¹ On this literary genre see Leclercq, J., The Love of Learning and the Desire for God, Engl, transi, by Misrahi, G. (New York 1961) 199-206. In addition to the conventional sigla, abridged references will be used for the following publications: AA = Analecta Augustiniana (Rome 1905—); Friemar = Arbesmann, R., ‘Henry of Friemar's “Treatise on the Origin and Development of the Order of the Hermit Friars and its True and Real Title,”’ Augustiniana 6 (1956) 37-145; Herrera = T. de Her- rera, Alphabetum Augustinianum (2 vols. Madrid 1644); Pamphilus = J. Pamphilus, Chronica Ordinis Fratrum Eremitarum Sancti Augustini (Rome 1581); Roth, Augustiniana = Roth, F., ‘Cardinal Richard Annibaldi: First Protector of the Augustinian Order,’ Augustiniana 2 (1952) 26-60, 108-149, 230-247; 3 (1953) 21-34, 283-313; 4 (1954) 5-24; Torelli = Torelli, L., Secoli Agostiniani (8 vols. Bologna 1659–1686); V/r. = Jordani de Saxonia Ordinis Eremitarum S. Augustini Liber Vitas fratrum, edd. R. Arbesmann et W. Hümpfner (New York 1943).Google Scholar

² A description of the MS is found in A. M. Bandini, Catalogus codicum latinorum bi- bliothecae Mediceae Laurentianae 3 (Florence 1776) 622-624. For additional information concerning the MS I am indebted to Professor Serafino- Prete of Bologna.Google Scholar

³ There is a slight discrepancy concerning the precise date of the Chapter General, held at Bologna in 1470. While our scribe gives June 12 as the date on which James of Aquila was elected Prior General of the Order, the Acts of the Chapter have June 10: ‘In nomine Domini Amen. Noverint universi praesentes et futuri, ad quos praesentium notitia pertinet, quod ann. Domini 1470 in festo pentecostes, quod fuit χ Junii, celebratum fuit generale capitulum ordinis fratrum heremitarum sancti Augustini in provincia Romandiola, in conventu Bononiensi eiusdem ordinis… In eodem capitulo fuit electus Prior Generalis ordinis unanimiter et concorditer pater M. Fr. Jacobus de Aquila’ (‘Quae supersunt ex Actis Capituli Generalis Ο. E. S. Augustini Bononiae celebrati an. 1470,’ AA 7 [1917–1918] 165). Other documents mention June 9 as the date of this election (cf. E. Esteban, ‘De Capitulo Generali Ordinis Erem. S. Augustini anno 1470 Bononiae celebrato,’ ibid. 173).Google Scholar

⁴ Guglielmo Becchi of Florence, Jacopo's predecessor as Prior General, was elected to the episcopal see of Fiesole shortly before the Chapter, but continued in his office as Prior General until the Chapter, as he himself states: ‘Nota quod usque in praesentem diem 9 Junii 1470, in quo dimisi officium generalatus, ego…’ (see ibid.). Cf. also C. Eubel, Hierar- chia catholica medii aevi 2 (2nd ed. Münster 1914) 154: maii 17, 1470.Google Scholar

⁵ In his description of the MS, Bandini, Catalogue 3.622, failed to list this Vita. The oversight was probably due to the fact that its title, Mamiliani et sociorum eius vita, appears rather inconspicuously at the bottom of fol. 13^r, filling the remainder of the last line of the Vita of St. Augustine, while the narrative itself begins at the top of fol. 13^v. As a result, Bandini mistook the explicit of the Vita Mamiliani (fol. 15^v) for the explicit of the Vita of St. Augustine.Google Scholar

⁶ Concerning this Vita, see R. Arbesmann, ‘The Three Earliest Vitae of St. Galganus,’ Didascaliae: Studies in Honor of Anselm M. Albareda (New York 1961) 1-37.Google Scholar

⁷ The Vita of Nicholas of Tolentino (died in 1305) by Peter of Monterubbiano was published in 1326. It is printed in AS, Sept. 3.644-664. Concerning the prologus and the sermo de interpretatione nominis, by which the Vita is prefaced in the MS of the Laurenziana (fol. 21^v-22^v), see ibid. 637f. Both are not from the pen of Peter of Monterubbiano. The same is true concerning the additional explicit on fol. 46^r (see ibid. 664 note g).Google Scholar

⁸ On Clement of Osimo, see Friemar 69-70, 113-4, 139-41; Vfr. 93-4, 458, 466-8; Pamphilus fol. 31 –31^v, 32^v-33^v, 38^v; N. Crusenius, Monasticon Augustinianum (Munich 1623) 135-6, 138-40; Herrera 1.132f.; AS, Apr. 1.800-2; AA 1 (1905–06) 109-17; AA 8 (1919–20) 287-302; F. Roth, ‘Die Augustiner-Generale des 13. Jahrhunderts,’ Cor Unum 9 (1951) 20-1, 43-4; Augustiniana 3 (1953) 29-32.Google Scholar

⁹ On Vitus of Hungary, see Friemar 74-5, 119, 143; Pamphilus fol. 135^r.Google Scholar

¹⁰ On John of Reate, see Friemar 120, 144; Vfr. 105-6. 154, 459; Pamphilus fol. 134^r; Herrera 1.371f.Google Scholar

¹¹ Fucecchio scripsimus Fucicchio cod. Google Scholar

¹² Both Friar Henry and Brother Guido were members of the hermitage of St. Salvator in Cascina.Google Scholar

¹³ Garfagnana scripsimus Carfagnana cod. Pamphilus fol. 133^r mentions Friar Angelo of Garfagnana in the Catalogus Sanctorum et Beatorum of his Order.Google Scholar

¹⁴ On Philip of Piacenza, see Pamphilus fol. 134^v; Herrera 2.241; Torelli 5.267-269.Google Scholar

¹⁵ On Anthony of Siena, or Monticiano, see AS, Apr. 3.841-5; Herrera 1.9; Torelli 5.321-5.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Tarano scripsimus Terano cod. On Augustine of Tarano, see AS Maii 4.614-26; Friemar 69-70, 114-7, 141f.; Vfr. 96-7, 114-8, 152-4, 162, 206, 307-8, 360-1, 442, 458-9, 460, 463, 466f.; Pamphilus fol. 34^v, 36^r-40^r; Crusenius, Monast. August. 142f.; Herrera 1.6f.; Torelli 5.311-5; AA6 (1915–16) 120-33; Roth, ‘Die Augustiner-Generale,’ Cor Unum 10 (1952) 40-45.Google Scholar

¹⁷ On Michael of Lucca, see Pamphilus fol. 134^v; Herrera 2.54.Google Scholar

¹⁸ On Peter of Collegonzi, or Camerat.a, see Vfr. 152-3, 462f.; Pamphilus fol. 134^v; Herrera 2.241f.; Torelli 5.333-5.Google Scholar

¹⁹ On John Bonus, see AS, Oct. 9.693-886; Roth, Augustiniana 2.123-32.Google Scholar

²⁰ ‘…ut iuvenes fratres, qui eos in corpore non viderunt, ista licet pauca de eis audientes, ad imitationem sanctorum operum incitentur. ‘ In similar words, Henry of Friemar describes the purpose of the list of saints he added to his Tractatus de origine et progressu ordinis fratrum heremitarum etc.: ‘Verum quia a radice tantae sanctitatis primorum patrum huius ordinis nonnisi sancta germina decuit propagari, ideo sub compendio pro aedificatione fratrum fratres famosae et notoriae sanctitatis huius nostri ordinis, de quibus compertum habui, studui annotare’ (Friemar 118).Google Scholar

²¹ Leclercq, The Love of Learning 200f.Google Scholar

²² Ibid. 204.Google Scholar

²³ rusticitatem scripsimus religionem cod. Google Scholar

²⁴ The dialogue was widely circulated, witness the many MSS still extant in Italian libraries (cf. the list given by L. Pastor, Geschichte der Päpste seit dem Ausgang des Mittelalters 1 [8th and 9th ed. Freiburg i.B. 1926] 558 n. 5). The praise of ‘sancta rusticitas’ by St. Jerome in his second Letter to Paulinus (ep. 53.3: CSEL 54.447.14) was familiar to the medieval reader, since this letter usually appears as prologus sacrae bibliothecae in the MSS of the Vulgate. The passage (see H. Quentin's ed. of Genesis [Rome 1926] p. 10.4) was reproduced, for instance, in Gratian's Decretum C. 2 q. 7 c. 56.Google Scholar

²⁵ The dialogue is also found in Cod. Plut. 47.17, fol. 75^r-99^v, of the Laurenziana (cf. Bandini, Catalogus 2 [Florence 1775] 400f.).Google Scholar

²⁶ The contract of sale, written on parchment and dated July 23, 1250, is still extant in the Archivio di Stato of Florence among the documents once belonging to the monastery of Santo Spirito. It carries no number and has been published by S. Lopez, ‘Nonnulla documenta ad Ordinein Fratrum Eremitarum S. Augustini spectantia,’ AA 12 (1927–28) 95-7.Google Scholar

²⁷ A document of June 11, 1279, listing the former members of the hermitage, mentions, besides the Prior Aldobrandinus, four other friars by name (see ibid. 107).Google Scholar

²⁸ In a document, dated May 23, 1261, the rector of the church of S. Romolo in Florence promises to sell a piece of land situated ‘in Caselline’ to the Prior Paul and his brothers in religion of Santo Spirito, provided the commune allows the sale of the property. The friars of Santo Spirito in turn bind themselves to pay the price asked for the land. The names of the friars appear after that of the prior (see ibid. 101).Google Scholar

²⁹ The names of the friars appear in the document quoted supra n. 27.Google Scholar

³⁰ See the writ of indulgence, dated April 17, 1280, in AA 12.108.Google Scholar

³¹ See the Acts of the Chapter General of 1287 in AA 2 (1907–08) 274-7; cf. also ibid. 270. The Florentine monastery was awarded this privilege again in 1326 (cf. AA 4 [1911–12] 3-14).Google Scholar

³² The principal benefactors of Santo Spirito were no doubt the rich families of the 01- trarno. In accordance with the custom of the time, the members of these families found their resting-place in the cloisters of the monastery. The Velluti and Bonamichi were buried there since 1302, and the first member of the wealthy merchant family of the Corsini, Neri Corsini, in 1308 (cf. R. Davidsohn, Forschungen zur Geschichte von Florenz 4 [Berlin 1908] 492; Firenze ai tempi di Dante, Ital. transi, by E. Dupr� Theseider [Florence 1929] 675).Google Scholar

³³ Cf. Davidsohn, Forschungen 4.491f.; Firenze 497.Google Scholar

³⁴ The old cloisters, except the refectory, were torn down when the monastery was rebuilt in the sixteenth century. Above the portal leading from the new cloisters into the refectory the fragment of a fresco, a head of the Sorrowful Mother, has been preserved which is thought to be all that is left of the frescoes painted by Gaddi (cf. S. Bellandi, ?1 nuovo Cenacolo di S. Spirito, Firenze,’ Bollettino storico Agostiniano 22 [1946] 11 n. 1). The frescoes by Stefano Fiorentino in the old cloisters were praised by the artists of the late cinquecento, who admired the master's remarkable sense of perspective and his skill in imparting reality to his figures by letting the contours of the human bodies be seen under the folds of their garments (cf. Davidsohn, Firenze 395). He was buried in Santo Spirito. His epitaph praises him as ranking with the best painters: ‘Stephano fiorentino pictori faciendis imaginibus ac colorandis figuris nulli unquam inferiori, affines moestissimi pos. Vixit annos xlix’ (Le vite d'uomini illustri fiorentini scritte da Filippo Villani, colle annotazioni del Conte Giam- maria Mazzuchelli [2nd ed. Florence 1826] 149 n. 160). � The first half of the fifteenth century witnessed the beginning of a new building program. By the side of the old church the friars began to erect a new one on a much larger scale. The new basilica, a beautiful creation of the early Renaissance, was begun between 1434 and 1436 from designs by Filippo Bru- nelleschi. While the latter's successors, among them Antonio Manetti, on the whole adhered to the original plan, they introduced a number of modifications, especially in the forms of ornamentation. Moreover, after Brunelleschi's death in 1446 the work made little progress, and it was only after the disastrous fire of 1470, causing heavy damage to the old church, that the operations were resumed with greater vigor. The first service in the new basilica was held in 1481. Thereupon the old church was abandoned and torn down. The last part to go was the old campanile, demolished in October of 1489 to make room for the new sacristy, which was begun in December of the same year from designs by Giuliano da Sangallo. Baccio d'Agnolo started his work on the graceful new campanile in 1503. The form the masters intended to give to the fa�ade of the basilica is unknown. Like San Lorenzo, another work of Brunelleschi and his successors, Antonio Manetti the Elder and the Younger, Santo Spirito also has remained without a fa�ade to the present day. Finally, in order to have a uniform style for both church and monastery, the two old cloisters were replaced by two new ones. The two architects were Bartolomeo Ammanati and Alfonso Parigi respectively. Probably because of its artistic and historical value, one monument was fortunately spared in the demolition of the old monastery: although the friars built a new refectory in accordance with the style of the two new cloisters and had it adorned with frescoes by Bernardino Poc- cetti, they reverently preserved the old refectory. With its windows and frescoes in the style of the trecento — though the latter were lamentably neglected for a long time after the suppression of the monastery in the nineteenth century — the old refectory is today the only monumental remainder of old Santo Spirito. — Concerning the foundation of Santo Spirito and the history of its buildings, see E. Repetti, Dizionario geogrcifico, fisico, storico della Toscana 2 (Florence 1835) 683; Davidsohn, Forschungen 4.491f.; Firenze 72; Geschichte von Florenz 2.1 (Berlin 1908) 362, 528, 574, 585; Bellandi, ‘ II fondatore del con- vento di S. Spirito in Firenze,’ Boll. stor. Agost. 1 (1924–23) 9-11; ‘ II nuovo Cenaculo di S. Spirito, Firenze,’ ibid. 22 (1946) 10-17; ‘ Il VII centenario della fondazione dello storico convento di S. Spirito in Firenze,’ ibid. 25 (1949) 31-40; W. and E. Paatz, Die Kirchen von Florenz: Ein kunstgeschichtliches Handbuch (6 vols. Frankfurt am Main 1940–54) V 117-208.Google Scholar

³⁵ Cf. Davidsohn, Forschungen 4.492; Firenze 211-2, 224.Google Scholar

³⁶ Cf. the Acts of the Chapter in AA 2.275.Google Scholar

³⁷ Cf. ibid. 271 n. 3 and E. Ypma, La formation des professeurs chez les Ermites de Saint- Augustin de 1256 à 1354 (Paris 1956) 46.Google Scholar

³⁸ See the Acts of the Chapter in AA. 2.271.Google Scholar

³⁹ He was ordained deacon in the church of Santa Maria Novella on September 18, 1311. His name has been preserved in a paper fasciculus in the Archivio Vescovile of Fiesole, containing the list of ordinations of the years 1310 and 1311. Cf. Davidsohn, Firenze 224.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Cf. ibid. Remigius of Florence had been ‘baccalaureus biblicus’ in Paris in 1338 (see Ypma, La formation des professeurs 88f.). On June 22, 1349, he was elevated to the episcopal see of Comacchio, the chief town in the Valli di Comacchio, north of Ravenna (cf. Eubel, Hierarchia cath. 1 [2nd ed. Münster 1913] 199). In 1352 he used his influence with Pope Clement VI on behalf of his brother in religion, Hugolinus of Orvieto, for the latter's promotion to the magisterium at the University of Paris (cf. A. Zumkeller, Hugolin von Orvieto und seine theologische Erkenntnislehre [Würzburg 1941] 76f.). On April 26, 1357, Remigius was transferred to the episcopal see of Pistoia (Eubel, Hierarchia cath. 1.400).Google Scholar

⁴¹ Cf. η. 34 supra. Google Scholar

⁴² For a general, brief account of the Laude, see the article ‘Lauda,’ Enciclopedia Italiana 20.621-3. A more detailed history of the Florentine Laudesi, including those of Santo Spirito, is found in Davidsohn, Firenze 171-80; cf. also Davidsohn's Geschichte von Florenz 2.2 (Berlin 1908) 293.Google Scholar

⁴³ Gentile degli Orsini figured in the Florentine history of those troubled years when partisanship in Italian city and party politics, which had its origin in sympathy for, or antagonism to, Pope and Emperor, had grown most violent. Robert of Anjou, king of Naples, who soon was to become the recognized leader of the Guelf or, at least nominally, papal party, had prevailed upon Clement V, the first of the Avignon popes, to name him, on March 14,1314, papal vicar for Italy until the approbation of a Roman king by the Apostolic See (cf. Regestum Clementis V, ed. cura monachorum O.S.B. 9 [Rome 1892] Nos. 10321, 10323; J. F. Böhmer, Fontes rerum Germanicarum 1 [Stuttgart 1843] p. xvi), and this appointment had been confirmed by Clement's successor, John XXII, on July 16, 1317 (cf. A. Theiner, Codex diplomaticus dominii temporalis S. Sedis 1 [Rome 1861] 471f. On the same day John XXII dispatched a letter ‘to the Podestà, Capitano, Consiglio and Commune of the city of Florence’ [cf. ibid. 472f.]). It was in the course of these events that Gentile degli Orsini had become Robert's representative in Florence, where the Guelfs had emerged victorious from the bloody strife with the Ghibellines (cf. Davidsohn, Forschungen 4.544f.; Geschichte von Florenz 3 [Berlin 1912] 562).Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Fol. 12^r: ‘…ad palatium potestatis dictae terrae, domini Gentiiis de Ursinis, qui cum suis officium Romanae curiae dicere consueverat. ‘ For the recitation of the canonical hours in cathedrals, collegiate churches, monasteries, and other places where the obligation of the Divine Office existed, originally several volumes were used such as the Psalter, lessons from the Bible, selected parts from the writings of the Fathers, collections of prayers and hymns. To make provision for individuals who were unable to attend the recitation or singing of the Divine Office in common, compilations of the various books involved began to be made in the Middle Ages so that a single volume would suffice for the recitation of the entire Office. The need for such a compendious handbook — fittingly called breviarium and coming into general use from the twelfth century on — was especially felt by the officials of the papal Curia, who, besides carrying on a heavy load of administrative duties, were forever on the move. It is to this breviarium secundum consuetudinem Romanae curiae that our author is referring here.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ The breviarium Romanae curiae was composed of the five parts: the calendar, the Psalter, the temporale, the Proper of saints and the Common of saints. The calendar is usually found at the beginning of the MS (cf. P. Batiffol, History of the Roman Breviary, Engl, transi, from the 3rd French ed. by Α. M. Y. Baylay [London 1914] 165).Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Cf. Friemar 41.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Fol. 12^v: ‘Circa annos domini Mcccxxii quidam Lucanus nomine Mannus propter mundanas partes e terra sua expulsus…’Google Scholar

⁴⁸ For a number of years Castruccio struck terror into the Florentines, upon whom he inflicted a crushing defeat at Altopascio in 1325, the same year in which the Emperor Louis of Bavaria created him duke of Lucca, Pistoia, Yolterra and Luni. He died in 1328. In this connection we refer the reader to an interesting passage in the Cronica of Giovanni Villani. Depressed by the frustrating struggle of his native city against the Ghibelline foe, the Florentine chronicler, a Guelf, wrote to the learned Augustinian friar, Magister Denis of Borgo San Sepolcro, then professor at the University of Paris and later bishop of Monopoli and friend of Petrarca. In his answer Denis predicted the imminent death of the Ghibelline and the final victory of Florence. When Villani pointed out that Castruccio was still carrying everything before him, Denis replied: ‘ I maintain the statement I made in my first letter to you, and if God has not changed His judgment and the course of the heavens, I see Castruccio dead and buried. ‘ Indeed, Villani was only just in possession of Denis’ second letter, when Castruccio died in the prime of life. Cf. Giovanni Villani, Cronica 10.86 (Cronica di Giovanni Villani, à miglior lezione ridotta coll'aiuto de’ testi a penna [8 vols., editors unnamed, Florence 1823] 5.115).Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Cf. N. Mattioli, Il beato Simone Fidati da Cascia (Antologia Agostiniana 2; Rome 1898) 78-89; M. G. McNeil, Simone Fidati and his De Gestis Domini Salvatoris (The Catholic University of America Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Latin Language and Literature 21; Washington, D.C. 1950) 20-29; G. Ciolini, ‘Scrittori spirituali agostiniani dei secoli XIV e XV in Italia,’ Sane tus Augustinus Vitae Spiritualis Magister 2 (Rome 1959) 345-367.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ In the Vita beati Augustini Hipponensis episcopi by Philip of Harvengt (died 1183), second abbot of the Premonstratensian abbey of Bonne Espérance in the diocese of Cambrai (PL 203.1205–1234), for instance, we find the following sequence: chapter 30 contains a list of miracles performed by St. Augustine during his lifetime; chapter 31, the account of St. Augustine's last moments; chapter 32, the learned abbot's own elogium S. Augustini; chapter 33, the report of a holy man's ecstasy revealing to him the great distinction St. Augustine enjoys in heaven. The biography closes with an account of the translations of St. Augustine's body. Jacopo de Voragine (died 1298) arranged the supplementary material in his Legenda aurea 124 (ed. Th. Graesse [2nd ed., Leipzig 1850] 548-566) in the following way: elogia, translation.es, miracula, special conclusion. The Vita S. Augustini by Jordan of Saxony, a brother in religion and younger contemporary of our author, is likewise followed by a number of appendices, to wit, two tracts, the first entitled De trans- latione eiusdem [Augustini] prima, the second, De translatione secunda; an Annotatio tem- porum beati Augustini, offering a critically sifted table of data for the chronology of St. Augustine's life; and the Commendatio sancti Augustini ex diversis auctoritatibus doctorum. Jordan's Vita S. Augustini is found in his Collectanea Augustiniana, preserved in MS 251 of the Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal of Paris, which is in the author's own hand. Though the work was begun when Jordan was at Paris as a student in the years 1319–1322, it received its final form only after 1331, since in the Translatio secunda (fol. 71^v) the Austin Friars are mentioned, besides the Augustinian Canons, as custodi-ans of the tomb of St. Augustine in the basilica of St. Peter in Ciel d'Oro in Pavia: ‘ Quod quidem festum reconditionis eiusdem sanctissimi corporis [the anniversary of the translation of St. Augustine's body to Pavia] ibidem tam a canonicis regularibus quam a fratribus heremitarum ordinis in eadem basilica sancti Petri in caelo aureo deo et eidem beatissimo doctori et ductori ac institutori utriusque ordinis pariter famulantibus honorificentia condigna peragitur et usque in hodiernum diem annis singulis sollemniter celebratur. ‘ For Jordan's Collectanea Augustiniana in general and his Vita S. Augustini in particular, see Vfr. pp. xxiv-xxix; G. Sanderlin, ‘John Cap- grave Speaks Up for the Hermits,’ Speculum 18 (1943) 358-62; Arbesmann, ‘ Jordanus of Saxony's Vita S. Augustini: The Source for John Capgrave's Life of St. Augustine,’ Traditio 1 (1943) 341-53.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Besides the Retractations, the main sources for the history of the life and works of St. Augustine are his own Confessions and the small biography by Possidius. The narrative portion, properly speaking, of the Confessions comes to an end with Augustine's account of the death of his mother at Ostia on their journey home to Africa in the autumn of 387. Possidius deals with this period of St. Augustine's life rather summarily in the first two chapters of his biography, devoting the remaining twenty-nine chapters to a description of Augustine's activity as a priest and bishop and especially his inner life. As a result, the Confessions served later biographers as the main source for the first part of St. Augustine's life, while the Vita by Possidius performed the same task for the second.Google Scholar

⁵² Cf. Sancti Augustini vita scripta a Possidio episcopo 1 (ed. H. T. Weiskotten [Princeton 1919] 40).Google Scholar

⁵³ Our author writes civitate Carthaginiensi instead of civitate Tagastensi, an error which has also crept into a number of MSS of Possidius’ work (cf. the critical apparatus of Weis- kotten's edition ad locum). Jordan's autograph (Cod. de l'Arsenal 251, fol. 54^v) has Tha- g at hens i. Google Scholar

⁵⁴ The introductory sentences of the medieval Lives of St. Augustine closely follow chapter 1 of the Vila by Possidius. The names of St. Augustine's parents are added from Conf. 9.13.37.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ For the other sources used by Jordan for his considerably longer biography, see Arbes- mann, Traditio 1.345-7.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ The author of the earlier Vita obviously misread Con]. 5.8.15: ‘et finxi me amicum nolle deserere donee vento facto navigaret.’ Augustine pretended he did not wish to leave a friend until the latter could sail with a fair wind. Only this text, of course, makes sense.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ The miracles listed by our author are found in Jacopo de Yoragine's Legenda aurea 124 (563-4, 563, 559; this is the order in which the miracles are related by our author).Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Concerning this legend, which is also found in Jacopo de Voragine's Legenda aurea 124 (553 Graesse), see Arbesmann, Traditio 1.3:6f.; Friemar 49, 91-2, 124. The legend is incorporated in a text which once circulated as a sermon of St. Ambrose, Sermo 92 in Erasmus’ edition of the Opera omnia (Basel 1538, 3.396-98). See the comments of G. Morin, Revue bénédictine 7 (1890) 153f., who cites a Paris Ambrose of 1549.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ The Florentine friar has in mind the pseudo-Ambrosian Sermo de baptismo et conversiane S. Augustini. We quote the passage according to Cod. 501 (D.8.5) of the Biblioteca Ange- lica in Rome, fol. 9^r: ‘Novum christianum novis vestimentis, cuculla nigra, induimus, cin- gulo ex corio nos ipsi praecinximus, quod Simplicianus noster ingenti laetitia donavit.’ Here St. Simplicianus, a priest of Milan and later the successor of St. Ambrose in the episcopal see of that city, who played an important role in the spiritual crisis which Augustine underwent at Milan, is represented as being at the head of a large community of hermits. Concerning this story see Friemar 45-50.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ tunc scripsimus ut a cod. Google Scholar

⁶¹ Gf. Conf. 8.6.15.Google Scholar

⁶² Jovis scripsimus Jobe cod. Google Scholar

⁶³ Igilio scripsimus Gigli cod. (Ital. Isola del Giglio).Google Scholar

⁶⁴ corpora scripsimus corpus cod. Google Scholar

⁶⁵ inhabitantur scripsimus inhabitarunt cod. Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Cf. Acta apocrypha S. Torpetis 3 (AS Maii 4.7) and Vita S. Antonii presbyteri et eremitae 4 (AS Apr. 3.483).Google Scholar

⁶⁷ See, for instance, the explicit of Hugh of St. Victor's Expositio in regulani S. Augustini in Cod. Verodunensis 41 (saec. xiv) fol. 143^v: ‘Explicit expositio fratris Hugonis de Sancto Victore super regulam beatissimi patris nostri Augustini, episcopi et doctoris, quam regu- lam dedit fratribus heremitis in monte Pisano, frater eorundem existens habitu et religione. In quo quidem habitu et religione vitam finivit cum dictis heremitis iuxta Hipponem. ‘ When, between 1463 and 1467, Benozzo Gozzoli adorned the choir of the church of the Austin Friars (Sant’ Agostino) in San Gimignano with his famous frescoes, portraying the life of St. Augustine from his school days to his death, one of the subjects chosen for these frescoes was St. Augustine's sojourn on Möns Pisanus. The fresco (no. 12) contains three scenes. In the background, on the slope of the mountain, with the monastery towering above, Augustine is shown in conversation with his brother hermits. In the foreground, at the right, he is giving them his Rule, while at the left there is represented the well-known legend of St. Augustine walking along the sea shore, beholding the apparition of an infant reminding him of the mystery of the Holy Trinity. In all three scenes Augustine appears in the habit of an Augustinian hermit. Here we may add that the immediately preceding fresco (no. 11) pictures Augustine in the baptismal font, wearing the monastic tonsure, while one of St. Simplicianus’ hermits is holding the cowl in readiness for the investiture. In fresco no. 13, representing the death of St. Monnica, there can be seen among the mourners, besides St. Augustine, also two of the fabled Tuscan hermits.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ In 1244, at the command of Pope Innocent IV and under the well-planned and energetic guidance of Cardinal Richard Annibaldi, all eremitical houses in Tuscany, with the exception of the Williamites, had been joined into one body under the Rule of St. Augustine and a Prior General, and henceforth were known as the fratres heremitae de Tuscia ordinis sancti Augustini. The union of 1244 had been preceded by another smaller one which, in 1228, comprised thirteen hermitages. Concerning the unionist movement among the Tuscan Hermits, see Roth, Augustiniana 2.112-121; Ά History of the English Austin Friars,’ ibid. 8 (1958) 28f.; M. B. Hackett, ‘The Seventh Centenary of the Great Union of Augus- tinians,’ Irish Ecclesiastical Record 86 (1957) 17f.; Arbesmann, ‘The Three Earliest Vitae…’ (n. 6 supra) 33-37. In the tradition of the Augustinian Order the Tuscan Hermits always held a pre-eminent place. To the Great Union of 1256, which established the Order in its modern form, they had contributed the best developed organization, an extraordinarily large number of privileges (cf. Roth, Augustiniaria 2.138; Hackett, Irish Eccl. Record 86.17), and — last but not least — their Cardinal Protector, Richard Annibaldi, the driving force behind the unionist movement in accordance with papal legislation.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Thus it was called by later historians of the Order. See, for instance, Pamphilus fol. 3Ü^r; Herrera 2.30.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Fol. 13^v: Έο tempore quo Constantinus imperator bellum fecit cum Anthonio et Cleopatra, depopulata est maxima pars Tusciae et Campaniae ab exercitu Wandalorum et deportati sunt multi in Africana<m> regione<m>. Inter quos erant duo gloriosissimi sacer- dotes, Mamilianus videlicet et Sentias, cum tribus sociis Gobaldeo, Eustatio et Infante, qui deportati sunt in Africain. ‘+regione.+Inter+quos+erant+duo+gloriosissimi+sacer-+dotes,+Mamilianus+videlicet+et+Sentias,+cum+tribus+sociis+Gobaldeo,+Eustatio+et+Infante,+qui+deportati+sunt+in+Africain.+‘>Google Scholar

⁷¹ In the various versions of the legend the names of three of Mamilianus’ companions have undergone some changes. In our Laurentian MS, Mamilianus’ brother hermits are called Sentias, Gobaldeus, Eustatius and Infans. The Vita S. Mamiliani cum sociis suis, found in Cod. Vat. lat. 6453 (saec. xii in.), fol. 119^r-121^v, gives their names as Sentias, Go- boldeus, Ystochius and Infans, while in the Acta S. Mamiliani et sociorum (AS Sept. 5.49) and Acta S. Senzii (AS Maii 6.70) their names are Senzius, Convuldus, Istochius and Infans. In other respects, the version in the Laurentian MS is that of the above-mentioned Vatican MS.Google Scholar

⁷² For an analysis of these conventional elements, see H. Delehaye, Les légendes hagiographiques (Subsidia hagiographica 18; 3rd ed. Brussels 1927) 25-38, of which we now have an English edition, The Legends of the Saints, tr. by Donald Attwater (New York 1962) 21-27. R. Söder, Die apokryphen Apostelgeschichten und die romanhafte Literatur der Antike (Würzburger Studien zur Altertumswissenschaft 3; Stuttgart 1932) 21-187.Google Scholar

⁷³ Rationes decimarum Italiae nei secoli XIII e XIV: Tuscia, I: La décima degli anni 1274–1280, ed. P. Guidi (Studi e Testi 58; Città del Vaticano 1932); Tuscia, II: Le decime degli anni 1295–1304, ed. M. Giusti and P. Guidi (Studi e Testi 98; Città del Vaticano 1942). Special mention must be made of the excellent maps which the editors have added to their work. Except in a few cases where an identification is no longer possible, the maps give the exact location of many Augustinian hermitages.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Levied by the Second Council of Lyons to raise money in the struggle for the retention of the Holy Land. The conciliar decree was first edited by H. Finke, Konzilienstudien zur Geschichte des 13. Jahrhunderts (Münster 1891) 113-7.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Levied by Boniface VIII; the monies collected were used for the pacification of the kingdom of Sicily (called peculiaris terra Romanae Ecclesiae), which was greatly disturbed by the hostilities between the Angevins and Aragonese (cf. Giusti and Guidi p. xii).Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Besides being used for the pacification of the kingdom of Sicily, this tax — likewise imposed by Boniface VI11 — also helped to defray the heavy expenses incurred by the Holy See in the struggle with Jthe Colonna family (cf. ibid. xiii).Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Guidi No. 4228; Giusti and Guidi No. 3853.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Guidi 4227; Giusti and Guidi 3851.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Guidi 3838, 4230; Giusti and Guidi 3855.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Ibid. 3884.Google Scholar

⁸¹ Guidi 3844, 4233; Giusti and Guidi 3858, 4489.Google Scholar

⁸² Ibid. 3879.Google Scholar

⁸³ Guidi 3842, 4232; Giusti and Guidi 3857, 4488.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Guidi 4234; Giusti and Guidi 3859.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ Guidi 3835, 4229; Giusti and Guidi 3854.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Guidi 3507, 3610; Giusti and Guidi 3460.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ Ibid. crit. app. to No. 3455.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ Guidi 3506, 3611; Giusti and Guidi 3449.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Ibid. crit. app. to No. 3455.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ Ibid. 3461.Google Scholar

⁹¹ Guidi 3505, 3608; Giusti and Guidi 3459.Google Scholar

⁹² Ibid. 3019.Google Scholar

⁹³ Ibid. 3015.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ Guidi 3070, 3254; Giusti and Guidi 3012.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ Ibid. 3016.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Ibid. 3018.Google Scholar

⁹⁷ Ibid. 3014 and crit. app. to No. 3429.Google Scholar

⁹⁸ Ibid. 3017.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ Published by Guidi in Studi e Testi 58 pp. 241-75 (see n. 73 supra). Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ with the exception of the hermitage of St. Mary's of Monteforte, the liber exlimi contains all the hermitages in the diocese of Lucca listed above (cf. Guidi Nos. 4840, 4854, 4871, 4872, 4942, 5020, 5157, 5338).Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ Guidi 5239.Google Scholar

¹⁰² Ibid. 5073.Google Scholar

¹⁰³ Ibid. 5 1 33.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ Ibid. 5238.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ Torelli (4.453-5) was the only historian to publish the entire text of the document, which he had found in the public archives of the city of Siena (cf. ibid. 453). To Fr. Roth I am indebted for another copy, found in the diary of T. de Herrera, MS 4835 of the Biblioteca Nacional of Madrid, pp. 1116–1120. It was among the copies of documents sent to Herrera by Egidio Gonsoni of Milan, Procurator General of the Order from 1637–1645. Concerning the date of the document, see S. Lopez, AA 8.293 n. 1.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ Cf. Roth, Augustiniana 2.141f.; Friemar 53f.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ Note how the author, by omitting a clause in the text of Possidius (chapter 5) and substituting quam for quod, attempts to prove that St. Augustine wrote the Rule while staying with the fabled hermits in Tuscany.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ Sermo 355.2 (PL 39.1569L).Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ Yalerio scripsimus Valentino cod. Google Scholar

¹¹⁰ See also the explicit of Hugh of St. Victor's Expositio in regulam S. Augustini (η. 67 supra), in which St. Augustine is said, to have died in the monastery outside of Hippo, surrounded by his brother hermits. The last (no. 17) of Benozzo Gozzoli's frescoes in Sant’ Agostino in San Gimignano (see n. 67 supra) shows St. Augustine lying on the bier and his grief-stricken hermits lamenting the loss of their spiritual father. The cloister of the monastery forms the background.Google Scholar

¹¹¹ Ed. Mynors, R. A. B. (Oxford 1937) 61.Google Scholar

¹¹² Bartholomew died as bishop of his native city in 1350. We have consulted the edition of his Milleloquium by Joannes Collierius, Paris 1672, as well as the Brescia printing of 1734; also MS Paris, B.N. lat. 2119 (through a microfilm copy owned by the Catholic University of America and examined by Professor Bernard M. Peebles). The elogium appears on fol. 5^va of the manuscript; neither printed edition gives pagination for the prologue.Google Scholar

¹¹³ Cod. de l'Arsenal 251, fol. 79·.Google Scholar

¹¹⁴ Ed. Lindsay, W. M., Oxford 1911.Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ Cf. the critical apparatus of Lindsay's edition ad locum. Google Scholar

¹¹⁶ Cod. de l'Arsenal 251, fol. 76^v.Google Scholar

¹¹⁷ Hugo de Sancto Victore, Didascalicon 4.14 ed. C. H. Buttimer (The Catholic Univ. of America Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Latin 10 [Washington, D.C., 1939] 88).Google Scholar

¹¹⁸ In the prologue to his MiUeloquium (n. 112 supra). The Paris MS, like Jordan (see supra), supplies the reading Versus Possidonii (fol. 5^ra).Google Scholar

¹¹⁹ Cod. de l'Arsenal, fol. 76^v.Google Scholar

¹²⁰ In the two printed editions of the MiUeloquium consulted, this line reads at follows: ‘Omnia quis, lector, nunc tua habere potest?’ The Paris MS (fol. 5™) agrees with Jordan's quotation in the words, but not in the word order of this pentameter: ‘Aut quis tua lector cuncta habere potest.’ Also the next line shows a discrepancy in Collierius: ‘Num- quam; voluminibus mille, Augustine, refulges’; instead of Nam or Numquam, the Paris MS and the Brescia edition offer the metrically welcome Namque. Google Scholar

^120a See Brandt, S., Philologus 62 N.F. 16 (1903) 622–3; cf. Schanz, M., Geschichte der römischen Literatur IV 1 (2nd ed. Munich 1914) 499; Dekkers, E., C lavis Palrum latinorum (2nd ed. Steenbrugge 1961) No. [640].Google Scholar

^120b See Brandt, Philologus 63 N.F. 17 (1904) 160; Λ. Riese, Rheinisches Museum 65 (1910) 490, 498. Cf. Dekkers, Clavis loc. cit. Google Scholar

^120c Cf. Vaccari, A., ‘I versi di S. Agostino,’ La Civiltà Cattolica 98.1 (1947) 212f. (Scritti di erudizione e di jilologia II [Storia e letteratura 67; Rome 1958] 248); Pellegrino, M. (ed.), Possidio: Vita di S. Agostino (Alba 1955) 230 n. 12.Google Scholar

¹²¹ Philip of Harvengt's text of the translations (PL 203.1230–1234) is longer. It was taken over by Jordan of Saxony (Cod. de l'Arsenal, fol. 70^r-71^v) and enlarged by some new additions.Google Scholar

¹²² The controversy between the two parties became more heated after Iienry of Friemar, in his Tractatus de origine et progressu ordinis fratrum heremitarum, etc., attempted to lay the historical foundation of his Order's tradition. Cf. Friemar 58-61; M. Reeves, ‘Joachimist Expectations in the Order of the Augustinian Hermits,’ Recherches de théologie ancienne et médiévale 25 (1958) 125-33, 138-40; K. Elm, ‘Neue Beiträge zur Geschichte des Augustiner- Eremitenordens im 13. und 14. Jahrhundert: Ein Forschungsbericht,’ Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 42 (1960) 378-383,Google Scholar

¹²³ The story which made St. Ruf the founder of the Canons Regular was repeated over and over again by the Augustinian Hermits in their dispute with the Canons. Their chief authority was Joachim of Flora. Cf., for instance, Paolo Olmi of Bergamo (Paulus Lulmeus Bergomensis), Libellus de apologia religionis fratrum heremitarum ordinis sancti Augustini contra falso impugnantes (Rome 1479) fol. 28^v. Joachim was quoted by Silvestro Meuccio in the prefatory letter of his edition of Joachim's Expositio in Apocalypsim (Venice 1527): ‘ Ipse enim ordo [Fratrum Eremitarum] a parente nostro beato Augustino fundatus extitit: a quo regulam vivendique formam accepit: nec in dubium verti potest. Quod et idem Joachim hie in parte prooemiali testatur dicens: Ordo Eremitarum fundatus fuit a beato Augustino in Africa, Ordo vero Canonicorum regularium in partibus occiduis a beato Rufo, quamvis et ipsi teneant Regulam sancti Augustini.’ It is interesting to note that the last sentence contains the same subtle argument as that used by our author. — Concerning the monastery of St. Ruf and the history of the Congregation of St. Ruf, see G. Penotti, Generalis totius sacri ordinis clericorum canonicorum historia tripartita 2.2.2-3; 2.33.6 and 21; 2.56 (Cologne 1630, pp. 243, 359, 368, 494-502); concerning the legendary Bishop St. Ruf, ibid. 2.56.1 (495 Penotti). In view of the partisan character of Penotti's work, his arguments must be read with discretion, but he is right in rejecting the story of a certain holy Bishop Rufus as the Founder of the Canons Regular. — Of recent literature on the monastery and Congregation of St. Ruf we mention especially: U. Chevalier, Codex diplomatics Ordinis Sancti Rufi Valentiae (Valence 1891); M. Heimbucher, Die Orden und Kongregationen der katholischen Kirche 1 (3rd ed. Paderborn 1933) 410f.; L. H. Cottineau, Répertoire topo-bibliographique des abbayes et prieurés 2 (Mâcon 1937) 3273f. s.v. ‘Valence, St. Ruf,’ with the bibliography listed there; Ch. Dereine, ‘Vie commune, règle de Saint- Augustin et chanoines réguliers au xi^e siècle,’ Revue d'histoire ecclésiastique 41 (1946) 370, 379, 383, 397f.; ‘L'élaboration du statut canonique des chanoines réguliers, spécialement sous Urbain II,’ ibid. 46 (1951) 546f.; ‘Coutumiers et ordinaires de chanoines réguliers,’ Scriptorium 5 (1951) 109; ‘Chanoines,’ DHGE 12 (1953) 378; J. C. Dickinson, The Origins of the Austin Canons and their Introduction into England (London 1950) 27-8, 42, 47 n. 1, 49, 55, 59, 83, 170, 194; M. Schmid, ‘Chorherren,’ LThK 2 (2nd ed. 1958) 1084; ‘Chorherren- regel, ‘ ibid. 1089.Google Scholar

¹²⁴ Cf. the note, entitled ‘Unde ordo heremitarum beati Augustini initium habuerit,’ in our Cod. Laurent. Plut. 90 sup. 48, fol. 62^v: ‘Si principium ordinis fratrum heremitarum beati Augustini accipiatur ut incepit a beato Paulo et Antonio, fuit circa annos domini ccxxv (sic). Si vero accipiatur ut incepit a beato Augustino, circa annos cccxliii (sic).Google Scholar

¹²⁵ Friemar 96.Google Scholar

¹²⁶ V/r. 24-26.Google Scholar