¹ Harnack, A., Lehrbuch der Dogmengeschichte 3 (Freiburg im Breisgau³ 1897) 242.Google Scholar

² Dudden, F, Gregory the Great, his Place in History and Thought 2 (London 1905) 3–42, 430; Batiffol, P, Saint Gregoire le Grand (Paris 1928) 73. Cf. Vasiliev, A., ‘Medieval Ideas on the End of the World: West and East,’ Byzantion 16 (1942–1943) 462–502.Google Scholar

³ Homilia in Evangelia II, 39, 4 (PL 76, 1296): ‘Qui unquam sunt humanae animae maiores inimici, quam maligni spiritus, qui hanc a corpore exeuntem obsident?’ For a discussion of the relation between death and the devil in patristic thought, cf. Rivière, J. ‘Mort et démon chez les Pères,’ Revue des sciences religieuses 10 (1930) 577–621.Google Scholar

⁴ Hom. in Evan. II, 39, 8 (PL 76, 1299).Google Scholar

⁵ Ibid.: ‘Unde curandum nobis est, et cum magnis quotidie fletibus cogitandum, quam rabidus, quam terribilis sua in nobis opera requirens in die exitus nostri princeps huius mundi veniat, si etiam ad Deum carne morientem venit, et in illo aliquid quaesivit in quo invenire nihil potuit.'Google Scholar

⁶ Ibid. (PL 76, 1298): ‘Nam cogitandum valde est quantum nobis erit terribilis hora nostrae resolutionis, qui pavor mentis, quanta tunc omnium malorum memoria, quae oblivio transactae felicitatis, quae formido et consideratio judicis. Tunc maligni spiritus in egrediente anima sua opera requirunt; tunc mala quae suaserunt replicant, ut sociam ad tormenta trahant. Sed cur hoc de perversa solummodo anima dicimus, cum ad electos quoque egredientes veniant, et suum in illis, si praevaleant, aliquid requirant?'Google Scholar

⁷ Ibid. 9 (PL 76, 1299–1300): ‘Quid requirenti adversario et multa sua in nobis invenienti dicemus, nisi solum quod nobis est certum refugium, et solida spes, quia unum cum illo facti sumus in quo princeps huius mundi et suum aliquid requisivit, et invenire minime potuit? Constat enim, nec negare possumus, sed veraciter fatemur quia princeps huius mundi habet in nobis multa; sed tamen mortis nostrae tempore iam nos rapere non valet, quia eius membra effecti sumus, in quo non habet quidquam.'Google Scholar

⁸ Dudden, op. cit. 1, 253–254; Batiffol, P., op. cit. 73–74.Google Scholar

⁹ Hom. in Evan. II, 39, 10 (PL 76, 1300); Regula Pastoralis III, 6 (PL 77, 56–57). Cf. Wirtz, D., The Influence of the Regula Pastoralis to the Year 900 (Ithaca, N Y 1936).Google Scholar

¹⁰ Hom. in Evan. I, 19, 7 (PL 76, 1158–9); Hom. in Evan. II, 38, 16 (PL 76, 1292–3); Dialogi IV, 40 (Fonti per la Storia d'Italia 57, 292–293 Moricca) = Dialogi IV, 38 (PL 76, 389, 392).Google Scholar

¹¹ Hom. in Evan. I, 19, 7 (PL 76, 1158).Google Scholar

¹² Hom. in Evan. II, 38, 16 (PL 76, 1292).Google Scholar

¹³ Dudden, op. cit. 1, 211–218.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Hom. in Evan. I, 19, 7 (PL 76, 1158): ‘At ille subito ad devorandum se draconem venire onspiciens, magnis vocibus coepit clamare, dicens: Ecce draconi ad devorandum datus um, qui propter vestram praesentiam devorare me non potest. Quid mihi moras facitis? ate locum ut ei devorare me liceat.’ Theodore evidently felt certain that he was in-vitably to be devoured by the dragon. To his mind the prayers of the brethren were nly prolonging his agony. Cf. the more drastic description, Hom. in Evan. II, 38, 16 PL 76, 1293): ‘Caput meum iam in suo ore absorbuit; date locum ut me amplius non cru-iet, sed faciat quod facturus est. Si ad devorandum datus sum, quare propter vos moras atior?'Google Scholar

¹⁵ Hom. in Evan. I, 19, 7 (PL 76, 1158): ‘Volo me signare, sed non possum, quia a dracone remor. Spumae oris eius faciem meam liniunt, guttur meum eius ore suffocatur. Ecce b eo brachia mea comprimuntur, qui iam et caput meum in suo ore absorbuit.'Google Scholar

¹⁶ Ibid. (PL 76, 1159): ‘Deo gratias; ecce discessit, ecce exiit, ante orationes vestras git draco qui me acceperat.'Google Scholar

¹⁷ Ibid.; Hom. in Evan. II, 38, 16 (PL 76, 1293); Dialogi IV, 40 (293 Moricca).Google Scholar

¹⁸ Dialogi IV, 40 (295 Moricca).Google Scholar

¹⁹ Ibid.: ‘Quando me vobiscum credebatis ieiunare, occulte comedebam, et nunc ecce d devorandum draconi sum traditus, qui cauda sua mea genua pedesque conlegavit, aput viro suum intra meum os mittens, spiritum meum ebibens abstrahit.'Google Scholar

²⁰ Hom. in Evan. I, 12, 7 (PL 76, 1122): Dialogi IV, 40 (293–4 Moricca).Google Scholar

²¹ The ancient pagans and also the Christians usually portrayed the devil as a black demon. Cf. Dölger, F, Die Sonne der Gerechtigkeit und der Schwarze (Liturgiegeschichtliche Forschungen 2, Münster 1919); Rush, A. C., Death and Burial in Christian Antiquity (Studies in Christian Antiquity ed. Quasten, Johannes, 1, Washington 1941) 210–211; Zimmermann, F, ‘Kleine Beiträge zur Religionsgeschichte, 1: Die schwarze Farbe des Teufels,’ Theologie und Glaube 4 (1912) 631–634. Gregory the Great speaks of the devil coming to a child in the form of a Moor: cf. Dialogi IV, 19 (257 Moricca): ‘Mauri homines venerunt, qui me tollere volunt.’ Very often the devil was pictured as an Egyptian or an Ethiopian. Cf. Quasten, J., ‘Die Grabinschrift des Beratius Nikatoras,’ Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Römische Abteilung 53 (1938) 64 n. 1.Google Scholar

²² Hom. in Evan. I, 12, 7 (PL 76, 1122): ‘Qui ad extremum veniens, eadem hora qua iam de corpore erat exiturus, apertis oculis vidit tetros et nigerrimos spiritus coram se assistere, et vehementer imminere, ut ad inferni claustra se raperent.'Google Scholar

²³ Ibid.: ‘Pavore autem tetrae eorum imaginis huc illucque vertebatur in lectulo, iacebat in sinistro latere, aspectum eorum ferre non poterat; vertebatur ad parietem, ibi aderant. Cumque constrictus nimis relaxari se iam posse desperaret, coepit magnis vocibus clamare, dicens: Inducias vel usque mane, inducias vel usque mane.'Google Scholar

²⁴ Dawson, C., Mediaeval Religion (London 1935) 31–32.Google Scholar

²⁵ Achelis, H., Das Christentum in den ersten drei Jahrhunderten 1 (Leipzig 1912) 132; Quasten, ‘Die Grabinschrift des Beratius Nikatoras’ 61–62; Rush, Death and Burial 29–39; Prat, F Stoddard, J., The Theology of St. Paul 2 (London 1927) 408–410; Gruenthaner, M., ‘The Demonology of the Old Testament,’ Catholic Biblical Quarterly 6 (1944) 6–27 Google Scholar

²⁶ Quasten, loc. cit.; ‘A Coptic Counterpart of a Vision in the Acts of Perpetua and Felicitas,’ Byzantion 15 (1940–1941) 5; Dölger, F, ‘Der Kampf mit dem Ägypter in der Perpetua Vision. Das Martyrium als Kampf mit dem Teufel,’ Antike und Christentum 3 (1932) 177–188; Campenhausen, H., Die Idee des Martyriums in der alten Kirche (Göttingen 1936) 156; Rush, op. cit., 30–32.Google Scholar

²⁷ Ignatius, Ad Romanos 5, 3 (Funk-Bihlmeyer, Die Apostolischen Väter [Tübingen 1924] 99): Google Scholar

²⁸ Martyrium Polycarpi 2, 4 (122 Funk-Bihlmeyer).Google Scholar

²⁹ Ibid. 17, 1 (129 Funk-Bihlmeyer): Google Scholar

³⁰ Epistola Ecclesiarum Viennensis et Lugdunensis 1, 5 (Knopf-Krüger, Ausgewählte Märtyrerakten [Tübingen ³1929] 18): Google Scholar

³¹ Epistola 1, 27 (21–22 Knopf-Krüger).Google Scholar

³² Epistola 1, 38 (23 Knopf-Krüger).Google Scholar

³³ Epistola 2, 6 (28 Knopf-Krüger): Google Scholar

³⁴ Passio SS. Perpetuae et Felicitatis 10 (Florilegium Patristicum 42, 32–38 van Beek); Owen, E., Some Authentic Acts of the Early Martyrs (Oxford 1927), 84–85. Cf. Dölger, loc. cit. (n. 26).Google Scholar

³⁵ Passio S. Symphorosae 1 (Ruinart, Acta Martyrum [Regensburg 1859] 71).Google Scholar

³⁶ Acta S. Apollonii 47 (35 Knopf-Krüger): Google Scholar

³⁷ Martyrium Fructuosi 7, 2 (85 Knopf-Krüger).Google Scholar

³⁸ Passio SS. Mariani et Jacobi 2, 2 (67–68 Knopf-Krüger): ‘et auidis faucibus ad tentandam fidem rabies diaboli infestantis inhiabat.'Google Scholar

³⁹ Ibid. 2, 5 (68 Knopf-Krüger): ‘sed in illos quoque manum diabolus insatiabilem porrigebat.'Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Ibid. 5, 1 (69 Knopf-Krüger).Google Scholar

⁴¹ Passio SS. Perpetuae et Felicitatis 4, 3–9 (16–20 van Beek).Google Scholar

⁴² Passio SS. Mariani et Jacobi 6, 7–10 (70 Knopf-Krüger): ‘illic erat catasta, non humili pulpito nec uno tantum ascensibilis gradu, sed multis ordinata gradibus et longe sublimis ascensu. et admouebantur confessorum singulae classes, quas ille iudex ad gladium duci iubebat. uentum est et ad me. tunc exauditur mihi uox clara et immensa dicentis: Marianum applica.’ Cf. Owen, op. cit. 111. For a discussion of the catasta and its relation to the vision of Perpetua's ladder, cf. Quasten, Byzantion 15, 2.Google Scholar

⁴³ Passio S. Bonifatii 13 (330 Ruinart). The rǒle of the angel was to assist the dying, ward off the attacks of the devil, and. then bear the soul to heaven. Cf. Rush, op. cit. 36–43; Nock, A., ‘Postscript,’ Harvard Theological Review 34 (1941) 103–109. For other accounts stressing martyrdom as a struggle with the devil, and the executioners as instruments of the devil, cf. Passio SS. Carpi, Pamfili et Agathonicae 4, 36 (9–10 (Knopf-Krüger): ‘et descendentes festinaverunt ad amphitheatrum venire, ut celerius adimplerent certamen suum turba vero astante ministri diaboli expoliantes primo Pamfilium ligno crucifixerunt.’ Acta S. Maximi 2, 4 (61 Knopf-Krüger): ‘et sic raptus est athleta Christi a ministris diaboli, gratias agens deo et patri per Iesum Christum filium eius, qui eum dignum iudicauit certando diabolum superare.’ Acta S. Julii 4, 5 106 (Knopf-Krüger): ‘minister itaque diaboli percutiens gladio finem imposuit beatissimo martyri.’ Passio SS. Victoris, Alexandri, Feliciani atque Longini 5 (334 Ruinart): ‘Tunc impiissimus Caesar omni fera crudelior, omni dracone malignior, diabolica face succensus in rabiem vertitur.'Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Tertullian, Scorpiace 6 (CSEL 20, 156 Reifferscheid-Wissowa).Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Tertullian, Ad Martyres 3 (PL 1, 624).Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Cyprian, Ad Fortunatum, Praefatio 1 (CSEL 3, 1, 317 Hartel): ‘Desiderasti, Fortunate carissime, ut hortamenta componerem quibus milites Christi ad spiritale et caeleste certamen animarem.’ Cf. Epistula 10, 2 (CSEL 3, 2, 491 Hartel): ‘uidit admirans praesentium multitudo caeleste certamen Dei et spiritale, praelium Christi.’ This letter, addressed to the martyrs and confessors, is centered about the idea of martyrdom as a struggle which Cyprian calls: agon, certamen, praelium, pugna. Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Ad Fortunatum 13 (1, 346 Hartel): ‘si militibus saecularibus gloriosum est ut hoste deuicto redeant in patriam triumphantes, quanto potior et maior est gloria uicto diabolo ad paradisum triumphantem redire..?'Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Epistula 39, 2 (2, 582 Hartel). Cf. Epistula 38, 1 (2, 580 Hartel): ‘quotiens aduer-sarius prouocare seruos Dei uoluit, totiens promptissimus ac fortissimus miles et pugnauit et uicit.'Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Epistula 39, 2 (2, 582 Hartel): ‘ serpens et obtritus et uictus est.’ Speaking of Laurentius and Egnatius, Cyprian says: Epistula 39, 3 (2, 583 Hartel): ‘ sed ueri et spiritales Dei milites dum diabolum Christi confessione prosternunt, palmas Domini et coronas inlustri passione meruerunt.'Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Epistula 73, 22 (2, 795 Hartel): ‘sciant igitur eiusmodi homines catecuminos illos ad debellandum diabolum de diuinis castris procedere.'Google Scholar

⁵¹ Viller, M., ‘Le martyre et l'ascèse,’ Revue d'ascétique et de mystique, 6 (1925) 105–142; Ryan, J., Irish Monasticism (Dublin 1931) 197–198; Quasten, Byzantion 15, 6.Google Scholar

⁵² Jerome, Epistula 108, 31 (CSEL 55, 349 Hilberg): ‘non solum effusio sanguinis in confessione reputatur, sed deuotae quoque mentis seruitus cotidianum martyrium est.’ Although this concept received greater emphasis after the peace of the Church, it was already developed in the time of persecution. Cf. Cyprian, De opere et eleemosynis 26 (CSEL 3, 1, 394 Hartel); De zelo et livore 16 (CSEL 3, 1, 430–431 Hartel); Epistula 10, 5 (CSEL 3, 2, 495 Hartel).Google Scholar

⁵³ Quasten, Byzantion 15, 6.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Athanasius, Vita S. Antonii 65 (PL 26, 933): Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Quasten, J., ‘Die Grabinschrift’ (n. 21) 63.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Ibid. 62–69; Rush, Death and Burial 31–38.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Acts of John 114 (James, M. R., The Apocryphal New Testament [Oxford, 1926] 228). Cf. Acts of Thomas 148 (429–430 James); Apocalypse of Paul 14 (531 James); Sahidic Fragments of the Life of the Virgin 105 (Texts and Studies 4, 2, 39 Robinson); Sahidic Fragments of the Death of Joseph 3, 22 (158 Robinson).Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Origen, Homilia 28 in Lucam (GCS 9, 154–155 Rauer): ‘Cum exierimus e saeculo et haec vita nostra fuerit commutata, erunt quidam in finibus mundi sedentes, velut publicanorum officio diligentissime perscrutantes ne quid sui in nobis reperiant. Videtur mihi princeps saeculi huius quasi publicanus esse, unde scriptum est de eo: venit princeps mundi istius et in me non habet quidquam.'Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Macarius of Egypt, Homilia 22 (PG 13, 660).Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Cyril of Alexandria, Homilia 14 de exitu animae (PG 77, 1073): Google Scholar

⁶¹ Augustine, Confessiones 9, 13, 36 (Teubner: 208 Skutella).Google Scholar

⁶² Batiffol, Saint Grégoire le Grand 72; 105–106, 112.Google Scholar

⁶³ Hom. in Evan. II, 38, 16 (PL 76, 1293): ‘Gratias Deo, ecce draco qui me ad devorandum acceperat fugit, orationibus vestris expulsus stare non potuit.'Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Batiffol, op. cit. 72; Bardenhewer, O., Geschichte der altkirchlichen Literatur 5 (Freiburg im Breisgau 1932) 284–285.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Hom. in Evan. II, 38, 16 (PL 76, 1293); Dialogi IV, 40 (293 Moricca).Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Rom. in Evan. I, 12, 7 (PL 76, 1122–1123): ‘Nam illi tetros spiritus ante mortem vidisse, et inducias petiisse, quid profuit, qui easdem inducias quas petiit, non accepit?'Google Scholar

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⁶⁸ Hom. in Evan. I, 12, 7 (PL 76, 1123): ‘Nos ergo, fratres charissimi, nunc sollicite ista cogitemus, ne nobis in vacuum tempora pereant, et tunc quaeramus ad bene agendum vivere, cum iam compellimur de corpore exire.’ Gregory inculcates a similar moral lesson from the story of the monk from Iconium. Cf. Dialogi IV, 40 (295 Moricca): ‘Quod nimirum constat quia ad solam utilitatem audientium viderit, qui eum hostem, cui traditus fuerat, et innotuit et non evasit.'Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Hom. in Evan. I, 19, 7 (PL 76, 1159).Google Scholar

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