¹ Clerval, , Les écoles de Chartres (Paris 1895) 158–163, first makes the distinction. For a general discussion, cf. Thorndike, L., History of Magic and Experimental Science (New York 1929) II, 99ff.Google Scholar

² De univ. mundi (hereafter DUM), ed. Wrobel, and Barach, (Bibl. Philos. mediae aetatis, Innsbruck 1876) 5.Google Scholar

³ Hauréau, B., Le Mathematicus de Bernardus Silvestris (Paris 1895) 11.Google Scholar

⁴ Thorndike, , op. cit. 100; and cf. Poole (English Historical Review 35 [1920] 331) who dates it 1145 or 1147–1148.Google Scholar

⁵ Clerval, , op. cit. and Gilson, E., ‘La cosmogonie de Bernardus Silvestris,’ Archives d’histoire doctrinale et litteraire du moyen-âge 3 (1928) 1ff.Google Scholar

⁶ Thorndike, , op. cit. Google Scholar

⁷ Poole, , Illustrations of Medieval Thought (1884) 117–118.Google Scholar

⁸ Latin Timaeus, Martianus Capella, Adelard of Bath; also cf. Manitius, , Gesch. der lat. Lit. des Mittelalters III (Munich 1931) 205.Google Scholar

⁹ Thorndike, , op. cit. 219.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Hauréau, B., Notices et extraits de quelques manuscrits latins de la Bibliothèque Nationale 1 (Paris 1890) 61. The quote is Latin Asclepius II, 14b (p. 310.26–27) and III, 16b (p. 314.29ff). All references to the Latin Asclepius are taken from Mr. Walter Scott’s Hermetica (Oxford 1924) vol. I. Roman numerals refer to his division of the dialogue into three parts.Google Scholar

¹¹ Poole, , Illus. of Med. Thought 119.Google Scholar

¹² DUM I, 4, 123–124.Google Scholar

¹³ III, 19b (p. 324.14–15).Google Scholar

¹⁴ III, 39, 40a (the general doctrine of destiny, that is Imarmene). Google Scholar

¹⁵ III, 39, 40a (p. 362.19–20).Google Scholar

¹⁶ DUM I, 4, 124–128.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Ibid. II, 3, 97–100.Google Scholar

¹⁸ III, 19b (p. 324.10–12).Google Scholar

¹⁹ DUM II, 3, 95–97.Google Scholar

²⁰ III, 35 (p. 328.26–29).Google Scholar

²¹ DUM II, 3, 97.Google Scholar

²² Ibid. II, 5, 46.Google Scholar

²³ Op. cit. 76.Google Scholar

²⁴ 1 did at first think that the term could be explained by a corruption of some Arabic philosophical term. However, I can find no basis for this assumption. Stonecipher, A.H.M., Graeco-Persian Names (New York and Cincinnati 1918), lists óάρσης and cites Plutarch’s ‘Life of Artaxerxes’ as its source. He believes it may be from the ancient Persian ^∗uvarsân (of good virility, strength). I consider it untenable to claim any knowledge by Bernard of Plutarch. And, too, the meaning of οάρσης as applied to Artaxerxes (accepting Stonecipher’s derivation) does not aptly fit what I feel is Bernard’s interpretation of the term.Google Scholar

²⁵ Cf. vol. III, 107ff. for Mr. Scott’s complete analysis of the Hermetic thought.Google Scholar

²⁶ DUM II, 5, 131–137.Google Scholar

²⁷ Ibid. II, 3, 91–92.Google Scholar

²⁸ DUM II, 10, 19–22.Google Scholar

²⁹ Op. cit. 15–16.Google Scholar

³⁰ I, 8 (p. 300.15–20) and cp. 6a (p. 294.19–20), ‘suspicit caelum: colit terram.’ Mr. Scott (introduction, p. 53) states that with this theme the Latin Asclepius I shows its greatest independence of thought, although he suspects that its ultimate source may be Posidonius.Google Scholar

³¹ DUM II, 10, 35–46.Google Scholar

³² DUM II, 10, 47–50.Google Scholar

³³ I, 8 (p. 300.20ff.) and cp. I, 6a (p. 294.23ff.) Google Scholar

³⁴ DUM II, 10, 38; I, 6a (p. 294.23).Google Scholar