¹ See ThLL s.v. ‘celeuma’; Frisk, H., Griechisches etymologisches Wörterbuch (Heidelberg 1960) I 816; for the orthography of λεv[σ]α see Bond, G. W., Euripides’ Hypsipyle (Oxford 1961) 172.Google Scholar

² See LSJ s.v. λεvσμa. Google Scholar

³ Cartault, A., La trière athénienne: étude d'archéologie navale (Bibliothéque des Écoles françaises d'Athènes et de Rome 20; Paris 1881) 160–67; Assmann, E., ‘,’ RE 11.1. 146; Miltner, F., ‘Nautai,’ RE 16.2. 2030–31; Amit, M., Athens and the Sea: A Study of Athenian Sea-power (Collection Latomus 74; Brussels 1965) 29, 50; Morrison, J. S. and Williams, R. T., Greek Oared Ships 900–322 B.C. (Cambridge 1968) 196, 200–201, 267–68, 310 and illustrations p. 86 + pl. 11d, p. 90 + pl. 12f; Casson, L., Ships and Seamanship in the Ancient World (Princeton 1971) 300–304, 310, 278 n. 32, 304 n. 19; Jordan, B., The Athenian Navy in the Classical Period (Univ. of California Publications in Classical Philology 13; Berkeley 1975) 145–46; Pease, A. S. (ed.), Cicero, De natura deorum (Cambridge 1959) 773 (ad 2.89).Google Scholar

⁴ The function of the keleusma seems to have been to indicate the beginning and the end of each stroke; see Arrian, Anabasis 6.3.3: … Polybius 1.21.2: … .Google Scholar

⁵ Casson (Ships and Seamanship 304 n. 19) cites Polyaenus 5.2.5 for the close association of keleustes and auletes: the island of Naxos is deceived into surrender because there was sent to the island a pentaconter .Google Scholar

⁶ See Diogenes of Babylon, frg. 68 (von Arnim, H. F. A., Stoicorum veterum fragmenta 3.226; ap. Philodemus, De musica, ed. Kemke, J. 15), where, in support of his contention that Diogenes cites the example of Ptolemy bidding the aulos-player Ismenias . See also Diogenes (ap. Philodemus, De musica, ed. Kemke 71) for the power of music to coordinate the efforts of those engaged in sailing, agriculture, and the vintage. Sextus Empiricus at least admits the ability of music to distract the mind from the pain of arduous labor (Adv. mathematicos 6.24); cf. notes 22 and 23 below.Google Scholar

⁷ In addition to the common use of the in the Athenian navy, we may cite several notable associations of music with the keleusma: Orpheus ( áπáν-των: Lucian, Fug. 29) regulates the rowing of the Argonauts with his lyre (Euripides, Hypsipyle frg. I iii; Apollonius Rhodius 1.540–41; and see Morrison and Williams, Greek Oared Ships 196, and Bond, Hypsipyle 72); Alcibiades, returning to Athens, has as his keleustes the tragic actor Callipides and as his auletes the Delphic victor Chrysogonus (Athenaeus 12.535d); as Antigonus conducts homeward the remains of his father Demetrius, Xenophantus, the most celebrated aulos-player of his time, plays for the oarsmen, who row in rhythm to the solemn tune (Plutarch, Demetrius 53.2); Cleopatra, arrayed as Venus, is rowed up the Cydnus to meet Antony by oarsmen with silver oars who row to the music of aulos, syrinx, and cithara combined (Plutarch, Antonius 26.1).Google Scholar

⁸ van Leeuwen (Aristophanis Ranae [Leiden 1896] 46) and others see the chorus of frogs acting as trieraulos to Charon's keleustes. Google Scholar

⁹ Amit (Athens and the Sea 50) says that was the signal to begin rowing, and óπ the signal to cease. This understanding of óπ as the signal to cease is no doubt based on a scholion on Aves 1395, which says: (The Scholia on the Aves of Aristophanes, ed. White, J. W. [Boston 1914] 252). The accuracy of this scholion has been questioned by van Leeuwen (Aristophanis Aves [Leiden 1902] 214) and by Rogers (The Comedies of Aristophanes 3: The Peace, The Birds [London 1913] 186). The scholia vetera on Ranae 180 observe: (Scholia Aristophanica, ed. Rutherford, W. G. [London 1896] 1.301), and Tzetzes remarks τò (Jo. Tzetzae Commentarii in Aristophanen, ed. Koster, J. W. [Groningen 1961] 3.751). Note too that when Charon wishes to halt Dionysus’ rowing, at Ranae 268, he cries: πaῦε πaῦε, explained by the scholiast (Ruther ford 1.311) as . For modern interpretations see Stanford, W. B., Aristophanes: The Frogs (London 1958) 92: ‘Higham, following MacGregor, thinks that the represents the pulling of the oarblade through the water, the first π the lifting of it clear, and the second oπ the recovery of position …’; cf. Tucker, T. G., The Frogs of Aristophanes (London 1906) 120: ‘One sound oπ was meant for the forward and one for the backward stroke, - being introductory.’Google Scholar

¹⁰ Rabe, H. (ed.), Scholia in Lucianum (Leipzig 1906) 50.6–10. The Scholiast introduces the unusual term reacting to Lucian's , which I would take to mean ‘act as sub-keleustes.’ Hypokeleusma here seems to me to be the equivalent of keleusma. Google Scholar

¹¹ Erbse, H., Untersuchungen zu den attizistischen Lexika (Abh. Akad… . Berlin 1949. 2; Berlin 1950) 109.29–30.Google Scholar

¹² The scholia on this passage are not of much help in understanding , for it is described simply as (Rutherford 1.390). Jordan's notion (Athenian Navy 145) that ‘when the speed had to be increased, the keleustes shouted “rhypapai” or “arrhy”’ seems to have no basis in the ancient evidence, for while the scholia describe the word , as above, and while the scholion on Vespae 909 (Rutherford 2.418) observes: τò γà , it seems to be regarded as the cry of the sailors, not of the keleustes. Google Scholar

¹³ Cf. the scholion on Vespae 909 (Rutherford 2.418): τò .Google Scholar

¹⁴ Latte, Ed. K. (Copenhagen 1953–) No. 7449 (1.252).Google Scholar

¹⁵ Cramer, J. A. (ed.), Anecdota Graeca (Oxford 1835) II 161.8.Google Scholar

¹⁶ White, Scholia on Aves 227.Google Scholar

¹⁷ See Casson, , Ships and Seamanship 310–11; Wille, G., Musica Romana: Die Bedeutung der Musik im Leben der Römer (Amsterdam 1967) 122–24, ‘Römische Ruder- und Schifferlieder”; Doblhofer, E., Rutilius Claudius Namatianus, De reditu suo sive iter Gallicum (Heidelberg 1972–77) 173–74.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Casson, op. cit. 310 n. 45.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Ibid. 310–11 and Fig. 137, no. 13; Miltner, F., ‘Pausarius,’ RE 18.4.2417.Google Scholar

²⁰ De feriis Alsiensibus 3.1 (ed. van den Hout, M. P. T. [Leyden 1954] 213.4–6).Google Scholar

²¹ Ap. Nonius 335.29–30; cf. the description of the … δελϕ in Euripides’ Electra 435–37. It seems to me, in the light of recent research on marine mammals, that Morrison and Williams (Greek Oared Ships 196) err when they observe of Euripides' dolphin: ‘by the pathetic fallacy, he is thought to enjoy the bosun's call.’ Cf. Accius ap. Cicero, De nat. deorum 2.89.Google Scholar

²² Div. in Caec. 17.55; the first part of the comment of the pseudo-Asconius (ed. Stangl, T., Ciceronis orationum scholiastae 2.1 [Vienna 1912] 202) on this passage, ‘Cani remigibus celeuma per symphoniacos solebat et per assam vocem, id est ore prolatum, et, ut in Argo navi, per citharam,’ seems to support Assmann's suggestion that these slaves were to have fulfilled the role of auletes in the fleet. Pseudo-Asconius' subsequent rejection of this, the more obvious explanation, ‘Sed quia hic in classe dixit, possumus intellegere, ad hoc symphoniacos capi solere, ut in classe pugnantibus classicum canant: unde ipsae tibiae classicae nomen impositum est classicum,’ seems redolent of facile etymologizing. Cf. the distinction in Censorinus, De die natali 12.3: ‘Denique quo facilius sufferant laborem, vel in navis meatu a rectore symphonia adhibetur; legionibus quoque in acie dimicantibus etiam metus mortis classico depellitur.’Google Scholar

²³ 1.10.16, an eloquent description of the relationship of music and toil: ‘Atque eam [sc. musices disciplinam] natura ipsa uidetur ad tolerandos facilius labores uelut muneri nobis dedisse, si quidem et remigem cantus hortatur; nec solum in iis operibus in quibus plurium conatus praeeunte aliqua iucunda uoce conspirat, sed etiam singulorum fatigatio quamlibet se rudi modulatione solatur.’Google Scholar

²⁴ See note 7 supra. Google Scholar

²⁵ See note of Bömer, F. ad loc., P. Ovidius Naso, Metamorphosen (Heidelberg 1969–) I 600.Google Scholar

²⁶ Servius Danielis continues: ‘Et bene metro celeumatico usus est, id est, anapaestico trimetro hypercatalectico’; another candidate, equally unlikely, for the ‘celeumatic’ meter is the proceleumatic, as in Isidore, Orig. 1.17.13: ‘Proceleumaticus, quod sit ad celeuma canentium aptus.’ Isidore is followed by Erchanbert of Freising (s. ix¹), who adds some learned touches of his own: ‘Proceleumaticus quod sit ad celeumam canentibus aptus et potest interpretari praenavalis. A tribus partibus istud nomen compositum est, a prae prae-positione, a celeos i.e. nave, ab uma i.e. cantico vel carmine nautis convenienti’ (Clausen, W. V. [ed.], Erchanberti Frisingensis Tractatus super Donatum [Chicago 1948] 114.3–7).Google Scholar

²⁷ Note the remark of Williams, R. D. on the expression nauticus clamor in Aen. 3.129: ‘Nauticus clamor is often taken as a technical term, meaning the calling of the time for the rowers by the bo'sun (λεvα: cf. Mart. 3.67.5, 4.64.21); but here, as in Aen. 5.140–41 and Sil. 11.487f., it probably has a more general meaning, doubtless including the λεvα but conveying also the cheerful noise of happy sailors …’ (Publii Vergilii Maronis Aeneidos liber III [Oxford 1962] 82–83).Google Scholar

²⁸ Casson, Ships and Seamanship 310 n. 45, cites ILS 2830, an inscription said to have been found at Fréjus and carved in letters of the Augustan period — ‘[P]os[t]umo …/ Aristonis … / [c]eleustae’ — as possible evidence of the existence of the title celeusta in Roman nautical circles.Google Scholar

²⁹ The close association of the traffic of oared ships and barges on the Tiber is also evident in Propertius 1.14.3–4: ‘et modo tam celeres mireris currere lintres / et modo tam tardas funibus ire ratis,’ and, no doubt, in the passage of Ovid cited earlier, Tr. 4.1.7–10: ‘cantat et innitens limosae pronus harenae, / adverso tardam qui trahit amne ratem; / quique refert pariter lentos ad pectora remos, / in numerum pulsa brachia pulsat aqua’; on the Tiber traffic, see Casson, op. cit. 332 sqq.Google Scholar

³⁰ The suggestion of Barth, reported by Doblhofer (p. 174), that the celeuma of Rutilius' oarsmen had a Christian content, and hence his epithet vile, seems to be fanciful. F. J. Dölger (Sol Salutis [Münster 1920] 281) cites this passage as evidence that ‘der Text [sc. of the celeuma] nicht immer geistreich war… .’Google Scholar

³¹ Quintilian 6.1.52, speaking of the epilogus; ‘nam et, si bene diximus reliqua, possidebimus iam iudicum animos, et e confragosis atque asperis evecti tota pandere possumus vela, et, cum sit magna pars epilogi amplificatio, verbis atque sententiis uti licet magnificis et ornatis.’ Gilliam, J. F., ‘The Pro Caelio in St. Jerome's Letters,’ Harvard Theological Review 46 (1953) 104, suggests either Pro Caelio 21.51 or Tusc. 4.14.33 as Jerome's source, but it is clear that the Ciceronian motif comes to him through Quintilian.Google Scholar

³² Labourt, J. (ed.), Saint Jérǒme, Lettres (Paris 1949–63) 1.43.28–44.5.Google Scholar

³³ Carm. 8.19.5–6: MGH, AA 4.1.199.Google Scholar

³⁴ Vita S. Martini 4.423: ibid. 361.Google Scholar

³⁵ Mynors, R. A. B. (ed.), XII Panegyrici Latini (Oxford 1964) 253.17–25.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³⁶ Panegyricus dictus Manlio Theodoro consuli 331–32.Google Scholar

³⁷ Gesner, J. M. (ed.), Cl. Claudiani quae exstant (Leipzig 1759) 1.226; see Doblhofer, Rutilius Claudius Namatianus 173.Google Scholar

³⁸ Ep. 8.12.5 (ed. Loyen, A., Sidoine Apollinaire [Paris 1960–70] 3.119).Google Scholar

³⁹ See below, n. 66.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ See Leclercq, H., ‘Chants populaires liturgiques,’ DACL 3.1.321–32.Google Scholar

⁴¹ See especially Athanasius, Ep. ad Marcellinum, PG 27.11–45.Google Scholar

⁴² See Chrysostom, John, Exp. in Ps. XLI , PG 55.155–67, and the excellent treatment of this sermon in connection with ancient work-songs by Naegle, A., ’Über Arbeitslieder bei Johannes Chrysostomos — Patristisch-Literarisches zu Büchers, K. “Arbeit und Rhythmus”,‘ Abh. Akad… . Leipzig 57 (1905) 101–31. See too Nicetas of Remesiana, De psalmodiae bono (De utilitate hymnorum), ed. Turner, C. H., Journal of Theological Studies 24 (1923) 225–52.Google Scholar

⁴³ See Quasten, J., Musik und Gesang in den Kulten der heidnischen Antike und christlichen Frühzeit (Münster 1930) 81–83, 172–85; Wille, Musica Romana 388–97.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Of interest for this inquiry is the notice in a fragment of Philostorgius' Historia ecclesiastica that the haeresiarch Arius composed , among other songs, to spread his heresy (Bidez, J. [ed.], Philostorgius' Kirchengeschichte, GCS [Berlin 1972] 13.6–7).Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Stromata 7.7.35, ed. Stählin, O. and Früchtel, L. GCS 3 (Berlin 1970) 27.27–28.1.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Included among the letters of St. Jerome, Ep. 46.12 (ed. Labourt 2.112.26–113.3). There is a curious propriety to the singing of Alleluia, for though its meaning was repeatedly explained in sermons and commentaries, it was never translated (see Isidore, Orig. 6.19.20: ‘Quae duo verba amen et alleluia nec Graecis nec Latinis nec barbaris licet in suam linguam omnino transferre uel alia lingua adnuntiare. Nam quamvis interpretari possint, propter sanctiorem tamen auctoritatem seruata est ab Apostolis in his propriae linguae antiquitas.’). Thus Alleluia remained for most Christians a set of sacrosanct nonsense syllables. Such a phenomenon coincides nicely with Augustine's explanation of what it is to sing in iubilatione: ‘Quid est in iubilatione canere? Intellegere, uerbis explicare non posse quod canitur corde. Etenim illi qui cantant, siue in messe, siue in uinea, siue in aliquo opere feruenti, cum coeperint in uerbis canticorum exsultare laetitia, ueluti impleti tanta laetitia, ut eam uerbis explicare non possint, auertunt se a syllabis uerborum, et eunt in sonum iubilationis. Iubilum sonus quidam est significans cor parturire quod dicere non potest’ (Enarr. in Ps. XXXII, ii S.I.8. 21–28; CCL 38.254); cf. Enarr. in Ps. XCIX 4.13–19, CCL 39.1394; for iubilare and its problems, see Wiora, W., ‘Jubilare sine verbis,’ Angles, H. et al. (edd.), In Memoriam Jacques Handschin (Strasbourg 1962) 39–65.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ See art. ‘Schiff (Das Schiff der Kirche),’ and the materials cited there, in Kirschbaum, E. et al. (edd.), Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie 4 (Rome 1972) 61–67.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ See, e.g., Petrus Chrysologus, Sermo 20, lines 20–27 (about the storm on the Sea of Galilee): ‘Blandiente aura nauem regit ultimus nauta; in confusione uentorum primi quaeritur ars magistri. Hinc est quod discipuli postea quam uiderunt sibi industriam nauticam deperisse … ad ipsum gubernatorem rerum … confugerunt, petentes ut sedaret fluctus …’ (CCL 24.117).Google Scholar

⁴⁹ See Ps.-Ambrosius, Sermo 46, De Salomone 4.10: ‘quia in arbore ejus, id est, in cruce, Christus erigitur, in puppi Pater residet, gubernator proram servat Spiritus’ (PL 17.720c).Google Scholar

⁵⁰ See Walsh, P. G., The Poems of Paulinus of Nola (Ancient Christian Writers 40; New York 1975) 373; the text quoted here is that of Hartel (CSEL 30.86–87). There is a wonderful propriety in the occurrence of the phenomenon we are describing in a poem to Nicetas, for he wrote, at the opening of his De psalmodiae bono (ed. Turner, 233.5–11): ‘Apta est adhortatio militi, quando stat in procinctu sollicitus; nautis conpetit cantilena, cum remis incumbunt mare uerrentibus, aptissima est et nunc huic conuentui ad hymnorum ministerium congregato ipsius operis (sicut praediximus) adlocutio.’Google Scholar

⁵¹ See Cairns, F., Generic Composition in Greek and Roman Poetry (Edinburgh 1972) 164; Jaeger, F., Das antike Propemptikon und das 17. Gedicht des Paulinus von Nola (Rosenheim 1913) 14. Jaeger (p. 56) cites a similar adaptation of the celeuma to a Christian context in a sermon of Bishop Asterius of Amasea. In the course of the translation of the head of the martyr St. Phocas to Rome, the sailors transformed their usual song into a hymn: τà σv®θη (Datema, C. [ed.], Asterius of Amasea, Homilies I–XIV [Leiden 1970] 124.6–8). This alteration of the celeuma in the course of the translation of relics recalls the funeral voyage of Demetrius (see note 7 supra) and anticipates the translation of St. Otmar (see page 59 and note 68 infra).Google Scholar

⁵² See Rahner, H., ‘Antenna Crucis,’ Zeitschrift für katholische Theologie 75 (1953) 157.Google Scholar

⁵³ See above, note 20. Fontaine, J., ‘Les symbolismes de la cithare dans la poésie de Paulin de Nole,’ W. den Boer et al. (edd.), Romanitas et Christianitas: Studia I. H. Waszink … oblata (Amsterdam 1973) 129, offers a different but complementary interpretation.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Given the non-verbal character of certain celeumata (see supra, note 46, and infra, p. 69) there is a certain suitability in the use of Alleluia and Amen.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ CCL 60.383.23–26; cf. Augustine, Sermo 255 (PL 38.1186): ‘Et in hoc quidem tempore peregrinationis nostrae ad solatium viatici dicimus Alleluia; modo nobis Alleluia canticum est viatoris; tendimus autem per viam laboriosam ad quietam patriam, ubi retractis omnibus actionibus nostris, non remanebit nisi Alleluia.’Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Ibid. 384.51–52.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Ep. 2.10.4 (ed. Loyen 2.70).Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Though neither Luetjohann, C., in his edition of Sidonius (MGH, AA 8 [1887]), nor Loyen has pointed it out, Sidonius clearly has in mind the passage of Martial 4.64 quoted above (p. 52), and has conflated the nauticum celeuma and the clamor … helciariorum. Google Scholar

⁵⁹ MGH, AA 13.40.3–6.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ MGH, SS rer. Merov. 3.231.20–24.Google Scholar

⁶¹ MGH, PLAC 3.584.Google Scholar

⁶² MGH, SS rer. Merov. 6.207.10–12.Google Scholar

⁶³ Egli, J. (ed.), Der Liber benedictionum Ekkeharts IV. nebst den kleinen Dichtungen aus dem Codex Sangallensis 393 (Mitteilungen zur vaterländischen Geschichte 31; St. Gall 1904) 382–83.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ MGH, PLAC 2.446.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ MGH, PLAC 2.490.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ AS Nov. 3. 481e.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Ibid. 489e.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Egli (ed.), Liber benedictionum 220.36.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ MGH, PLAC 3.674.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ MGH, Lib. de Lite 1.94.3–5.Google Scholar

⁷¹ PL 157.400a.Google Scholar

⁷² MGH, Epp. 5.568.7–9.Google Scholar

⁷³ MGH, PLMA 5.1.57.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Blume, C. (ed.), Johannis de Hovedon ‘Philomena’ (Hymnologische Beiträge 4; Leipzig 1930) 30. In spite of the punctuation, Blume intended proceleuma and nauticum to be read together (see note ad loc., p. 102); for the form proceleuma see note 26 supra. Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Rigg, A. G. (ed.), The Poems of Walter of Wimborne (Toronto 1978) 160.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ See above, p. 53).Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Gesta Hamburgensis ecclesiae pontificum 4.40: ‘Cuius rei novitate prevestiganda coniurati sodales a littore Fresonum laeto celeumate progressi sunt’ (ed. Schmeidler, B. [Hanover 1917 ³] 277.1–2).Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Goetz, G. (ed.), Corpus Glossariorum Latinorum (Leipzig 1888–1923) 4.47: ‘Celeuma canticum nautarum’ (from MS Vat. lat. 3321); Lindsay, W. M. et al. (edd.), Glossaria Latina iussu Academiae Britannicae edita (Paris 1926–31) 1.107 (Glossarium Ansileubi): ‘Celeuma: canticum nautarum’; ibid. 4.18 (Placidus): ‘76. “Classicum canit” celeuma navis dicit’; ibid. 5.37 (ABBA): ‘Celeuma: canticum nautarum in agendis navalibus rebus.’Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Sub anno 1212: ‘Sic ergo decepti et confusi redire ceperunt, et qui prius gregatim et per turmas suas et numquam sine cantu celeumatis solebant transire per terras …’ (MGH, SS 17.172.40–41).Google Scholar

⁸⁰ C. 23: ‘Data vero et accepta benedictione, conscensaque navi per Mosellae fluminis declivia ad Renum usque delabitur, deinde, Christo sibi nauclero, per ipsius Reni pelagus prospero celeumate Mogontiam usque pervehitur’ (Basnage, J. [ed.], Thesaurus monumentorum [Amsterdam 1725] 4.103).Google Scholar

⁸¹ In the section ‘Super Sedulium’: ‘porro intentio Sedulii est ydolatrias ab errore suo diuino quodam et metrico celeumate reuocare’ (Huygens, R. B. C. [ed.], Conrad de Hirsau, Dialogus super Auctores [Collection Latomus 17; Brussels 1955] 29.573).Google Scholar

⁸² Goetz, Corpus Glossariorum 2.94.61: ‘Iussum ’; 3.408.3, 8: ‘iussio celeuma, iussiones celeumata.’ These may be based on the text of 1 Th. 4.16: , translated ‘quoniam ipse dominus in iussu.’ Cf. ibid. 5. 276.25 (Glossarium Amplonianum secundum): ‘Celium [sic] imperia.’Google Scholar

⁸³ Lindsay, W. M. and Mountford, J. F. (edd.), Glossaria Latina I. 107; MS L (Vat. Pal. lat. 1773, s. ix, Lorsch) reads ‘calcantium’; cf. the ‘Commentum Einsidlense’: ‘“Celeuma” est carmen navale vel vineale quo nautae vel vinitores se in vicem cohortantur. Inde proceleumaticus dicitur eo quod aptus sit ad tale carmen componendum” (Elder, J. P., ‘The Missing Portions of the “Commentum Einsidlense”,’ Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 56–57 [1947] 135).Google Scholar

⁸⁴ See note 98 infra. Google Scholar

⁸⁵ See ThLL 7.2.863.76–864.49.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Biblia sacra iuxta Latinam vulgatam versionem … 13: Liber Isaiae (Rome 1969) 85.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ Ibid. 14: Liber Hieremiae et Lamentationes (Rome 1972) 152, 251, 269; note the variants in 25.30: cantantium, + torcularibus.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ Ziegler, J. (ed.), Septuaginta: Vetus Testamentum Graecum auctoritale Academiae Litterarum Gottingensis editum 14: Isaias (Göttingen 1967 ²) 183.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Ibid. Google Scholar

⁹⁰ In Esaiam 5.16.9 and 10 (CCL 73.181, 182); cf. Theodoret of Cyrrhus' interpretation of Is. 16.10: (PG 81. 345ab).Google Scholar

⁹¹ Field, F. (ed.), Originis Hexapla (Oxford 1875) 640; Ziegler, Septuaginta … 15: Jeremias (Göttingen 1976²), chose the form aδεδ for his text. Cf. the note of Chrysostom on the words … : Tò, (PG 64.956d).Google Scholar

⁹² In Hieremiam 5.31.3 (CCL 74.249); appears to be a hapax legomenon (see LSJ Supplementum: ed. Barber, E. A. [Oxford 1968] s.v.).Google Scholar

⁹³ Field 715.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ CSEL 32.2.448.3–4.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ Field 729.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Quoted by Theodoret of Cyrrhus, PG 81.724b.Google Scholar

⁹⁷ Ziegler, J., Die jüngeren griechischen Übersetzungen als Vorlagen der Vulgata in den prophetischen Schriften (Beilage zum Personal- u. Vorlesungsverzeichnis d. staatl. Akademie zu Braunsberg/Ostpr. 1943/44) 45.Google Scholar

⁹⁸ Wille, in his section ‘Römische Bauern- und Winzerlieder’ (Musica Romana 109–110), presents no Latin word which would translate hěydad, though the association of music with the vintage is apparent; the Greek (Callixenus ap. Athenaeus 5.199A) or (see Theodoret in note 90) might have served the LXX.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ 759.3.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ CSEL 41.564.21–565.2; the first sentence quoted here is paraphrased by Isidore, De ecclesiasticis officiis 2.16.12 (PL 83.800a).Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ PL 111.999–1000.Google Scholar

¹⁰² Ibid. 1121c.Google Scholar

¹⁰³ PL 116.801b.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ Biblia Latina cum glossa ordinaria (Venice 1617) 4, ad loc.; cf. Nicholas of Lyra on Jer. 25.30 (ibid.): ‘Celeuma est cantus vindemiatorum in fine vindemiae, quando habetur abundanter vinum; et in hoc designatur exultatio bellatorum in effusione sanguinis devictorum, et multitudine spoliorum,’ and his comment on Jer. 51.14; cf. also Denis the Carthusian, Opera omnia (Monstruoli 1900) 9.198, 278, 302.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ MGH, PLAC 4.269.58–60.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ Ibid. 165.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ MGH, SS 10.310.37–45.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ Musica Romana 122.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ CLA 1264; the MS, the ‘Homiliarium Corbiniani,’ is in Anglo-Saxon minuscule of s. viii ex., but the verses of the poem are found, among other additions of s. ix, on f. 3^r (see Schlecht, J., ‘Das angebliche Homiliar des hl. Korbinian,’ Schlecht, J. [ed.], Wissenschaftliche Festgabe zum zwölfhundertjährigen Jubiläum des heiligen Korbinian [Munich 1924] 195).Google Scholar

¹¹⁰ Duemmler, E. in Zeitschrift für deutsches Altertum n.f. 5 (1873) 144–45; E. Baehrens, from a copy, with emendations, by Mueller, L., in Analecta Catulliana (Jena 1874) 77–78; Peiper, R., Rheinisches Museum 32 (1877) 523–24; E. Baehrens, Poetae Latini Minores 3 (Leipzig 1881) 167–68; A. Riese, Anthologia Latina (Leipzig 1894²) 1.1.299.Google Scholar

¹¹¹ The refrain's hortatory character is in keeping with the imperative or hortatory tone of other versus intercalares; cf. Vergil, Ecl. 8; Ovid, Am. 1.6; Nemesianus, Eel. 4.Google Scholar

¹¹² ThLL 5.2.302.23–33.Google Scholar

¹¹³ Ibid. 302.66–75.Google Scholar

¹¹⁴ Wille, Musica Romana 124, points to the uncertainty of the relationship of the shipboard music of the imperial period and popular rowing songs: ‘Über die mögliche Beeinflussung der Musik kaiserzeitlicher Bordkapellen durch volkstümliche Ruderlieder lässt sich nichts in Erfahrung bringen.’ We may wonder at the possible influence of the actual celeuma: i.e., to what degree more formal, artistic versions of it were produced in musical and/or literary circles.Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ Schanz–Hosius–Krüger, Geschichte der römischen Literatur III 41.Google Scholar

¹¹⁶ Esposito, M., ‘On the New Edition of the Opera Sancti Columbani,’ Classica et Mediaevalia 21 (1960) 188.Google Scholar

¹¹⁷ Used by Symmachus, Augustine, and later writers: ThLL 1.780–81.Google Scholar

¹¹⁸ ThLL 7.2.974.79–83 cites Sidonius and Ruricius.Google Scholar

¹¹⁹ Baehrens, Analecta Catulliana 77, described the poem as ‘unicum celeusmatis antiqui exemplum’; his description finds a recent echo in Brunhölzl, F., Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters I (Munich 1975) 186, who says of this poem's refrain, in connection with the ninth-century imitation of it which we are about to consider: ‘Er stammt wörtlich aus dem Vorbild, einem spätantiken Celeuma, dem einzigen Ruderlied aus dem Altertum, das wir besitzen.’Google Scholar

¹²⁰ ‘Mittelalterliches Ruderlied,’ Neues Archiv 6 (1881) 190–91.Google Scholar

¹²¹ Walker, G. S. M. (ed.), Opera S. Columbani (Scriptores Latini Hiberniae 2; Dublin 1956) 190–92.Google Scholar

¹²² As reported by Duemmler (loc. cit. 190); the basis for this suggested attribution to Columbanus of Bobbio is as follows: ‘Mit der unbefangenen Art, mit welcher Columban in seinen Versen namentlich den Horaz plündiert, stimmt in unserem Gedichte die Ausbedeutung des Vergil überein.’Google Scholar

¹²⁸ Ibid. 191.Google Scholar

¹²⁴ Grundlach, W., MGH, Epp. 3.155, ‘fortasse’; Manitius, M., Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters I 187, ‘vielleicht.’Google Scholar

¹²⁵ Walker lviii.Google Scholar

¹²⁶ Loc. cit. (note 116 supra). Google Scholar

¹²⁷ ‘Editing Saint Columbanus: A Reply,’ Classica et Mediaevalia 22 (1961) 141. Bieler here continues in his earlier opinion, expressed in ‘Adversaria zu Anthologia Latina 676, mit einem Anhang über die Columbanus-Gedichte,’ Hanslik, R. et al. (edd.), Antidosis: Festschrift für W. Kraus zum 70. Geburtstag (Vienna 1972) 46 n. 18: re the ‘carmen navale,’ ‘Geist und Sprache passen gut zu den Gedichten, die Columbanus zugeschrieben werden.’Google Scholar

¹²⁸ Studies in the Language and Style of Columba the Younger (Columbanus) (Amsterdam 1971) 239–41; N.B. 241: ‘Now we know that the only reminiscence of Vergil in Columba's prose is derived not directly but via Jerome. It is thus scarcely conceivable that Columba who quotes Vergil only once in his prose and then at second hand, should have been the author of this poem. In addition the argument naturally holds good for this poem that the metrical form would be remarkable for an Irish author of ca. 600.’Google Scholar

¹²⁹ Walker alone maintains that the Berlin poem is modeled on the Leiden poem and not the other way around: ‘This [the Berlin poem] seems to be a version adapted for use at sea, whereas the original [the Leiden poem], with its reference in line 2 to the Rhine, must have been composed by Columban during his journey up that river in the year 611’ (lviii). Though Bieler (‘Editing …’ 141 n. 3) generously allows that ‘Dr. Walker is entitled to his opinion’ in this question, Dr. Walker is in error.Google Scholar

¹³⁰ Bieler, L., ‘Versus Sancti Columbani,’ Irish Ecclesiastical Record , Ser. 5, 76 (1951) 381 n. 2.Google Scholar

¹³¹ Gwynn, A., s.j. (ed.), The Writings of Bishop Patrick (1074–1084) (Scriptores Latini Hiberniae 1; Dublin 1955) 102–104.Google Scholar

¹³² See the title to Sidonius Apollinaris' Carmen 24 (ed. Loyen 1.163): ‘Propemticon ad libellum nunc’; this is a distinct variety of poem, with classical precedents like Ovid, Tr. 1.1 and Martial 1.70; 3.4; 3.5; 7.84; 7.97, etc.Google Scholar

¹³³ The word here seems to require the extraordinary scansion ce-le-u-ma.Google Scholar