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Another Look at the Barbarian Settlement in Southern Gaul*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  29 July 2016

Bernard S. Bachrach
Bernard S. Bachrach*
Affiliation:
University of Minnesota
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Extract

In an important study which appeared in 1956, Professor E. A. Thompson discussed imperial policy in southern Gaul during the first half of the fifth century. According to Professor Thompson the purpose of the Romans in settling four groups of barbarians in southern Gaul between the years 418 and 442 was to control the Bacaudae who, he contends, threatened to overthrow the existing social and economic order. By focusing all his attention on the Bacaudae Professor Thompson distorts Roman policy by attributing to it a precision which it lacked. A less selective study of the evidence suggests that Rome's policy in southern Gaul (and probably throughout the Empire as well) was directed toward control of all the potentially and actively hostile elements in the Empire rather than, on balance, being preoccupied exclusively with the activities of the Bacaudae.

Type
Miscellany
Information
Traditio , Volume 25 , 1969 , pp. 354 - 358
Copyright
Copyright © Fordham University Press 

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References

1 Thompson, E. A., ‘The Settlement of the Barbarians in Southern Gaul,’ Journal of Roman Studies 45 (1956) 65–75.Google Scholar

2 Wallace-Hadrill, J. M., ‘Gothia and Romania,’ The Longhaired Kings and other Studies in Frankish History (London 1962) 26ff. points out the general weakness of Professor Thompson's preoccupation with the Bacaudae but he does not develop a counterthesis.Google Scholar

3 Jones, A. H. M., The Later Roman Empire (Oxford 1964) I 183, 184.Google Scholar

4 Marcellinus, Ammianus, Rerum gestarum, 31.12.17 (ed. Clark, C. U. [Berlin 1910–15]); Ganshof, F. L., ‘Note sur le sens de “Ligeris” au titre XLVII de la Loi Salique et dans le “Querolus,”’ Historical Essays in Honour of James Tait (Manchester 1933) 118, n. 2.Google Scholar

5 Jones, , op. cit., I 187. For the attack on Bazas, see Paulinus of Pella, Eucharisticon, lines 383ff. (ed. Brandes, W.: CSEL XVI [Vienna 1888] 306).Google Scholar

6 Paulinus, , Euch, 390ff. pp. 305–06: ‘Qua se truncatam parte agminis haud mediocri circumiecta videns populantum turba Gothorum,/ ilico difficens tuto se posse morari hospite intestino subito in sua visera verso,/ nil temptare ausa ulterius properanter abire/sponte sua legit.’ And 398ff.: ‘… quoque ipsos sors oblata tulisset’ for the lands. The division of the land is discussed by Lot, F., ‘Du regime de l'hospitalité,’ Revue Belge de philologie et d'histoire, 7 (1928) 1007, n. 6.Google Scholar

7 Thompson, , ‘Barbarians,’ 66.Google Scholar

8 Paulinus, , Euch., 395ff. p. 306: ‘Cuius non sero secuti/ exemplum et nostri, quos diximus, auxiliares [Alani] discessere, fidem pacis servara parati Romanis, quoque ipsos sors oblata tulisset’ (‘and not long after, our allies [the Alans], whom we discussed above, departed, prepared to preserve the promise of peace made to the Romans, wherever the division of the land carried them’). See note 6 supra. Google Scholar

9 For Alancianus, Alaigne, and Lanet see Sabarthés, Abbé, Dictionnaire Topographique du Département de l'Aude (Paris 1912) 5, 195–96. For Alaigne and Alan see Dauzat, A. and Rostaing, Ch., Dictionnaire étymologique des noms de lieux en France (Paris 1963) 8. For Lanzac as Alanzac see Devic, C. and Vaissete, J., Histoire Generale du Languedoc , ed. Molinier, (Toulouse 1879) VII 279; but cf. Dauzat, , loc. cit. 263. On Lanet cf. Abbé Sabarthés, ‘Étude sur la toponomastique de l'Aude,’ Bulletin de la Commission Archéologique de Narbonne 9 (1907) 302, who argues that Lanet, previously Alane, is derived from the Latin alnetum which in the south of France becomes aunat and in the north aunay. The Abbé, however, does not produce any argument or other examples to support his conjecture, and he overlooks the very important facts that a stream called Alianos passes Lanet and that near by was Le Moulin de Lagne (Molendinum de Alanha), Sarbarthés, , Dict., 7, 263. Longnon, A., Les noms de lieu de la France (Paris 1920) no. 612, p. 158, in dealing with place names derived from alnetum does not include Lanet. For Alenya see Dictionnaire National des communes de France (Paris 1959) 12.Google Scholar

10 Thompson, , ‘Barbarians,’ 70–1.Google Scholar

11 Wallace-Hadrill, ‘Gothia,’ 28ff. hints that Roman policy might have been so motivated. He further points out that no evidence exists to indicate that the Visigoths were ever used to surpress the Bacaudae. Courtois, Christian, Les Vandales et l'Afrique (Paris 1955) 54, maintains that the campaigns of the Visigoths against the Vandals in 416 and 417 were not decisive. It was only in 418 that the Siling Vandals were wiped out and their Alan allies were so battered that they were absorbed by the Hasding Vandals. Courtois indeed suggests that Rome might have been so disturbed by the sudden brilliant success of the Visigoths as to recall them to Gaul. The main source for the Visigothic-Vandal war is Hydatius, Chronica, 62, 63, 67 (ed. Mommsen, Th.: MGH, Auct. ant. XI [Berlin 1894] 19).Google Scholar

12 Jones, , op. cit. I 183, 185, for the Visigoths; Thompson, , ‘Barbarians,’ 69 for the Burgundians and Thompson, E. A., A History of Attila and the Huns (Oxford 1948) 42 for the Huns.Google Scholar

13 Thompson, , ‘Barbarians,’ 67.Google Scholar

14 Thompson, , Attila, 77. After the defeat of Litorius' force by the Visigoths in 439, Aetius could no longer rely upon Hunnish support.Google Scholar

15 Gregory of Tours, Historiarum libri X, II, 7 (edd. Krusch, B. and Levison, W. : MGH, Scr. rer. Merov. I part 1 [2nd ed. Hannover, 1937–51] 50).Google Scholar

16 Thompson, , Attila, 77.Google Scholar

17 Jordanes, , Getica, XXXVI and XXXVII (ed. Mommsen, Th.: MGH, Auct. ant., V part 1 [Berlin, 1882] 108).Google Scholar