¹ For Sulcard and Vitalis see Pearce, E. H., The Monks of Westminster (Notes and Documents Relating to Westminster Abbey 5; Cambridge, England 1916) 40; for Sulcard also, Hardy, T.D., Descriptive Catalogue of Materials Relating to the History of Great Britain and Ireland (Rolls Series 1862-71) I ii. 644-5; II 31; Dictionary of National Biography and, for a list of earlier references to Sulcard, Chevalier, U., Répertoire des sources historiques du Moyen Age: Bio-Bibliographie (Paris 1905-07) s. v. ‘Sulcard’; The History of Westminster Abbey by John Flete ed. Robinson, J.A. (Notes and Documents 2; Cambridge 1909) 3-11, 31, 34, 40-43, 77, 83, 84. There are some comments on Sulcard in Histoire littéraire de la France 8 (Paris 1747) 138-40, whose authors derive their material essentially from Pits, John, Relationum historicarum de rebus anglicis tomus I (Paris 1619) 188.Google Scholar

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⁴⁹ Westlake, , Westminster Abbey I 13: ‘The new church was begun probably within two or three years of Edward's accession to the throne, for there is record of a gift thereto of land and a wharf in London from Ulf the port sheriff and his wife in 1043 or the following year.’ The document is in MS Westminster Domesday fol. 506. Cf. also R. Widmore's opinion of Edward's vow as quoted in Dugdale, , Monasticon Anglicanum I 267.Google Scholar

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⁵⁹ Holtzmann, , Papsturkunden in England I nos. 12, 13. In MS Westminster Domesday fol. 389^v there is another indulgence issued to the abbey under Abbot Herbert (1121-35) by the cardinal-priest and legate John. It is identical with Holtzmann's no. 13, with the exception of the clause extending the indulgence to St. Peter's Chains.Google Scholar

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⁶³ ‘Dum ergo quodam tempore praefatus rex Athelredus propter quasdam dissensiones civitatem obsideret Rofensem, et facta capiendi illam difficultate, patrimonium beati apostoli devastando invaderet’; Memorials of Saint Dunstan 117 (all later references to Osbern are to this page); ‘Rex Anglorum Ægelredus, propter quasdam dissensiones, civitatem Hrofi obsedit, et visa capiendi illam difficultate, iratus discessit, et terras Sancti Andreae Apostoli devastavit’; Florentii Wigorniensis monachi chronicon ex chronicis ed. Thorpe, B. (English Historical Society 1848-49) I 148.Google Scholar

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⁶⁸ Sulcard was attracted to the present story because the incident embroiled Æthelred with Archbishop Dunstan. Dunstan, as the reader of his hagiographers knows, applied his remarkable gift of prophecy repeatedly and with considerable vehemence against the wickedness of King Æthelred (Memorials of Saint Dunstan 115, 215, 309, 320). The siege of Rochester wrung another prediction from the saint. According to Osbern of Canterbury, the first to relate the story, Dunstan told Æthelred through several messengers to give up the siege and to refrain from further havoc, lest he experience the power of the apostle. Yet he earned nothing but contempt from the king, who put an end to his violence only when Dunstan sent him a hundred pounds of silver. Whereupon the archbishop was prompted to foretell that after his death such evils would come over Æthelred, because he had preferred money to God, silver to the apostle, and his greed to Dunstan's will, as the English had not seen since they began to rule their island. Sulcard gives the same story in a slightly different form. His is probably the older version since Osbern's Vita Sancti Dunstani was written between 1080 and 1093 (Memorials of Saint Dunstan xxxi). According to Sulcard, the bishop of Rochester informed Dunstan of Æthelred's attack. Dunstan pointed out to the king that he had unjustly given the lands of St. Andrew to his man and that he had not acted in the manner of a king when he burnt his kingdom. As the archbishop had no success with his reproaches and the king became ever more enraged, Dunstan prophesied: ‘Since you have failed to show reverence to Andrew, the holy apostle, and since you did not shrink from burning his church and your kingdom, given to you by God, you will not lack fire and bloodshed as long as you live’ (below p. 89).Google Scholar

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⁷⁰ Plummer, , Two Chronicles II 214 n. 2; here most of the early evidence is listed.Google Scholar

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⁷⁷ Gesta Regum I 229; Liber monasterii de Hyda ed. Edwards, E. (Rolls Series 1866) 287; Henry of Huntingdon, Historia Anglorum ed. Arnold, T. (Rolls Series 1879) 191. Later examples: Chronicon abbatiae Rameseiensis ed. Macray, W. D. (Rolls Series 1886) 155; Annales monasterii de Wintonia, in Annales Monastici ed. Luard, H. R. (Rolls Series 1864-69) II 19; Paris, Matthew, Chronica Majora ed. Luard, H. R. (Rolls Series 1872-83) I 511. For Edward's hagiographers see ‘La vie par Osbert’ 70; Ailred of Rievaulx, Vita S. Edwardi regis et confessoris, PL 195.741; La Vie d'Edouard 'e Confesseur ed. Södergård, Ö. (Upsala 1948) 113-14; La Estoire de seint Ædward le Rei in Lives of Edward the Confessor ed. Luard, H. R. (Rolls Scries 1858) 37. This view has found its way into the Cambridge Mediaeval History III 389.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Cf. R. Foreville's comment (loc. cit.): ‘Guillaume de Poitiers, en insistant sur la priorité de l'expédition d'Édouard, paraît bien le tenir pour l'aîné.’ On the murder of Alfred see Freeman, , Norman Conquest I 327–35, 512-18; Plummer, , Two Chronicles II 211-15; Campbell, , Encomium Emmae Reginae lxiv lxvii. Sulcard blames only the Danes for the murder of the ætheling (‘insidiis Danorum inhoneste peremptus’); similar to the Vita Ædwardi Regis Godwin is not implicated. This also agrees with the interpretation of the event in the Prima carta Edwardi and the Tertia carta Edwardi which Freeman adduced to substantiate his case for the innocence of Godwin (Kemble, CD IV 173, 181; Freeman, , Norman Conquest I 517-18; Plummer, , Two Chronicles II 213 n. 1). Sulcard's dependence on the Vita and that of the forger on Sulcard has been pointed out.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ ‘La vie par Osbert’ 71. A similar sentiment is expressed in Thegani vita Hludowici (MGH. Scriptores 2.591): ‘Erat enim optimus filiorum eius, sicut ab exordio mundi frequenter iunior frater seniorem fratrem meritis praecedebat.’ Thegan notes as examples Abel, Isaac, Jacob and David.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Henry of Huntingdon 191; Freeman, , Norman Conquest I 517.Google Scholar

⁸¹ Robinson, J. A. and James, M. R., The Manuscripts of Westminster Abbey (Notes and Documents 1; Cambridge 1909) 98–101; Davis, G. R. C., Mediaeval Chartularies of Great Britain (London 1958) nos. 1011, 1012.Google Scholar

⁸² Flete's History of Westminster 40–43, 31-32. Bloch printed the passage from ‘Tandem vero pietas’ on (below p. 90).Google Scholar

^{page 80 note 1} Sulcard's letter of dedication contains the customary topoi of this type of medieval literature; cf. Simon, Gertrud, ‘Untersuchungen zur Topik der Widmungsbriefe mittelalterlicher Geschichtsschreiber bis zum Ende des 12. Jahrhunderts, , Archiv für Diplomatik 4 (1958) 52–119; 5-6 (1959-60) 73-153.Google Scholar

^{page 80 note 2} Similar introductions appear for example in Gesta abbatum Fontanellensium and Ratperti casus S. Galli (MGH Scriptores 2.271.61) or Historia fundationis monasterii S. Viti martyris (Chronicon Gladbacense), written at the beginning of the twelfth century: ‘Scribere vero proposuimus monasterium illud Gladebacense revelatione divina constructum, qualiter quotiesque sit, invidia instigante, destructum et inhabitantes cum abbatibus pulsi atque transmigrati, donec demum in miserendi tempore, sanctissimo patrono nostro Vito interveniente, licet non in pristinum statum, utcunque tamen reformatum atque stabilitum est’ (MGH, Scriptores 4.75).Google Scholar

^{page 80 note 3} 2 Cor. 3.2-3 Google Scholar

^{page 80 note 4} Sap. 10.21; the rest of the sentence is reminiscent of Col. 4.3.Google Scholar

^{page 82 note 1} Folcard of St. Bertin in his Vita S. Joannis Beverlacensis (shortly before 1066) begins his story with a similar chapter; cf. PL 147.1167.Google Scholar

^{page 82 note 2} Rom. 4.17.Google Scholar

^{page 82 note 3} cf. Rom. 10.18 Google Scholar

^{page 85 note 1} The same motifs of fishing on Sunday, the threat of punishment, and the catching of enormous fish occur in Folcard of St. Bertin, Miracula S. Bertini, PL 147.1097-99.Google Scholar

^{page 85 note 2} Offa's charter for Westminster (Birch, CS no. 245) mentions only Aldenham, Hertfordshire; see Gover, J. E. B., Mawer, Allen and Stenton, F. M., The Place-Names of Hertfordshire (English Place-Name Society 15; 1938) 59–60. Blakenham, Northamptonshire, occurs in Magna carta Dunstani (CS no. 1050), Magna carta Edgari (Crawford Charters no. 12) and a shorter version of the latter document (CS no. 1351).Google Scholar

^{page 85 note 3} On the schola Saxonum see Levison, , England and the Continent 40–41. Its nature was frequently misunderstood, and its foundation was falsely ascribed to various kings (Liebermann, F., Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen [Halle 1898-1916] II ii 609). William of Malmesbury says that Offa of Mercia was believed to have instituted it (Gesta Regum I 109).Google Scholar

^{page 86 note 1} Siclus, originally a Hebrew gold or silver coin, appears in several German and Anglo-Saxon texts (see Du Cange, siclus') and was equal to two silver denarii. For the earlier history of siclus see article ‘Siglos’ in Wörterbuch der Münzkunde ed. Freiherr von Schrötter, F. (Berlin, Leipzig 1930). I see no reference to this coin in such works as Brooke, G. C., English Coins (2nd ed. London 1950) or Anglo-Saxon Coins ed. Dolley, R. H. M. (Studies Presented to Sir Frank Stenton; London 1961).Google Scholar

^{page 86 note 2} This could be a paraphrase of Westminster's Magna carta Dunstani (Birch, CS no. 1050) or of a very similar charter; see my note mentioned above in EHR 76 (1961) 471-72. A similar paraphrase of a Canterbury charter is in Goscelin's Historia translationis S. Augustini, AS May VI 426 (Levison, , England and the Continent 200). It may be noteworthy that the Magna carta Dunstani does not mention the consecration by St. Peter. Instead there is a reference to the church of Westminster “quae manibus angelicis consecrata dinoscitur.” Google Scholar

^{page 86 note 3} Dunstan was commended to the court of Athelstan shortly after 925 and he became a priest before the death of Athelstan in 939. The other six kings under whom he flourished were Edmund, Eadred, Eadwig, Edgar, Edward the Martyr, and Æthelred. Dunstan died on May 19, 988.Google Scholar

^{page 88 note 1} For the feasts of St. Peter see above p. 73.Google Scholar

^{page 88 note 2} cf. 1 Cor. 10.3 Google Scholar

^{page 88 note 1} Edgar died in 975. Sulcard omits Edward the Martyr (975-78) murdered at Corfe. Æthelred succeeded his stepbrother Edward in 978. Æthelred's first wife was an Anglo-Saxon lady by the name of Ælfgifu, who gave him seven sons and three daughters. By Emma Æthelred had two sons, Edward and Alfred, and a daughter, Godgifu, who married first Drogo, count of Mantes, and then Eustace, count of Boulogne.Google Scholar

^{page 88 note 2} The bishopric of Rochester was ravaged in 986; Dunstan died in 988. The Danish invasion had begun within two years of Æthelred's accession, i. e. in 980. It subsided after 982. There was a landing in Somerset in 988, and the invasion became formidable with the arrival of the Norwegians under King Olaf Tryggvason in 991. In 1013 Æthelred fled to Normandy, to the court of his brother-in-law Richard, duke of Normandy. Swein Forkbeard was recognized as king in the same year but died in February 1014. Æthelred was asked to return; he died in 1016. Edward and Alfred left England with Æthelred. Alfred returned in 1036 and was killed; Edward came back in 1041 on the invitation of Harthacnut and succeeded to the throne in 1042.Google Scholar

^{page 90 note 1} cf. Ps. 101.18 Google Scholar

^{page 90 note 2} Ps. 101.14 Google Scholar

^{page 90 note 3} Edward is compared to Solomon by several other writers; cf. Vita Ædwardi Regis 3, 12; Goscelin of St. Bertin, Textus translationis et institutionis monasterii B. Mildrethae, MS B. M. Cotton Vespasian B XX fol. 177^v (“Quo salomonica pace regnante”); Prima carta Edwardi (Kemble, CD no. 824); Heremanni miracula S. Eadmundi (Ungedruckte anglo-normannische Geschichtsquellen 239); Turgot, , Vita S. Margaretae (Vitae antiquae sanctorum ed. Pinkerton, J. [London 1789] 331).Google Scholar

^{page 90 note 4} The phrase ‘ne tanto hostilitate’ appears in the Prima carta Edwardi (Kemble CD no. 824).Google Scholar

^{page 90 note 5} For the description of the church see Vita Ædwardi Regis 44-46 and notes. Sulcard, echoes the description of the Vita but is briefer.Google Scholar

^{page 90 note 6} Is. 45.7 Google Scholar

^{page 90 note 7} Edward fell sick on Christmas Eve; he withdrew from the activities of the dedication on the day after Christmas. The church was consecrated on December 28 (Vita Ædwardi Regis 73, 72 n. 3); Edward died apparently on January 5 (Harmer, , AS Writs 560; Vita Ædwardi Regis 80 n. 2) and was buried on January 6.Google Scholar