Acheruntian depths of Orcus, the pale realm of death wrapped in darkness (Tusc. Disp. 1.21.48; cf. 1.6.10). in another place, Cicero wrote: ‘Where can you find an old wife senseless enough to be afraid of the monsters of the lower world that were once believed in?’ (De natura deorum 2.2.0). — No one, said Seneca (Epist. 24.18), is so naive as to fear Cerberus and the darkness and the ghostly figures of the skeletons of the dead. Only quite young children believe that there are departed spirits, and the subterranean realm, and that so many thousands cross the river in a bark. Cf. Juvenal, , Sat. 2.150–159.Google Scholar

⁹¹ Cumont, , op. cit. 91-127; id. Les religions orientales dans le paganisme romain (Paris 1929) 35–38; Friedländer, , op. cit. III 290-296. Cf. also Quasten, J., ‘Mysterien,’ LThK 7.401-403.Google Scholar

⁹² Tertullian, , De testimonio animae 4 (I 406-407 Oehler): ‘Vocas porro securos, si quando extra portam cum obsoniis et matteis tibi potius parentans ad busta recedis, aut a bustis dilutior redis.’ Cf. De resurrectione carnis 1 (II 467 Oehler).Google Scholar

⁹³ Cumont (After Life in Roman Paganism 84) asserts that more or less everywhere the practice was perpetuated of placing in the mouth of the corpse a piece of money which served, it was said, to pay Charon for the crossing of the Styx. Cf. also Friedländer, , op. cit. III 298.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ Besides Charon and his boat, other means of attaining to the celestial abodes were conceived. Among the Egyptians, and in Roman paganism, a ladder was at times placed in the tomb as the means to scale the heavens, which were thought to be close to the mountains of the earth. Ships, birds, chariots, and winged-horses were the vehicles used by the souls to reach the upper spheres. Cf. Cumont, , op. cit. 148–169.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ Horace, , Odes 1.10.17–20.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Tibullus, 1.3.57-58: ‘sed me, quod facilis tenero sum semper Amori / ipsa Venus campos ducet in Elysios.’ Google Scholar

⁹⁷ CIL 10.5920.Google Scholar

⁹⁸ Virgil, , Aeneid 6.295–303; cf. Georgics 4.502-503; Culex 216.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ Virgil, , Aeneid 6.305–314.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ Virgil, , Aeneid 6.325–330: Haec omnis, quam cernis, inops inhumataque turba est; portitor ille Charon; hi, quos vehit unda, sepulti; nec ripas datur horrendas et rauca fluenta transportare prius quam sedibus ossa quierunt. Centum errant annos volitantque haec litora circum; tum demum admissi stagna exoptata revisunt.Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ Ovid, , Metamorphoses 10.1–77 (esp. 72f.: ‘orantem frustraque iterum transire volentem / portitor arcuerat’).Google Scholar

¹⁰² Cicero, , De natura deorum 3.17.43–44. Cf. Seneca, , Hercules furens 771.Google Scholar

¹⁰³ Propertius 4.11.7-8: ‘vota movent superos: ubi portitor aera recepit, / obserat her-bosos lurida porta rogos.’ Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ Statius, , Thebaid 12.559–561.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ Flaccus, Valerius, Argonautica 1.810–815.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ Juvenal 3.264-267: at ille iam sedet in ripa taetrumque novicius horret porthmea nec sperat caenosi gurgitis alnum infelix nec habet quem porrigat ore trientem.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ Apuleius, , The Golden Ass 6.17–19. The two coins are called stipes .Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ CIL 8.8992 ‘Deo Charoni Iulius Anabus votum solvit’ (from Mauretania Caesariensis).Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ For references to the representations, see H. Steuding in his art. ‘Charon,’ in Roscher’s Lexikon 1 (Leipzig 1884-1890) 885f.Google Scholar

¹¹⁰ Supra, p. 17.Google Scholar

¹¹¹ See Suidas, , s.v. ἐφόιον. The Greek word shows some of the semantic development here outlined for viaticum; cf. the Greek-English Lexicon of Liddell-Scott-Jones-McKenzie (Oxford 1925-1940), s.v. Google Scholar

¹¹² The examples are drawn from well-known Latin lexica — Harper's, Georges, Forcellini — and from Souter, A., A Glossary of Later Latin to 600 A.D. (Oxford 1949).Google Scholar

¹¹³ Typical is ‘serva tibi viaticum’ (Truculentus 937). For the other cases in Plautus, see Lodge, G., Lexicon Plautinum I (Leipzig 1926-1933) 858. Plautus also supplies the adjective viaticus, in the phrase ‘cena viatica’ (Bacchides 94), referring to a dinner for a traveller just arrived from abroad. (The lexica, Forcellini excepted, regularly misrepresent this phrase, translating ‘Abschiedsschmaus’ or the like.) There is also the participle viaticatus, in the sense of ‘furnished with travel provisions’ (Menaechmi 255). — In a second-century A.D. papyrus letter to his father in Egypt from a recruit in the Roman army stationed at Misenum, the writer sends the welcome news that on arrival at Misenum he had received from Caesar three gold pieces for travelling expenses (βιατιϰόν): Berlin papyrus 423, reprinted (with English translation) in Hunt, A. S., Edgar, C. C., Select Papyri I (Loeb Classical Library; London-New York 1932) 304-307. The Greek adaptation of viaticum is cited from another second-century papyrus in Preisigke, F., Wörterbuch der griechischen Papyrusurkunden… I (Berlin 1925) 267; cf. III (Berlin 1931) 31, s.v. ‘viaticum’ where it appears to be implied that the word (as Latin) in a further papyrus of the same period designates payment to a soldier for other than travelling expenses (for which cf. Horace quoted n. 115 infra). Google Scholar

¹¹⁴ Horace, , Epist. 1.17.54: ‘… cistam effractam et subducta viatica plorat.’ Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ Ibid. 2.2.26-28: ‘Luculli miles collecta viatica multis / aerumnis, lassus dum noctu stertit, ad assem / perdiderat.’ — By another extension, money available to a student abroad received the name viatica: cf. Digesta 12.1.17 (Mommsen). Interesting here is viatica used by Pliny, , Epist. 4.13.5, for travel money required by students attending schools away from home.Google Scholar

¹¹⁶ Cicero, , De senectute 18.66: ‘… quo minus viae restat eo plus viatici quaerere.’ Google Scholar

¹¹⁷ Plautus, , Poenulus 71.Google Scholar

¹¹⁸ This meaning is not singled out in the Lex. Plaut. of Lodge, who makes no distinction among the significations of viaticum. Paul Nixon’s neat rendering: ‘without funds for the trip’ (Loeb Plautus IV 9); cf. Ernout, : ‘sans le moindre bagage’ (Budé Plautus V 174).Google Scholar

¹¹⁹ Apuleius, , The Golden Ass 6.18: ‘Ergo et inter mortuos avaritia vivit, nec Charon ille vel Ditis pater, tantus deus, quicquam gratuito facit, sed moriens pauper viaticum debet quaerere, et aes si forte prae manu non fuerit, nemo eum expirare patietur.’ Google Scholar

¹²⁰ The custom of supplying the dead with a coin existed also among peoples who did not have the fable of the ferryman. Tylor, , op. cit. (n. 42 supra) I 488-494, records that the Esths of Northern Europe equipped their dead with bread, brandy, and a coin; the souls of Norse dead were supplied on their ghostly journey with boats and ferry-money; the old Prussians furnished their departing kin with spending-money to buy refreshments on their weary journey.Google Scholar

¹²¹ Op. cit. III 299.Google Scholar

¹²² Op. cit. 245 n. 9.Google Scholar

¹²³ Ibid. — A third explanation which Rohde (ibid.) reviews, seems to be a much later interpretation: it does not have a sufficiently solid basis in the literary sources of Graeco-Roman religious culture. According to it, the custom of putting a coin in the coffin of the dead means that men buy up the property of the dead, whereby they think they will have good luck in their life. — Halliday, W. R., op. cit. (n. 78 supra) 50, goes no farther than to declare that the coin ‘was probably originally placed with the corpse simply for the use of the dead man in the next world.’ Google Scholar

¹²⁴ The idea of death as the dies natalis to eternal life with God was very familiar to the early Christians. The first explicit reference to it is in the second-century Martyrdom of Polycarp, where it is narrated that the Christians took up the remains of St. Polycarp and deposited them in a fitting place, there, as the Lord would permit, to celebrate the birthday of his martyrdom (ἐπιτελεῖν τὴν τοῦ μαϱτυϱίου αὐτοῦ ἡμέϱαν γενέθλιον): Martyrdom of Polycarp 18 (ed., trans. Lake, K., The Apostolic Fathers II 336). The same thought recurs in the epistle of St. Ignatius to the Romans. Referring to the tortures of martyrdom awaiting him, he says: ‘The pains of birth are upon me’ (ὁ δὲ τοϰετός μοι ἐπίϰειται) (Ignatius, , Ad Romanos 6.1 [Lake, , Apost. Fathers I 232]), Google Scholar

¹²⁵ Cf. Rash, , op. cit. (n. 1 supra) 54–71.Google Scholar

¹²⁶ Ignatius, , Ad Romanos 2.2 (I 228 Lake).Google Scholar

¹²⁷ Ignatius, , Ad Polycarpum 2.3 (I 270 Lake): ὁ ϰαιϱός άπαιτεῖ σε … εἰς τὸ θεοῦ ἐπιτυχεῖν. Google Scholar

¹²⁸ Ignatius, , Ad Romanos 5.3 (I 232 Lake), with Lake’s version.Google Scholar

¹²⁹ Garrucci, R., Storia dell’ arte cristiana I (Prato 1872) 204–206: VI (Prato 1880) Tav. 486, figures 18, 19, 20, 21 (p. 147-148): Marucchi, O., Epigrafia cristiana (Milano 1910) 59-61, Tav. III, figures 3, 5; Diehl, E., Inscriptiones latinae christianae veteres I (Berlin 1925) 1552, 1687: II (Berlin 1927) 2766, 3331, 3454. Cf. Stuhlfauth, G., ‘Das Schiff als Symbol in der altchristlichen Kunst,’ Rivista di archeologia cristiana 19 (1942) 111-141; Leclercq, H., ‘Navire,’ DACL 12.1008.Google Scholar

¹³⁰ Ignatius, , Ad Polycarpum 2.3 (I 270 Lake).Google Scholar

¹³¹ Cyprian, , Epist. 61.1 (CSEL 3.2.695 Hartel).Google Scholar

¹³² Constitutiones Apostolorum 2.57.2–3 (ed. Quasten, J., Florilegium Patristicum [= FlP] 7.4.181).Google Scholar

¹³³ Cf. Tertullian, , Apologeticum 16.9–11 (I 180 Oehler); Ad nationes 1.13 (ibid. I 334-335); Clement of Alexandria, Stromata 7.7.43 (GCS Clement 3.32 Stählin); Martyrium Pauli 5 (ed. Lipsius, R. A., Bonnet, M., Acta Apostolorum Apocrypha I [Lipsiae 1891] 115); Ordo Synaxis Christianae ex Didascalia (FlP 7.1.35-36 Quasten). — On the basis of this belief, the early Christians built their churches facing the East, for, as Tertullian remarks, the East is ‘Christi figura’ (Adv. Valentinianos 3 [II 384 Oehler]). The pagan custom of building their temples facing the East originates from sun worship (cf. Tylor, , op. cit. [n. 42 supra] II 425-428). Vitruvius, , De architectura 4.5.1, states that Greek temples were built so that the people who approach the altar to sacrifice may look to the East.Google Scholar

¹³⁴ Cf. Hippolytus, , De Antichristo 59 (ed. Achelis, H., GCS Hippolytus 1.2.39-40); Cyprian, , De mortalitate 22, 26 (CSEL 3.1.310-311, 313-314 Hartel); Gregory of Nyssa, De anima et resurrectione (PG 46.11); Nazianzen, Gregory, Orat. 21.1, 24.17, 43.49 (PG 35.1081, 1189; 36.560); Chrysostom, , In S. Ignatium martyrem 4 (PG 50.592); Ad viduam 3 (PG 48.602); Jerome, , Epist. 108.28, 60.13 (CSEL 55.347, 54.565 Hilberg); Augustine, , Serm. 63.1 (PL 38.424); In Ioannem tract. 25.5 (PL 35.1598); Enarr. in Ps. 103.4.5 (PL 37.1381-1382), Enarr. in Ps. 25 sermo 2.4 (PL 36.189-190); Pomerius, Julianus, De vita contemplativa 3.12.3 (PL 59.492). Cf. also Rahner, H., Griechische Mythen in christlicher Deutung (Zurich 1945) 430-492.Google Scholar

¹³⁵ Tertullian, , Ad martyras 3 (I 10 Oehler): ‘Proinde vos, benedicti, quodcunque hoc durum est, ad exercitationem animi et corporis virtutum deputate. Bonum agonem subituri estis, in quo agonothetes deus vivus est, xystarches spiritus sanctus, corona aeternitatis, brabium angelicae substantiae, politia in caelis, gloria in saecula saeculorum.’ Here may now be cited Dom E. Dekker’s new edition in the just inaugurated Corpus Christianorum: Series Latina 1.1 (Turnhout 1953) 5.Google Scholar

¹³⁶ Passio Sanctarum Perpetuae et Felicitatis 10 (ed. Corn. van Beek FlP 42.32-38).Google Scholar

¹³⁷ Passio 4.3 (FlP 42.16-18). Cf. Quasten, J., ‘A Coptic Counterpart of a Vision in the Acts of Perpetua and Felicitas,’ Byzantion 15 (1940) 1–9.Google Scholar

¹³⁸ Passio 4.4 (FlP 42.18): ‘Et erat sub ipsa scala draco cubans mirae magnitudinis, qui ascendentibus insidias praestabat et exterrebat ne ascenderent.’ Google Scholar

¹³⁹ Athanasius, , Vita S. Antonii 65 (PG 26.933-936); translation quoted is that of Meyer, R. in Ancient Christian Writers 10 (Westminster, Md. 1950) 74.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁰ Origen, , In Lucam hom. 23 (ed. Rauer, M., GCS Origenes 9.154-155).Google Scholar

¹⁴¹ Macarius of Egypt, Homil. 22, 43 (PG 34.660, 770).Google Scholar

¹⁴² Cyril of Alexandria, Homil. 14 (PG 77.1073).Google Scholar

¹⁴³ Augustine, , Confessiones 9.13.36: ‘Nemo a protectione tua disrumpat eam. Non se, interponat, nec vi, nec insidiis, leo et draco. Neque enim respondebit illa nihil se debere ne convincatur et obtineatur ab accusatore callido…’ Google Scholar

¹⁴⁴ The tombstone was found on the Via Appia and is presently in the Lateran Museum, Rome. On its cultural significance, see Quasten, J., ‘Die Grabinschrift des Beratius Nikatoras,’ Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Römische Abteilung 53 (1938) 50–69 (photographic reproduction of inscription, p. 51).Google Scholar

¹⁴⁵ 1 Pet. 5.8; cf. Ps. 21.22, 7.2-5. Cf. Catholic Biblical Encyclopedia (New York 1950) s.v. ‘Lion’ (392), ‘Dragon’ (190).Google Scholar

¹⁴⁶ Cf. Heinisch, P., Theology of the Old Testament (Collegeville, Minn. 1950) 130–132.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁷ Cf. Rituale Romanum 6.3; Offertory in Missa pro Defunctis. Google Scholar

¹⁴⁸ Passio Sanctarum Perpetuae et Felicitatis 11 (FlP 43.38-40, Corn. van Beek); Basil, , Homilia in Gordium martyrem 8 (PG 31.505); Origen, , Homil. in Numeros 5.3 (ed. Baehrens, W. A., GCS Origenes 7.29); Nazianzen, Gregory, Orat. 43.79 (PG 36.600); Gregory of Nyssa, Vita S. Macrinae (ed. Callahan, Virginia Woods, in Jaeger, W. [ed.], Gregorii Nysseni opera 8.1 [Leiden 1952] 347-416); Athanasius, , Vita S. Antonii, loc. cit. (n. 139 supra); Vita S. Melaniae (ed. Card, Mariano. del Tindaro, Rampolla, Santa Melania Giuniore Senatrice Romana [Roma 1905] 39-40 [Latin Vita 68], 81 [Greek Vita 64]).Google Scholar

¹⁴⁹ In the ceremony of Baptism, the converts to Christianity had to renounce their former way of life, idolatrous cults and superstitions. These were spoken of under the name of ‘pompa diaboli.’ Cf. Tertullian, , De corona militis 3, 13 (I 421, 452 Oehler): De spectaculis 4 (I 24): Cyprian, , De habitu virginum 7 (CSEL 3.1.192 Hartel): Origen, , Homil. in Numeros 12.4 (GCS Origenes 7.105 Baehrens): In Psalmum 38 homil. 2.5 (PG 12.1405): Ambrose, , De mysteriis 2.5 (ed. Quasten, J., FlP 7.115): De sacramentis 1.2.5 (ed. Quasten FlP 7.140); Cyril of Jerusalem, Catecheses Mystagogicae 1.4-8 (ed. Quasten, FlP 7.74-78). — On the cultural and religious significance of pompa diaboli. see Rahner, H., ‘Pompa diaboli: Ein Beitrag zur Bedeutungsgeschichte des Wortes πομπή in der urchristlichen Taufliturgie,’ Zeitschrift für katholische Theologie 55 (1931) 239-273.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁰ In recent years sufficient evidence has been gathered to prove that the myth of Charon's fare has survived with remarkable tenacity among Greek speaking people. Schmidt op. cit. [n. 78 supra] 237f.) records that in the villages of Cephalonia at the end of the eighteenth century the Archbishop of the island was successful in putting an end to this pagan superstition: on the island of Zante he met an old woman who remembered the custom, and in Thrace he found it still in vogue and that the coin was intended for Charus. Abbott (op. cit. [n. 78 supra] 193) and Rodd (op. cit. [ibid.] 126) have found traces of it in Macedonia, Thrace, Albania, and on the Aegean islands. Newton (op. cit. [n. 80 supra] I 289) recalls in his book on travels the measures which the Archbishop of Mitylene told him he had taken in vain to put an end to it in Macedonia, by representing that a Turkish coin was no fit object in a Christian grave. Bent (op. cit. [n. 78 supra] 363) records a survival of Charon's obol in the village of Komiakè, on the island of Naxos. He says: ‘a Christianized form of the old classical « obolos for Charon », the freight-money, is still maintained and still bears the ancient name of ναῦλον; it is not a coin as in olden days, but a little wax cross with the initial letters IXN (’Ιησοῦς Χϱιστὸς Νιϰᾶ) engraved thereon; and this they put on the closed lips of the deceased.’ Perhaps, too, an indication of the survival of Charon's fare is the fact that in many tombs skeletons were found with bronze coins of the Roman empire in their mouths (cf. Friedländer, , op. cit. III 299: IV 703). Apropos of these instances, Hyde (op. cit. [n. 13 supra] 211-212) remarks that ‘on the whole… where the custom had been practiced in modern times, it is a survival, to be sure, of the ancient one, but with a very different meaning, in part at least, influenced by Christianity.’ — The veracity of Bent's statement, ‘a Christianized form of the old classical « obolos for Charon »’ etc., is open to suspicion. Throughout his work, I have come across instances where the author, through ignorance or otherwise, puts a pagan label on many purely Christian customs, and traces Christian religious festivals to pagan idolatrous cults. He is a representative of that school which considers Christianity to be merely a syncretism of Greek and Roman idolatrous rites and beliefs. His statement, ‘Thus it is that Christianity has introduced into its ritual pagan rites’ (363-364), illustrates his attitude in this matter.Google Scholar

¹⁵¹ Augustine, , Confessiones 6.2: ‘Itaque cum ad memorias Sanctorum, sicut in Africa solebat, pultes, et panem, et merum attulisset, atque ab ostiario prohiberetur: ubi hoc episcopum vetuisse cognovit tam pie atque obedienter amplexa est, ut ipse mirarer, quod tam facile accusatrix potius consuetudinis suae, quam disceptatrix illius prohibitionis effecta sit.’ Google Scholar

¹⁵² As Bishop of Hippo, St. Augustine waged a constant battle against the survival of the ancient funeral repasts at the tombs of the dead. He severely reprimanded those who, like pagans, ‘drink intemperately above the dead and who, while serving meals to corpses, bury themselves with these buried bodies, making a religion of their greed and their drunkenness’ (De moribus eccl. 1.34.75 [PL 32.1342]). Elsewhere, in his letter to Bishop Aurelius of Carthage, Augustine bewails the gross abuses committed in cemeteries and at the tombs of martyrs under the pretense of religion (Epist. 22.3-6 [ed. Goldbacher, A., CSEL 34.1.56–59]). Later, in the De Civitate Dei 8.27.1, he states that this custom is no longer practiced by better Christians, and in many parts there is no such custom : ‘Quicumque etiam epulas suas eo deferunt, quod quidem a Christianis melioribus non fit, et in plerisque terrarum nulla talis est consuetudo…’ — In the East, ecclesiastical authorities tolerated this custom, which they could not uproot, contenting themselves with forbidding the abuse of wine and recommending a moderation the absence of which might often be deplored (cf. Constitutiones Apostolorum 8.44 [Funk, F., Didascalia et Constitutiones Apostolorum I (Paderborn 1905) 556]).Google Scholar

¹⁵³ Augustine, , Contra Faustum 20.4 (PL 42.370-371).Google Scholar

¹⁵⁴ Op. cit. 20.5-20 (PL 42.371-384).Google Scholar

¹⁵⁵ Op. cit. 20.21 (PL 42.385).Google Scholar

¹⁵⁶ Clement of Reme, Epistula ad Corinthios 2.1: τοῖς ἐφοδίοις τοῦ Χϱιστοῦ άϱϰονμένοι ϰαὶ πϱοσέχοντες τοὺς λόγους αὐτοῦ ἐπιμελῶς ἐνεστεϱνισμ ένοι ἦτε τοῖς σπλάγχνοις. ϰαὶ τὰ παθήματα αὐτοῦ ἦν πϱὸ ὀφθαλμῶν ὑμῶν (I 10 Lake).Google Scholar

¹⁵⁷ Eusebius, , Historia Ecclesiastica 8.10.2 (ἐφόδια τῆς εἰς τὴν αἰώνιον ζωὴν εἰσόδου).Google Scholar

¹⁵⁸ Basil, , De Spiritu Sancto 27.66 (PG 31.650): … ἡ ‘Εϰϰλησία παιδεύει, ἵva τῇ συνεχεῖ ὑπομνήσει τῆς ἀτελευτήτου ζωῆς, τὴν πϱὸς τὴν μετάστασιν ἐϰείνην ἐφοδίων μὴ ἀμελῶμεν. Cf. Epist. 57, 69.1.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁹ Basil, , Epist. 249: συγχαίρω τῷ ἀδελφῷ τῷδε…’ Aγαθὸν γὰϱ αύτῷ ἐφόδιον πϱὸς τὸν ἐφεξῆς αῖῶνα, τὴν μετὰ τῶν φοβουμένων τὸν κύϱιον ἀγαθὴν διαγωγὴν, έξελέξατο. Google Scholar

¹⁶⁰ Basil, , Homil. 13.5 (PG 31.432): Mὴ ζημιωθῇς τὰ ἐφόδια, μὴ ἀπολέσῃς τὸ φυλαϰτή-ριον. Google Scholar

¹⁶¹ Nazianzen, Gregory, Orat. 40.11 (PG 36.373): ἕως οὐ μάχη βαπτιστοῦ καὶ χϱηματιστοῦ, τοῦ μὲν, ὅπως ἐφοδιάσῃ φιλονειϰοῦντος, τοῦ δὲ, ὅπως γϱαφῇ ϰληϱονόμος, ἀμφότεϱα τοῦ ϰαιϱοῦ μὴ συγχωϱοῦντος .Google Scholar

¹⁶² Cyril of Jerusalem, Catecheses 6.12 (PG 33.555).Google Scholar

¹⁶³ Hilary, , Tractatus in Psalmum XIV 17 (ed. Zingerle, A., CSEL 22.95-96): ‘Condendus est psalmus in viscera, scribendus in corde, in memoria signandus, et huius nobiscum noctibus diebusque copiosae brevitatis thensaurus conparandus, ut adquisita hac in viaticum aeternitatis opulentia et habitantes in ecclesia, tandem in gloria Christi corporis quiescamus.’ Google Scholar

¹⁶⁴ Jerome, , Epist. 54.14, cf. 17 (ed. Hilberg, I., CSEL 54.481, 484). — St. Cyprian's treatise on almsgiving is another example of good works considered as a viaticum for the future life. To be sure, the Bishop-Martyr does not use the word viaticum, but it is clear from the tenor of the whole treatise that he regards almsgiving and works of charity done on behalf of fellow Christians a good provision and an assurance for the future life. He exhorts the wealthy (chap. 14) in these words: ‘You may become able to attain unto seeing God, by securing God's favor by good works and conduct;’ elsewhere (chap. 24) he says: ‘Let us consult for our safety, and for eternal salvation, while there is time’ to give alms and perform charitable deeds (De opere et eleemosyna 14.24 [CSEL 3.1.384, 390 Hartel]).Google Scholar

¹⁶⁵ Canon 9 (Bruns, H. T., Canones Apostolorum et conciliorum saeculorum IV. V. VI. VII [Berlin 1839] II 20; Mansi 8.550): ‘Is vero qui aegritudinis languore depressus poenitentiae benedictionem, quod viaticum deputamus, per communionem acceperit, et postmodum revalescens caput poenitentiae in ecclesia publice non subdiderit, si prohibitis vitiis non detinetur obnoxius, admittatur ad clerum.’ Cf. Hefele-Leclercq, , Histoire des conciles II 2 [Paris 1908] 1030. Hefele (loc. cit. n. 1) makes the following observation in regard to this canon: ‘Cette bénédiction s'appelait benedictio poenitentiae, c'est-à-dire la bénédiction par laquelle quelqu'un recevait la grâce de la pénitence… Après cette bénédiction, le malade recevait la communion, et les deux sacrements s'appelaient le viaticum.‘ Google Scholar

¹⁶⁶ Dölger, F.J., IXΘYC II 515–535.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁷ Justin, , Apologia 1.65.5 (ed. Quasten, J., FlP 7.1.17).Google Scholar

¹⁶⁸ Eusebius, , Historia ecclesiastica 6.44.1–6.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁹ Eusebius, , Hist. eccl. 6.44.2–5.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁰ Eusebius, , Hist. eccl. 6.44.4.Google Scholar

¹⁷¹ Cyprian, , Epist. 18.1, 19.2, 20.3, 55.5, 57.1 (CSEL 3.2.523-524, 525-526, 528-529, 626-627, 650-651 Hartel).Google Scholar

¹⁷² Cyprian, , Epist. 57.1, 4; 55.17 (CSEL 3.2.650-651, 653–654, 636-637 Hartel). — In regard to Cyprian’s terminology, pax and communicatio, A. d’Alès says: ‘L’exacte corrélation des deux termes: communicatio, pax, montre que l’Église pensait agir en vertu d’un mandat divin quand elle rendait au pécheur tout à la fois sa paix et la communion eucharistique’ (La théologie de Saint Cyprien [Paris 1922] 278-279).Google Scholar

¹⁷³ Cyprian, , Epist. 55.23 (CSEL 3.2.641-642 Hartel): ‘Paenitentiam non agentes nec dolorem delictorum suorum toto corde et manifesta lamentationis suae professione testantes prohibendos omnino censuimus a spe communicationis et pacis, si in infirmitate atque in periculo coeperint deprecari, quia rogare illos non delicti paenitentia sed mortis urgentis admonitio conpellit, nec dignus est in morte accipere solacium qui se non cogitavit esse moriturum.’ Google Scholar

¹⁷⁴ Canons 1, 2, 3, 7, 8, 17, 63, 64 (Bruns, , Canones II 2–10; Mansi 2.6ff.; cf. Hefele-Leclercq, , Hist. conc. I 155ff.). — In all of these canons we meet with such phrases as ‘placuit nec in finem iis dandam esse communionem,’ ‘placuit ne in finem accipiant communionem,’ and the like. Hefele (op. cit. I 221) observes that the term ‘communio’ in these phrases does not exclude sacramental Communion. A similar decree issued from the Council of Arles of 314 A.D. (Canon 22: Bruns Canones II 110; Mansi 2.473).Google Scholar

¹⁷⁵ Canon 13 (Bruns, , Canones I 18; Mansi 2.673; cf. Hefele-Leclercq, , Hist. conc. I 593): Περὶ δὲ τῦν έξοδενόντων ὁ παλαιὸς καὶ κανονικὸς νόμος φνλαχθήσεται καὶ νῦν, ὥστε εἴ τις έξοδεύοι, τοῦ τελευταίου καὶ ἀναγκαιοτάτου ἐφοδίου μὴ ἀποστερεῖσθαι. — Following an indication given by Souter, , Glossary (n. 112 supra), s.v. ‘viaticum,’ we may cite also the (slightly earlier) provision for deathbed communion allowed to certain sinners by the Council of Ancyra (A.D. 314): Bruns, , Canones I 69 (c. 16) ἐπὶ τῇ ἐξόδῳ τοῦ βίου τυγχανέτωσαν τῆς κοινωνίας. The Versio Prisca, older than A.D. 500, uses the expression ‘mereantur viaticum accipere’ (Turner, C. H., Ecclesiae occidentalis monumenta iuris antiquissima II 1 [Oxford 1907] 25b).Google Scholar

¹⁷⁶ The date of composition and the authorship of the Statuta Ecclesiae Antiqua is not yet definitely settled; some date them to the end of the fourth century (c. 398), others attribute them to St. Caesarius of Arles. Cf. de Labriolle, P., Histoire de la littérature latine chrétienne (3rd ed. [revue et augmentée par G. Bardy] Paris 1947) 774 and n. 4.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁷ Canon XX (76) (ed. Morin, G., S. Caesarii episc. Arelat. opp. II [Maredsous 1941] 92; also Bruns, , Canones I 148; PL 56.882): ‘Is qui paenitentiam in infirmitate petit, si casu, dum ad eum sacerdos invitatus venit, oppressus infirmitate obmutuerit, vel in phrenesim versus fuerit, dent testimonium qui eum audierunt, et accipiat paenitentiam. Et si continuo creditur moriturus, reconcilietur per manus impositionem, et infundatur ori eius Eucharistia.’ Google Scholar

¹⁷⁸ Canon XXI (78) (ed. Morin, ibid. ; ed. Bruns, ibid.; PL 56.883): ‘Poenitentes, qui in infirmitate viaticum eucharistiae acceperint…’ Google Scholar

¹⁷⁹ Paulinus, , Vita Ambrosii 47 (PL 14.43): ‘Honoratus autem … tertio vocem vocantis se audivit, dicentisque sibi: Surge festina, quia modo est recessurus. Qui descendens obtulit sancto Domini corpus; quo accepto, ubi glutivit, emisit spiritum, bonum viaticum secum ferens ut in virtute escae anima refectior, angelorum nunc consortio… et Eliae societate laetetur.’ Google Scholar

¹⁸⁰ Palladius, , Dialogus de vita et conversatione Beati Ioannis Chrysostomi 11 (PG 47.38-39).Google Scholar

¹⁸¹ Vita S. Basilii Apocrypha (PG 29. ccxciv-cccxvi, being the Latin version by F. Combefis, O.P.). It was falsely attributed by some to Amphilochius of Iconium. The date of its composition is placed between the eighth and ninth centuries (cf. PG 29.ccxcii-ccxciv).Google Scholar

¹⁸² Vita S. Basilii Apocrypha (PG 29.cccxv).Google Scholar

¹⁸³ Gaudentius, , Tractatus II in Exodum (ed. Glueck, A., CSEL 68.31): ‘Hoc illud est viaticum nostri itineris, quo in hac via vitae alimur et nutrimur, donec ad ipsum pergamus de hoc saeculo recedentes.’ Google Scholar

¹⁸⁴ Jerome, , In Matth. 2: on 15.32 (PL 26.112): ‘Non vult eos Iesus dimittere ieiunos, ne deficiant in via. Periclitatur ergo, qui sine caelesti pane ad optatam mansionem pervenire festinat.’ Google Scholar

¹⁸⁵ Caesarius of Arles, Sermo 13.3 (ed. Morin, I [Maredsous 1937] 65; = [Aug.] Sermo 265, PL 39.2238): ‘Quotiens aliqua infirmitas supervenerit, corpus et sanguinem Christi ille qui aegrotat accipiat.’ Google Scholar

¹⁸⁶ Gregory the Great, Dialogi 2.37 (PL 66.202): ‘Cumque per dies singulos languor ingravesceret, sexta die portari se in oratorium a discipulis fecit, ibique exitum suum dominici corporis et sanguinis perceptione munivit, atque inter discipulorum manus imbecillia membra sustentans, erectis in coelum manibus stetit, et ultimum spiritum inter verba orationis efflavit.’ Google Scholar

¹⁸⁷ Gregory the Great, Dialogi 4.10 (PL 77.336): ‘… fratribus convocatis astans in medio sacramentum dominici corporis et sanguinis sumpsit, moxque cum eis mysticos psalmorum cantus exorsus est. Qui illis psallentibus orationi intentus animam reddidit.’ Google Scholar

¹⁸⁸ Gregory the Great, Dialogi 4.35 (PL 77.376-377): ‘Ad horam vero mortis veniens, mysterium Dominici corporis et sanguinis accepit.’ Google Scholar

¹⁸⁹ Gregory the Great, Dialogi 4.56 (PL 77.424).Google Scholar

¹⁹⁰ Gregory the Great, In Evang. Homil. 40.11 (PL 76.1311-1312): ‘Nocte ergo quarta eamdem magistram suam iterum vocavit. Qua veniente viaticum petiit, et accepit. … Cumque ante foras cellulae exhiberentur coelestes exsequiae, sancta illa anima carne soluta est.’ — Cf. Dialogi 4.15 (PL 77.345).Google Scholar

¹⁹¹ Vita S. Melaniae 68 [of the Latin life] (p. 39 Rampolla): ‘Consuetudo autem est Romanis ut cum animae egrediuntur, communio Domini in ore sit.’ Google Scholar

¹⁹² Canon 3 (Bruns, , Canones II 122; Mansi 6.437): ‘Qui recedunt de corpore, poenitentia accepta, placuit sine reconciliatoria manus impositione iis communicari, quod morientis sufficit consolationi secundum definitiones patrum, qui huiusmodi communionem congruenter viaticum nominarunt.’ Google Scholar

¹⁹³ Cf. Hefele-Leclercq, , Hist. conc. I 594–595 n. 3; Schroeder, H. J., Disciplinary Decrees of the General Councils (St. Louis, Mo. 1937) 42-44.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁴ Cf. supra, n. 175.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁵ Siricius, , Epist. 1.6 (PL 13.1137): ‘Quos tamen, quoniam carnali fragilitate ceciderunt, viatico munere, cum ad Dominum coeperint proficisci, per communionis gratiam volumus sublevari.’ Google Scholar

¹⁹⁶ Innocentius I, Epist. 2 (‘Consulenti tibi’) 2.6 (PL 20.498-499; Mansi 3.1039): ‘Sed postquam Dominus noster pacem Ecclesiis reddidit, iam depulso errore, communionem dari abeuntibus placuit, et propter Domini misericordiam quasi viaticum profecturis, et ne Novatiani haeretici, negantis veniam, asperitatem et duritiam sequi videamur. Tribuetur ergo cum poenitentia extrema communio: ut huiusmodi homines vel in extremis suis, permittente Salvatore nostro, a perpetuo exitio vindicentur.’ Google Scholar

¹⁹⁷ Leo the Great, Epist. 108.5 (PL 54.1013): ‘Verum … etiam talium necessitati auxiliandum est, ut et actio illis poenitentiae, et communionis gratia, si eam, etiam amisso vocis officio, per indicia integri sensus postulant, non negetur.’ Google Scholar

¹⁹⁸ Canon 15 (ed. Morin, S. Caesarii Arelat. opp. II 44; also Bruns, , Canones II 149): ‘Viaticum tamen omnibus in morte positis non negandum.’ — Cf. Hefele-Leclercq, , Hist. Conc. II 651.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁹ Cf. above, p. 33.Google Scholar

²⁰⁰ Nazianzen, Gregory, Orat. 18.38 (PG 35.1036): καὶ πολλάκις γε τῆς ἡμέρας, ἒστι δὲ ὅτε καὶ ὤρας ὑπὸ μόνης ἐῤῥώννυτο τῆς λειτουργίας. Google Scholar

²⁰¹ Diehl, E., Inscriptiones latinae christianae veteres I 1549; CIL 10.7112; DACL 2.2.2512-2520 (fig. 2194, col. 2513). Cf. Dölger, , op. cit. II 522ff.Google Scholar

²⁰² Vita S. Melaniae 55 (p. 74 Rampolla): καὶ ποιήσασα αὐτὸν μεταλαβεῖν τρίτον τῶν ἁγίων μυστηρίων, τῇ ἕωθεν, τῆς ἑορτῆς οὔσης τῶν άγίων θεωφανίων, χαίρουσα προέπεμψεν αὐτὸν ἐν εἰρήνῃ πρὸς τὸν κύριον. Google Scholar

²⁰³ Vita S. Melaniae 66 (p. 39 Rampolla): ‘Et ita perfecto sacrificio laudis communicavit.’ Google Scholar

²⁰⁴ Vita S. Melaniae 67 (ibid.): ‘Facto autem die venit episcopus ad videndam eam… Et iterum communicavit de manu episcopi.’ Google Scholar

²⁰⁵ Vita S. Melaniae 68 (p. 39–40 Rampolla): ‘… accepitque eadem hora de manu episcopi, et completa oratione respondit Amen … secura migravit ad coelos.’ Google Scholar

²⁰⁶ Vita S. Melaniae 68 (p. 39 Rampolla).Google Scholar

²⁰⁷ Supra, n. 177.Google Scholar

²⁰⁸ Cf. Dölger, , op. eit. II 532.Google Scholar

²⁰⁹ Augustine, , De peccatorum meritis et remissione 1.24.34 (PL 44.128): ‘Optime Punici Christiani … sacramentum corporis Christi nihil aliud quam vitam vocant.’ Google Scholar

²¹⁰ Cicero, , Tusculan Disputations 1.16.36: ‘… sub terra censebant reliquam vitam agi mortuorum.’ Cf. Lécrivain, DS 2.1369.Google Scholar

²¹¹ Cyprian, , De mortalitate 26 (CSEL 3.1.313 Hartel): ‘amplectamur diem qui adsignat singulos domicilio suo, qui nos istinc ereptos et laqueis saecularibus exsolutos paradiso restituit et regno.’ Google Scholar

²¹² Cf. Ruland, L., Die Geschichte der kirchlichen Leichenfeier (Regensburg 1901) 123–124; Leclercq, H., ‘Communion des morts,’ DACL 3.2.2445-2446; Scudamore, W. E., ‘Obsequies of the Dead,’ Dictionary of Christian Antiquities 2.1434.Google Scholar

²¹³ Cf. Gregory the Great, Dialogi 2.24 (PL 66.180-182); Menard, H., Notae et observationes in Sacramentarium Gregorianum (PL 78.473).Google Scholar

²¹⁴ Augustine, , Retractationes 1.16.1 (ed. Knöll, P., CSEL 36.84).Google Scholar

²¹⁵ Breviarium Hipponense c. 4 (ed. Bruns, , Canones I 136): ‘corporibus defunctorum eucharistia non detur.’ — On the sources of our knowledge of the Council of Hippo, see Bardy, G., ‘Afrique,’ Dict. de droit canonique I (Paris 1935) 293f.Google Scholar

²¹⁶ Canon 6 (Bruns, , Canones I 123; Mansi 3.919): ‘Item placuit, ut corporibus defunctorum eucharistia non detur; dictum est enim a Domino: « Accipite et edite. » Cadavera autem nec accipere nec edere possunt.’ Google Scholar

²¹⁷ Chrysostom, , Homil. 40.1 (PG 61.347).Google Scholar

²¹⁸ Mansi 8.643.Google Scholar

²¹⁹ Canon 12 (MGH Conc. 1.180): ‘Non licet mortuis nec eucharistia nec osculum tradi…’ Google Scholar

²²⁰ Canon 83 (Bruns, , Canones I 60; cf. Mansi 11.962): Μηδεὶς τοῖς σώμασι τῶν τελεντώντων τῆς εὐχαριστίας μεταδιδότω · γέγραπται γάρ · Λάβετε, φάγετε · τὰ δὲ τῶν νεκρῶν σώματα οὐδὲ λαβεῖν δύναται οὐδὲ φαγεῖν. Google Scholar

²²¹ Canon 20 (Mansi 12.383): ‘Non licet dare mortuis nec eucharistiam nec osculum pacis.’ Google Scholar

²²² According to another ancient custom which persevered for many centuries, the faithful were wont to take the Holy Eucharist along with themselves when about to go on a long and perilous journey. A notable example of this usage is the incident told by St. Ambrose about his brother Satyrus (De obitu Satyri 1.43 [PL 16.1304]). Cf. Giordani, D. V., ‘Eucaristia (SS. nei Viaggi),’ Enciclopedia Ecclesiastica 3 (Venezia 1857) 580–581.Google Scholar

²²³ Tertullian, , Ad uxorem 2.5 (I 690 Oehler): ‘Non sciet maritus quid secreto ante omnem cibum gustes? et si sciverit panem, non illum credet esse qui dicitur?’ Cf. De oratione 19 (I 572 Oehler).Google Scholar

²²⁴ Basil, , Epist. 93. Cf. Nazianzen, Gregory, Orat. 8.18, 18.30 (PG 35.809f, 1022f.).Google Scholar

²²⁵ Cyprian, , De lapsis 26 (CSEL 3.1.255-256 Hartel); cf. Epist. 57 (CSEL 3.2.650ff. Hartel); De bono patientiae 9 (CSEL 3.1.403 Hartel).Google Scholar

²²⁶ Jerome, , Epist. 48.15 (CSEL 54.376-377 Hilberg).Google Scholar

²²⁷ Thiel, A., Epistulae romanorum pontificum I (Braunsbergae 1868) 902.Google Scholar

²²⁸ Op. cit. (n. 1 supra) 175.Google Scholar

²²⁹ Mansi 9.911ff.Google Scholar

²³⁰ Shahan, T. J., ‘Auxerre, Council of,’ Catholic Encyclopedia 2.145.Google Scholar

²³¹ Mansi 9.913.Google Scholar

²³² Cf. Virgil, , Aeneid 4.683–685; Cicero, , Act. in Verrem sec. 5.45.118; Ambrose, , De obitu Satyri 1.19; cf. 1.78 (PL 16.1296, 1314). — For an account of this funeral custom, see Cuq, DS 2.1386-1387; Cumont, , op. cit. (n. 5 supra) 59; Showerman, , op. cit. (n. 82 supra) 505.Google Scholar

²³³ In some parts of the Christian world, the kiss given to the dead had lost its pagan significance and become an integral part of early Christian burial rites. Cf. Rush, , op. cit. 103–104.Google Scholar

²³⁴ Lucian, , De luctu 19.Google Scholar

²³⁵ John, 11.25.Google Scholar

²³⁶ John, 6.51–52.Google Scholar

²³⁷ John, 6.55.Google Scholar

²³⁸ Cf. above, n. 42.Google Scholar

²³⁹ Ignatius, , Ad Ephesios 20.2 (I 194 Lake): ἄρτον … ὅς ἐστιν φάρμακον ἀθανασίας, άντίδοτος τοῦ μὴ ἀποθανεῖν, ἀλλὰ ζῆν ἐν’ Ιησοῦ Χριστῷ διὰ παντός .Google Scholar