^∗ Eleanor Webster Bulatkin, The Expression of the Concept ‘Nuance’ in Spanish, Italian, and French, doctoral dissertation, Johns Hopkins University (Baltimore 1952).

^∗∗ Throughout this article the following ‘works of reference in the field of Romance philology will be designated by the symbols which appear opposite them:

¹ Since, as will later become apparent, the word matiz is a post-verbal derivative, from this point on the verb matizar will be used in speaking of the general concept.Google Scholar

² El Cancionero de Juan Alfonso de Baena (Madrid 1851) 18.Google Scholar

³ Marian Aguiló y Fúster, Diccionari Aguiló (Barcelona 1915-), s.v. matizar.Google Scholar

⁴ El Cancionero… 487.Google Scholar

⁵ Ibid. 503.Google Scholar

⁶ See note 115 below. The passage cited is to be found in Blondheim, ‘Livro…,’ Todd Memorial Volumes I (1930) 81.Google Scholar

⁷ Luiz de Granada, Obras I (Biblioteca de autores españoles 6; Madrid 1860) 242.Google Scholar

⁸ Mateo Alemán, Guzmán de Alfarache I (Clásicos Castellanos 73; Madrid 1929) 34.Google Scholar

⁹ Alemán I 52.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Alemán III (Clás. Cast. 90) 136.Google Scholar

¹¹ Alemán IV (Clás. Cast. 93) 144.Google Scholar

¹² Alemán IV 150.Google Scholar

¹³ Romancero general (Madrid 1600), in facsimile edition (New York 1904) 124.Google Scholar

¹⁴ del Marmol Carvajal, Luis, Rebelión y castigo de los moriscos de Granada (Biblioteca de autores espa oles 21; Madrid 1852) 132.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Carvajal 129.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Lorenço de Zamora, Monarchía mystica de la yglesia II (Madrid 1611) 80.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Zamora II 92.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Zamora II 247.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Zamora II 366.Google Scholar

²⁰ de Chen, Juan, Laborinto Amoroso de los mejores y mas nuevos romances que hasta aquí ayan salido a luz , ed. Vollmöller, K. in Romanische Forschungen 6 (1891) 127.Google Scholar

²¹ Luiz de Ulloa y Pereira, Obras (Madrid 1674) 123.Google Scholar

²² Ulloa 160 (misprinted 150).Google Scholar

²³ Antonii Nebrissensis… Dictionarium redivivum, ed. Rubinos, de (Madrid 1778).Google Scholar

²⁴ Pedro de Alcalá, Arte para ligeramẽle saber la lẽgua arauiga (Granada 1504), containing Vocabulista (Granada 1505); facsimile: Publication 216 of the Hispanic Society of America (New York 1928).Google Scholar

^24a I have not been able to locate this dictionary of 1553. However, in a Lexicon graecolatinum Rob. Constantini printed in Geneva in 1592, there appears the entry: ἁµατíζɷ,…· misceo, ἁvαφυϱᾷ, where the initial alpha of both words appears with the rough breathing. It would thus seem that this entry was common in sixteenth-century lexicons, and its origin is suggested in the entry ἀµατíζɛɩ: ἀvαφυϱᾷ to be found, without aspiration, in Hesychius. (Cf. Liddell and Scott s. υ. ἀµατíζɷ; s. v. ἀvaφυϱάɷ ‘mix up well’… ‘mix up, confound.’) As for Hesych. ἁµµατíζɛɩ, ‘bind together, tie,’ see n. 162 below.Google Scholar

²⁵ This attestation is mentioned by Julio Cejador y Frauca, Vocabulario medieval Castellano (Madrid 1929) s.v. matiz. Google Scholar

²⁶ See note 115 below.Google Scholar

²⁷ The word acar appears to be connected with the root asr , ‘lier,’ while the word aktăl seems to be derived from the root ktl ‘lier, emprisonner.’ Cf. Belot, J. B., Vocabulaire arabe-français (Beyrouth 1898) s.v. and Google Scholar

²⁸ Michaelis, , s.v. esmalt - ²⁹ See note 13 above.Google Scholar

³⁰ Bloch, Oscar and von Wartburg, W., Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue française (Paris 1932).Google Scholar

³¹ Cf. von Wartburg's reference, Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie 45.575, for the attestation of this form in a work of Angelo Gallis (fifteenth century) edited by Berthold Wiese.Google Scholar

³² Cf. von Wartburg's reference, Romania 19.122, for a discussion of this phenomenon, and also Meyer-Lübke, Gram. Lan. Rom. II 540.Google Scholar

³³ Mildred Katherine Pope, From Latin to Modern French with Especial Consideration of Anglo-Norman (Manchester 1934) 310,Google Scholar

³⁴ Francisque-Michel, Recherches sur le commerce, la fabrication et l'usage des étoffes de soie. d'or et d'argent … pendant le moyen âge (Paris 1852) 236.Google Scholar

³⁵ Francisque-Michel 236 nn. 2 and 3.Google Scholar

³⁶ Ernst Robert Curtius, Europäische Literatur und lateinisches Mittelalter (Bern 1949) 357 n. 1: ‘color ist der allgemeine Charakter der Rede. Cicero De Or. III 52, 199. — Quintilian VIII 4, 28; IV 2, 88 usw. — Norden 871 A. 2. — Der Begriff wurde im Mittelalter umgedeutet. colores heissen die einzelnen Formen des ornatus verborum, so in den Colores rhetorici des Onulf von Speier.’Google Scholar

³⁷ Dictionnaire universel françois et latin (Paris 1752) s.v. nué: ‘De l’or nué, c'est de l'or employé avec de la soie dans un ouvrage de broderie, de sorte quel'or serve comme le fond du tableau, et que la soie serve à donner les couleurs convenables aux figures. Ce mélange fait des nuances, et apparemment que le mot de nué vient de celui de nuës.’ The equivalence between the Spanish expression oro matizado and the French term or nué (nué < nuer ‘to cloud’ > nuance ‘a clouding or blending of adjacent colors, the degree of difference resulting from such blending’) represents a convergence of meaning which results from chance overlapping in an isolated semantic area. nuance ‘a clouding or blending of adjacent colors, the degree of difference resulting from such blending’) represents a convergence of meaning which results from chance overlapping in an isolated semantic area.' href=https://scholar.google.com/scholar?q=Dictionnaire+universel+françois+et+latin+(Paris+1752)+s.v.+nué:+‘De+l’or+nué,+c'est+de+l'or+employé+avec+de+la+soie+dans+un+ouvrage+de+broderie,+de+sorte+quel'or+serve+comme+le+fond+du+tableau,+et+que+la+soie+serve+à+donner+les+couleurs+convenables+aux+figures.+Ce+mélange+fait+des+nuances,+et+apparemment+que+le+mot+de+nué+vient+de+celui+de+nuës.’+The+equivalence+between+the+Spanish+expression+oro+matizado+and+the+French+term+or+nué+(nué+<+nuer+‘to+cloud’+>+nuance+‘a+clouding+or+blending+of+adjacent+colors,+the+degree+of+difference+resulting+from+such+blending’)+represents+a+convergence+of+meaning+which+results+from+chance+overlapping+in+an+isolated+semantic+area.>Google Scholar

³⁸ Tallgren, O. J., review in Neuphilologische Mitleilungen (Helsingfors 1912) 217.Google Scholar

³⁹ Nascentes, Antenor, Diccionário etimológico da lingua portuguesa (Rio de Janeiro 1932).Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Coelho, Adolpho, Diccionário manual etymológico da lingua potuguesa (Lisbon no date).Google Scholar

⁴¹ Candido de Figueiredo, Novo diccionário da lingua portuguesa (Lisbon 1913).Google Scholar

⁴² Cortes, A. A.ão, Subsídios para um diccionário complete histórico-etymológico (Coimbra 1900).Google Scholar

⁴³ Joâo Ribeiro Fernandes, Seleta classica com annotaçòes philologicas… (Rio de Janeiro 1914).Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Nevertheless this etymon is cited in all of the later editions of the dictionary of the Spanish Academy and also in the Enciclopedia universal. Google Scholar

⁴⁵ i.e., ‘to cover the meadows with a diapre (cloth)’ > ‘to diaper the meadows with flowers.’+‘to+diaper+the+meadows+with+flowers.’>Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Pellizzari, Achille, I trattati attorno le arti figurative in Italia e nella Penisola Iberica (Naples 1915) I 34 and 35.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Rozelle Parker Johnson, ‘Compositiones Variae’ from Codex 490, Biblioteca Capitolare, Lucca, Italy (Illinois Studies in Language and Literature 23; Urbana 1939) 9 and 10.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Codex 490 of the Biblioteca Capitolare of Lucca, Italy. The latest and most comprehensive edition of the text with a philological commentary and German translation is contained in the Inaugural Dissertation of Hjalmar Hedfors, Compositiones ad Tingenda Musiva (Uppsala 1932). For prior editions see Johnson, 9 n. 8.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Post 787, ante 816. Johnson 10.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ For historical study see Johnson, , op. cit .; for philological studies: Hedfors, op. cit. and Svennung, J., ‘Compositiones Lucenses,’ Uppsala Universitets Årsskrift 1941 No. 5. For other studies, see Johnson, , notes pp. 9 and 10.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Johnson, 108.Google Scholar

⁵² Johnson, 91-94.Google Scholar

⁵³ Johnson, 90.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Johnson, 70-73. See Morey, C. R., ‘The Sources of Mediaeval Style,’ Art Bulletin 7(1924) 1–16, for a concise description of the manner in which the basic styles that were dominant in the art of Western Europe during the eleventh century can all be traced to a bifurcation in the direction of Hellenistic art from the first century B.C.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Morey 4.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Loc. cit. Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Johnson, 78.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Morey, 14 and 15.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ 79 Johnson.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Johnson 74-78.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Papyrus Holmiensis, published by Otto Lagercrantz, Papyrus Graecus Holmiensis: Recepte für Silber, Steine und Purpur (Uppsala 1913); and Papyrus Leidensis X, published by Conrad Leemans, Papyri Graeci Musei Antiquarii Publici Lugduni-Batavi II (Lugduni Batavorum 1885). English translation by Radcliffe Caley, Earle, ‘The Stockholm Papyrus, an English Translation with Brief Notes,’ and ‘The Leyden Papyrus X, an English Translation with Brief Notes,’ Journal of Chemical Education 4 (1927) and 3 (1926). See 54 Lagercrantz, and II Leemans 199.Google Scholar

⁶² Johnson, 53.Google Scholar

⁶³ Hedfors, , ‘Wortregister zum Kommentar,’ pp. 220-226; Svennung, , ‘Wort- und Sachregister,’ pp. 189-201.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Johnson, 94.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Way, Albert, Mappae Clavicula”: a Treatise on the Preparation of Pigments during the Middle Ages,’ Archaeologia 32 (London 1847) 183–244.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁶⁶ Johnson, R. P., ‘Some Continental Manuscripts of the “Mappae Clavicula”,’ Speculum 12 (1937) 87 and 89.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ MS Latin 360 (olim 1153, bis).Google Scholar

⁶⁸ MS Voss. lat. in folio No. 88.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ ‘Mappae Clavicula de efficiendo auro volumen I.’Google Scholar

⁷⁰ The manuscript of this text is now lost. Johnson expresses the opinion (Compositiones Variae… 81 and 82) that this entry refers to the Mappae Clavicula as it appears in the Sélestat manuscript, offering as evidence an intimate connection which existed during the eighth and ninth centuries between Reichenau, St. Gall, Murbach, Sélestat (Schlettstadt), Strasbourg, Mainz, and Fulda (all within a radius of a hundred miles of Strasbourg), and the related practice of the industrial arts at these places.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Johnson, ‘Some Continental Manuscripts…,’ 84ff.Google Scholar

⁷² MS Phillipps 3715, owned by Fitzroy Fenwick, T., Esq., of Thirlestaine House, Cheltenham, England. Daniel Thompson, V., Jr., ‘Trial Index to Some Unpublished Sources for the History of Mediaeval Craftsmanship,’ Speculum 10 (1935) 410 n. 2, mentions that at that time the Mappae Clavicula was being edited actively by three independent scholars: Dr. Hermann Degering of Munster, Dr. Johnson, R. P. of Brown University, and Dr. Hjalmar Hedfors of Djursholm. Dr. Johnson died in 1941 without completing the collation he had in progress. Dr. Hedfors’ reply to my request for some information on the text in August of 1949 indicated that his proposed edition had not been completed. All attempts to establish contact with Dr. Degering have been fruitless.Google Scholar

⁷³ Johnson, ‘Some Continental Manuscripts…’ 92-103.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ The most comprehensive edition is that of Mrs. Merrifield, Original Treatises on the Arts of Painting (London 1849) I 166-257.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ For theories on the identity and period of Eraclius as well as for the sources and various manuscripts of the text, see Giry, Arthur, ‘Notice sur un traité du moyen âge intitulé De coloribus et artibus Romanorum,’ Bibliothèque de l'École des Hautes Études 35 (1878) 209–227; and Chatterton Richards, John, ‘A New Manuscript of Heraclius,’ Speculum 15 (1940) 255, 257-259. Giry 219 and 220 cites the generally accepted theory of Éméric David (Discours historique sur la peinture moderne, 1811) to the effect that mention in the text of the deplorable state into which the arts of the Romans had fallen indicates the period of the tenth and early eleventh centuries.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ 180 Merrifield; and Richards 157-159.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Sibley Music Library No. 1, Acc. 149667; published by Richards, op. cit. 255-271.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Richards 259 and 260.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ I trattati altorno le arti… (n. 46 above) 505-515 and 387-410.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ A Critical Essay on Oil Painting (London 1781).Google Scholar

⁸¹ See Merrifield, 181, for the manuscripts collated in her edition.Google Scholar

⁸² ‘Heraclius, Von den Farben und Künsten der Römer,’ Quellenschriften für Kunstgeschichte und Kunsttechnik des Mittelalters und der Renaissance (Vienna 1873).Google Scholar

⁸³ Johnson, R. P., ‘The Manuscripts of the “Schedula” of Theophilus Presbyter,’ Speculum 13 (1938) 91, 92, and 95-97,Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Giry 226.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ ‘The “Schedula” of Theophilus Presbyter,’ Speculum 7 (1932) 204.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ The most comprehensive edition is that of Albert Ilg, ‘Theophilus Presbyter “Schedula diversarum artium”,’ Quellenschriften für Kunstgeschichte (Vienna 1874).Google Scholar

⁸⁷ See also Johnson, , ‘The Manuscripts…’ 86-103.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ Thompson ‘The “Schedula”…’ 199.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Thompson 207.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ ‘Theophilus, humilis presbyter, servus servorum Dei, indignus nomine et professione monachi.’Google Scholar

⁹¹ Thompson 207 and 209. This had led Ilg to propose that the treatise was written by a certain monk Rogkerus, who is known to have been active as a goldsmith in the Benedictine monastery of Helmershausen during the latter part of the eleventh and early twelfth centuries, but the hypothesis is untenable if the recent dating of the earliest manuscript back to the eleventh century (see note 92 below) is correct.Google Scholar

⁹² Concerning the problem of the date of composition see 209 Thompson, for opinions prior to 1932; and Johnson 89, for the latest theories as to the earliest manuscript. Thompson, assuming that the twelfth-century MS 4373 of the Landesbibliothek of Wolfenbüttel was the earliest manuscript, placed the date of composition not later than the first quarter of the twelfth century, but Johnson cites Dr. Hermann Degering, ‘Theophilus Presbiter qui et Rogerus,’ Westfälische Studien, Beiträge zur Geschichte der Wissenschaft, Kunst und Literatur in Westfalen, Alois Blomer zum 60. Geburtstag gewidmet (Leipzig 1928) 248–262, to the effect that another manuscript (MS 2527 of the Nationalbibliothek of Vienna), which Thompson had assumed to be of the twelfth century, should actually be assigned to the second half of the eleventh.Google Scholar

⁹³ Johnson 87ff.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ Beiträge zur Geschichte und Literatur aus den Schätzen der herzoglichen Bibliothek zu Wolfenbüttel. Google Scholar

⁹⁵ See note 86 above.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Thompson, 202 and 203.Google Scholar

⁹⁷ An Essay upon Various Arts (London 1847).Google Scholar

⁹⁸ MS Harley 3915 of the British Museum. For the date see Thompson, 214 and 215.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ For further editions see Thompson, 200-203.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ Thirteen of the twenty-four manuscripts of the Schedula contain recipes from the Mappae Clavicula. See Johnson, 87.Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ Thompson, D. V., ‘Artificial Vermilion in the Middle Ages,’ Technical Studies 2 (1933) 66. Dr. Thompson notes here that he is in the process of investigating the text, but he has told me since that this work was interrupted by the war.Google Scholar

¹⁰² See note 65 above. The Addendum appears on pp. 187-189.Google Scholar

¹⁰³ Johnson, ‘Some Continental Manuscripts…’ 87 and 89.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ Giry, ‘Notice sur un traité du moyen âge…’ 216 and 217, in establishing the sources of the treatise of Eraclius, states that the passage of the tract De coloribus et mixtionibus which contains the word matizare appears in the tenth-century Sélestat manuscript of the Mappae Clavicula, but he does not give the folio numbers. Johnson, however, who examined this manuscript in 1933, does not include the passage in his listing of the contents of the various folios. In answer to my request for photostats of passages containing the word matizare in this manuscript, Walter, M. J., the Director of the Municipal Library and Archives of Sélestat, replied in a letter dated August 2, 1949: ‘J'ai l'honneur de vous signaler qu'il doit y avoir erreur, car au fol. 25 il y a de petits chapitres: Tinctio musivi prasinon — In auratio musivi — De tabulis muratio — De coloratione musivi. Dans ces petits textes le mot de matizare ne se rencontre pas.’Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ London, British Museum: MS Cotton Titus D xxxiv, MS Cotton Nero A vii, and MS Royal 7 D ii.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ In my conversation with Dr. Thompson he told me that his projected collation and edition of the Secretum philosophorum had been interrupted by the war. He mentioned that he had observed the word matizare in this treatise, but since all of his notes on the project were in Europe and he had to reply solely on his memory, he could not provide me with the passage or inform me in which manuscripts it occurs,Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ Sensim per partes discuntur quaelibet artes. Artis pictorum prior est factura colorum; Post, ad mixturas convertat mens tua curas; Tunc opus exerce, sed ad unguem cuncta coerce, Ut sit ad ornatum quod pinxeris, et quasi natum. Postea multorum documentis ingeniorum Ars opus augebit, sicut liber iste docebit (fol. 1^r)·Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ The ‘Prologus’ (fol. 4^r-4^v) and the ‘Index of Capitula’ (fol. 4^v-7^r) of the Mappae Clavicula follow immediately after the eleventh recipe.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ Edited by Thompson, D. V., ‘Liber de coloribus illuminatorum sive pictorum,’ Speculum 1 (1926) 280–307 and 448-450. Thompson notes, pp. 280 and 488, that the earliest manuscript has been assigned to circa 1300.Google Scholar

¹¹⁰ Johnson, , ‘Notes on some Manuscripts…’ 78 and 79, and ‘The Manuscripts of the “Schedula”…’ 95.Google Scholar

¹¹¹ MSS Sloane 1754 and Harley 273 of the British Museum, and MS 125 of Corpus Christi College of Oxford.Google Scholar

¹¹² See note 109 above.Google Scholar

¹¹³ ‘The Manuscripts of the “Schedula”…’ 96 and 97.Google Scholar

¹¹⁴ I (Paris 1849) 396.Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ For the text in Hebrew characters with English translation see David Blondheim, S., ‘An Old Portuguese Work on Manuscript Illumination,’ The Jewish Quarterly Review 19 (1928-29) 79-135; for the Portuguese text transcribed into Latin characters see Blondheim, ‘Libro de como se as côres,’ Todd Memorial Volumes I (1930) 71–83,Google Scholar

¹¹⁶ Blondheim, ‘An Old Portuguese Work…’ 97,Google Scholar

¹¹⁷ 98 Blondheim.Google Scholar

¹¹⁸ Papadopoulo-Kerameus, A. (sic), Διονυσίου τοῦ ἐϰ Φονϱνᾶ Ἑϱμηνεία τῆς ζωγϱαφιϰῆς τέχνης: Denys de Fourna. Manuel d'iconographie chrétienne (St. Petersburg 1909). For prior editions and a general discussion of the history of the treatise see the Preface of Papadopoulos-Kerameus, ,and Partington, J. R., ‘Chemical Arts in the Mount Athos Manual of Christian Iconography,’ Isis 22 (1935) 136-149.Google Scholar

¹¹⁹ Herringham, Christiana J., The Book of the Art of Cennino Cennini (London 1899) xxvii; and Robert Hendrie, An Essay… (note 97 above) 73 and 99.Google Scholar

¹²⁰ Papadopoulos-Kerameus, Preface, p. γ‘, mentions four eighteenth-century manuscripts of the treatise. He also includes in his edition as Appendices I-V (pp. 237-301) five earlier manuscripts which may have served as sources for the tract of Dionysios, but makes no conclusive statement as to their age.Google Scholar

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¹²² Didron, M., Manuel d'iconographie chrétienne grecque et latine (Paris 1845).Google Scholar

¹²³ See Partington, 138 and 139 for opinions on this question.Google Scholar

¹²⁴ Partington 140,Google Scholar

¹²⁵ Partington 139.Google Scholar

¹²⁶ See note 119 above.Google Scholar

¹²⁷ Nikodim Pavlovich Kondakov, The Russian Icon, translated by Ellis Minns, H. (Oxford 1927) 52 and 53.Google Scholar

¹²⁸ Johnson, ‘The Manuscripts of the “Schedula”…’ 97. In the Liber diversarum arcium the passage containing the word matizare appears in close conjunction with the passages from the Schedula on the technique of representation, but since the provenance of this mysterious fifteenth-century compendium has never been studied, it is impossible to ascertain from the evidence at hand what relation it bears to anterior tracts.Google Scholar

¹²⁹ Johnson, ‘Notes on some Manuscripts…’; ‘The Manuscripts of the “Schedula”…’; ‘Some Continental Manuscripts…’; passim.Google Scholar

¹³⁰ Way, Albert, ‘“Mappae Clavicula”…’ (note 65 above) 188 and 189.Google Scholar

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¹³² Thompson, ‘Liber de coloribus…’ 288, 290, and 292.Google Scholar

¹³³ Catalogue général… I 768-770.Google Scholar

¹³⁴ Merrifield, Original Treatises… (note 74 above) I 251, 253, 255, and 257.Google Scholar

¹³⁵ Thompson, ‘Liber de coloribus…’ 289, 291, and 293.Google Scholar

¹³⁶ folium: This pigment produced a color which was variously red, violet, or blue, depending on the ingredients used in preparation. It was generally made from the juice of the berries of the turnsole plant (Crosophora tinctoria), cf. NED, s.v. turnsole. The name folium is explained by the fact that small linen rags were saturated with the juice and then placed between the leaves of a book in the manner of storing gold leaf. When required for use they were pulled out and steeped in water. Merrifield, Original Treatises… 1 clxxxviicxcii; and Cennino d’Andrea Cennini, Il libro dell’ arte: The Craftsman's Handbook, translated by Daniel Thompson, V., Jr. (New Haven, London, 1933 and 1936) 11 n. 2.Google Scholar

¹³⁷ ‘cornflag’: The quotation marks are Dr. Thompson's. Cf. NED, s.v. cornflag ‘a plant of the genus Gladiolus or Sword Lily.’Google Scholar

¹³⁸ gravetam: Dr. Thompson does not attempt a translation of this term.Google Scholar

¹³⁹ The Romance derivatives of the word undare suggest the translation ‘to indicate the relief.’ Thus Fr. ondulé (< Lat, L. undula — Bloch and von Wartburg [n. 30 above] s.v. ondulation) ‘terme de peinture. Il se dit des lignes, des contours, des draperies. Bien rendre les ondulations des draperies’ (Littré, s.v. ondulation); and Pg. ondear ‘tornando-se alternadamente concavo e convexo’ (Figueiredo, s.v.ondear), and ondulaçᾶo ‘contours (in painting)’ (Michaeles).Google Scholar

¹⁴⁰ manisc: According to Hendrie, An Essay… 81, the color manisc or menesch was variously a red color darker than minium and lighter than sinoper, a purple of the hue of the juice of elderberries, or a blue the color of indigo. Its use with folium in this case suggests that it was understood here as a purple or violet color.Google Scholar

¹⁴¹ Hendrie, An Essay… 10 and 12.Google Scholar

¹⁴² I have been unable to find a satisfactory explanation for the sense in which succus ‘juice, sap’ was understood as the designation for a pigment. Obviously it was a coloring derived from the sap of a plant, and it is evident from the context that a dark color was obtained from its use, but the hue of the pigment cannot be determined.Google Scholar

¹⁴³ Hendrie 14.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁴ The similarity between the technique of the Mount Athos text and that of the passage containing the word matizare and the Schedula is in accord with other evidence of the influence of Greek practices on the art of Western Europe during the Middle Ages. The fact that the Greek text, although unfortunately available to Western scholars only in the version of an eighteenth-century manuscript, appears to represent the practices of a very ancient tradition would be sufficient to justify this comparison. In the monastic community at Mount Athos an almost legendary isolation from the stream of progress and the influence of change would account for the fact that for over six hundred years a medieval manner of painting was preserved and practiced unaltered,Google Scholar

¹⁴⁵ loulax: cf. Hedfors, Compositiones… (note 48 above) 58: ‘Lulax, id est Indicum…’ Hedfors notes (p. 103) that the Neo-Greek word λονλάϰι was derived from the Persian lilang, lilag, nilag from the Sanscrit nila ‘indigo’ from nila, nili ‘the indigo plant’ (cf. Eng. lilac). Thus the phrase λονλάϰι ἀπò τó λεγόμενον χίντι in this text offers very good evidence for the origin of the term indigo. Google Scholar

¹⁴⁶ flax blue: cf. Liddell and Scott, s.v. λίνoν ‘anything made of flax.’ In this instance, however, the term appears to mean a blue pigment prepared from the flower of the flax plant, which was one of the constituents of indigo, Cf. Hedfors, Compositiones… Q-21, R-3, p. 37; and Svennung, ‘Compositiones Lucenses’ (note 50) 71.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁷ Papadopoulos-Kerameus 40 and 41.Google Scholar

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¹⁴⁹ Papadopoulos-Kerameus 34.Google Scholar

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¹⁵² Cf. ‘Liber diversarum arcium,’ Catalogue général… I 776: ‘et trahat umbras mixtas modico nigro…’ and p. 777: ‘… de vivo albo vel auripigmento trahe cum penello: et melius cum penna trahitur…’Google Scholar

¹⁵³ i.e., Fr. trait ‘ligne qu'on trait avec la plume, ligne par laquelle on imite la forme d'un objet, ligne d'un dessin qui n'est pas ombré’ (Littré, s.v. trait); portraire ‘faire la représentation … à l'aide de quelqu'un des arts’ (Littré, s.v. portraire); and It. tratto (di pennello, di penna) (cf. Dante, Purg. 12.64-66: ‘Qual di pennel fu maestro o di stile / Che ritraesse l'ombre e’ tratti, ch’ ivi/Mirar farieno uno ingeno sottile?’) (Tommaseo-Bellini, s.v. tratto); etc.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁴ Eng. draw ‘to draw a line or figure with pen or pencil’ < Eng, O. dragan ‘to draw, to pull’ (NED, s.v. draw); and draught ‘an outline, sketch, or design preparatory to a complete work of art’ < Eng, M. draht, a verbal abstract of dragan (NED s.v. draught).Google Scholar

¹⁵⁵ Cf. Russian otkryvát’ (< kryt’ ‘to cover’) ‘to open (as the window, etc.), to open (as a new epoch), to discover (as a new land).’Google Scholar

¹⁵⁶ Through the special usage of the verb πϱoιπλάσσεν in the sense ‘to make a rough sketch with the ground coat’ the noun πϱόπλασμα acquired the extended meaning ‘the ground coat. ‘As in the case of the lumina of the Schedula, πϱόπλασμα was also used to designate a special mixture, in this case the ground coat for representing flesh (see Mount Athos E), and directions are given for preparing ‘the πϱόπλασμα of Panselinos’ (Papado-poulos-Kerameus 16).Google Scholar

¹⁵⁷ The fact that the action ἀνοίγειν was performed with a dark color over a light and thus dulled or lowered the intensity of the light color would account for the Neo-Greek meaning ‘fade,’ as in ἀυτò τò χϱῶμα ἀνοίγει ‘cette couleur ne teint pas’; see Th. Hepites, A., Dictionnaire grec-français et français-grec (Athens 1908-12) s.v. ἀνοίγειν. Google Scholar

¹⁵⁸ Cf. ‘Liber diversarum arcium,’ Catalogue général… I 775: ‘… diversitates colorem … cum mixturis eorum et incisionibus et ematiçaturis.’ In a passage on the coloring of ornamental backgrounds, pp. 776 and 777, the word incidere appears along with umbrare as the implied antonym of matizare. Here the word umbrare is used for the application of the medium-dark and incidere for the application of the darkest-dark. Thus, the painter is instructed: ‘a ground of blue is shaded (deumbretur) with azure; then draw the form (incide) with azure and brazil, and put a little red or glaucus in the corners.’Google Scholar

¹⁵⁹ Cf. the Mappae Clavicula (Way 243 and 244) and the treatise of Eraclius (Merrifield I 217): ‘Ad vitrum incidendum:… et in eo [lac] semper vitrum calefiat, donec molle fiat, et sic incidatur.’ Cf. also the treatise of Eraclius, p. 189, ‘De preciosorum lapidum incisione… Qui cupit egregios lapides irrumpere ferro … calefacto sanguine gemmas incidi’; and p. 197: ‘De temperamento duro ferri ad incidendum lapides.’Google Scholar

^159a M[inns], E. H., note to Kondakov (n. 127 above) p. 40 and 41; NED, s.v. write. Google Scholar

¹⁶⁰ Hendrie, An Essay… 4 and 8.Google Scholar

¹⁶¹ The translation ‘reliefs’ which is given for βάθη in this context is possible through the enantiosemantic character of this word, which can designate both depth and height, as in the case of the Lat. altus ‘high’ ‘deep’ and profundus ‘deep’ ‘high’.Google Scholar

¹⁶² François Combefis, O.P. (1644; reproduced in PG loc. cit.) offers the translation ‘profunda astringit’ for λαμματίζει βάθη with the note (col. 1277-78): ‘Ita habent constanter codices, quanquam est vox rarior, nec lexicis agnita. Sensu congruit, ut exponatur eo modo quo Hesych. τò ἁμματίζει, nempe πεϱιπλέϰει, δεσμεύει, velut nimirum sic astringendo, Deus sibi telam constituat, cui colores inspergat. Num aliud mysterii vox haec habeat, sitque conceptum vocabulum artis picturae res me latet. Vix tamen possit aliud significare.’ Combefis had good reason to doubt his translation ‘bind together the depths,’ for it would introduce the alien metaphor of weaving into a sentence construed entirely in the language of the painter.Google Scholar

¹⁶³ De sanctarum imaginum veneratione, PG 97.1301-1304, and also a short passage in column 932 of the same volume. Cf. Bardenhewer, O., Geschichte der altkirchlichen Literatur V (Freiburg Br. 1932) 152, 157.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁴ The Glossoe Loiselii occur in Bern MS 450, written in 1564 and signed ‘Petri Danielis.’ From the inscription ‘ex veteri lexico latino-greco Ant. Loiselii’ (Corp. gloss. lat., 3 xxviiii and 474) it is to be inferred that they are composed of excerpts from an old Latin-Greek glossary owned by the jurist Antoine Loisel (1536-1617), the friend of Pithou and councilor to Catherine de Medici, whose books passed to his grandson, Claude Joly, thence to Notre Dame of Paris, and finally to the Bibliothèque Nationale (cf. Delisle, L., Le Cabinet des manuscrits I 431).Google Scholar

¹⁶⁵ The English noun shade ‘the degree of brilliance or luminosity of a color’ and the verb to shade ‘to mark with gradations of light or color,’ implying as they do a gradation of dark values, are only relatively equivalent to λάμμα and λαμματίζɛɩv. One is tempted to coin an expression such as illumination or light with the meaning ‘degree of brilliance’ and illuminate or lighten ‘to mark with gradations of color’ for an adequate translation of the Greek terms.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁶ See note 54 above.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁷ The end product of a similar evolution is discernable in Russian icon painting, where ‘a special kind of whitish high lights … in the form of fine curly or hooked lines of a pale mixture of colors or even actual white’ which ‘“enliven” the light places by the eyes, on the forehead, nose, lips, and even on the joints of the fingers * are one of the criteria for identifying the various schools of painting. The Russian painters call these accents blik (< Germ. Blick ‘flash, gleam, lightening’ [of the eye, as in the flashing glance of the deity], Blicki ‘touches of light (in painting)’) or ozhίυki (< ozhiυat’ ‘to enliven’), and when arranged in rhythmic close-set rows they are known as dυizhki (< dυίgat’ ‘to move’). (N. Kondakov, P., The Russian Icon 13 and 53).Google Scholar

¹⁶⁸ Thompson, D. V. and Hamilton, G. H., An Anonymous Fourteenth-Century Treatise ‘De Arte Illuminandi,’ the Technique of Manuscript Illumination (1933) 57 n. 131.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁹ The Art of Limming first appeared as a printed text in London in 1573. It is the first treatise on the subject printed in English. A ‘half a dozen’ editions were made soon after the first publication, but copies are now very rare. A facsimile edition entitled The Art of Limming, Reproduced in facsimile from the Original printed in London 1573, was brought out as Michigan Facsimile Series No. 3, by Edwards Brothers, Ann Arbor, in 1932. In a review of the facsimile edition in Technical Studies 2 (1933-34) 35-37, Dr. Thompson notes that almost all the technical devices recorded in the work survive from the tradition of medieval manuscript painting, and that the work thus shows the continuity of medieval technical methods into Renaissance times.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁰ ‘Liber diversarum arcium,’ Catalogue général… I 777. Google Scholar

¹⁷¹ Cf. also the citation in the NED s.v. diapering from a text of 1606: ‘Diapering … ie … a light tracing or running over with your pen your other work when you have quit, done (1 mean folds, shadowing and all); it chiefly serveth to counterfeit cloth of Gold, Silver Damask-brancht, Velvet, Chamlet, etc., with what branch you list.’Google Scholar

¹⁷² Hendrie, An Essay… 443.Google Scholar

¹⁷³ Thompson and Hamilton, loc. cit. note 168 above.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁴ See at note 170 above.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁵ See note 158 above.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁶ Ronjat, Jules, Grammaire historique des parlers provençaux modernes (Montpellier 1932) II 431. See also pp. 340 and 341 for a general discussion of this problem, where Ronjat summarizes the views of Brugmen and Vendryes.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁷ See Ronjat, 431-446, for examples in Provençal dialects, and Walter Gessler, ‘Die Deglutination im Italienischen,’ Bericht der philologisch-historischen Abteilung der philosophischen Fakultät über die von ihr genehmigten Dissertationen (Basel 1922) I 24-43, for examples in Italian.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁸ Grammont, Maurice, La dissimilation consonantique dans les langues indoeuropéennes et dans les langues romanes (Dijon 1895) 147.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁹ Cf. also Grammont 147. Gr. ϰɛλαɩvɛφῆς <ϰɛλαɩvó + vɛφής; p. 153, Lat. scrupeda < scrupi+peda; p. 160, Sp. cejunto < ceja+junto. Google Scholar

¹⁸⁰ Cf. also Hedfors, Compositiones…, ‘Wortregister zum Kommentar’ 225 and 226.Google Scholar

¹⁸¹ Men, R.éndez Pidal, Origines del español (Madrid 1929) 353.Google Scholar

¹⁸² Cited note 33 above.Google Scholar

¹⁸³ Dauzat, Albert, ‘L'article existait-il au V^e siècle?’ Word 5 (1949) 123, offers two examples in which it is suggested that a deglutination of the Romance article must have occurred before the sonorization of the intervocalic surds in the sixth century: the one, Fr, O. taie, which he proposes came from *ill'a]tavia < illa atavia, before intervocalic -t- became -d-; the other, Fr. cenelle < *ill'a]cinella < illa *acinella before the sonorization of intervocalic -c-. He maintains that the existence of Lat. *acinella is confirmed by the word ajinelu current in Monaco today, and by the Ligurian form azinélo. Dauzat suggests further that the word lacrimusa ‘a grey lizard’ attested in the fifth century may represent an agglutination *il l'acrimusa, if the etymon *acrimusa ‘au museau pointu* is correct.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁴ Cf. σάγμα > It. salma Fr. somme Sp. enjalma; ϰαῦμα > It. Sp. calma; ϰῦµα > Sp. It. cima Fr. cime; χϱίσμα > It. cresima Fr. crême; ἐπίθημα > It. pittima Sp. bizma; etc. (Meyer-Lübke, Gram, Lan. Rom. II 29 and 371).+It.+salma+Fr.+somme+Sp.+enjalma;+ϰαῦμα+>+It.+Sp.+calma;+ϰῦµα+>+Sp.+It.+cima+Fr.+cime;+χϱίσμα+>+It.+cresima+Fr.+crême;+ἐπίθημα+>+It.+pittima+Sp.+bizma;+etc.+(Meyer-Lübke,+Gram,+Lan.+Rom.+II+29+and+371).>Google Scholar

¹⁸⁵ See Grammont, for the laws of dominance effective in the operation of this phenomenon. An amusing example of eliminative dissimilation is offered in the Mod. Fr. asticoter ‘to worry, tease, nag,’ which originated in the expression ‘dass dich Gott’ of the language of the Swiss lansquenets. Here the entire German phrase passed into Middle French as the verb dasticoter (a form tasticoter is also attested), which then became asticoter (REW 2482). Thus d-t > 0-t through dissimilation in accordance with Grammont's Law VIII, p. 40: ‘Explosive appuyée, combinée ou non, dissimile explosive intervocalique,’ an action indifferently progressive or regressive, as in the case of It. licorno ~ nicorno (n-n> l-n) < unicornis. l-n) < unicornis.' href=https://scholar.google.com/scholar?q=See+Grammont,+for+the+laws+of+dominance+effective+in+the+operation+of+this+phenomenon.+An+amusing+example+of+eliminative+dissimilation+is+offered+in+the+Mod.+Fr.+asticoter+‘to+worry,+tease,+nag,’+which+originated+in+the+expression+‘dass+dich+Gott’+of+the+language+of+the+Swiss+lansquenets.+Here+the+entire+German+phrase+passed+into+Middle+French+as+the+verb+dasticoter+(a+form+tasticoter+is+also+attested),+which+then+became+asticoter+(REW+2482).+Thus+d-t+>+0-t+through+dissimilation+in+accordance+with+Grammont's+Law+VIII,+p.+40:+‘Explosive+appuyée,+combinée+ou+non,+dissimile+explosive+intervocalique,’+an+action+indifferently+progressive+or+regressive,+as+in+the+case+of+It.+licorno+~+nicorno+(n-n>+l-n)+<+unicornis.>Google Scholar

¹⁸⁶ Cf. Steiger, A., Contribución a la fonética hispanoárabe (Madrid 1932) 147: ‘ár. per … lazurd > esp. port. azul, que supone claramente disimilación eliminatoria de la l-, frente al cat. atzur, arag. ant. azur.’+esp.+port.+azul,+que+supone+claramente+disimilación+eliminatoria+de+la+l-,+frente+al+cat.+atzur,+arag.+ant.+azur.’>Google Scholar

¹⁸⁷ Sain, L.éan, Les Sources indigènes de l'étymologie (Paris 1925) II 408.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁸ Sainéan, loc. cit. Google Scholar

¹⁸⁹ The Latin lazulum appears to be a product of the assimilation l-r > l-l, which may have occurred in the phrase lapis lazuri > lapis lazuli. Cf. Ronjat 361, where he gives examples of the law ‘Explosive appuyé assimile explosive intervocalique,’ an action indifferently regressive or progressive.+l-l,+which+may+have+occurred+in+the+phrase+lapis+lazuri+>+lapis+lazuli.+Cf.+Ronjat+361,+where+he+gives+examples+of+the+law+‘Explosive+appuyé+assimile+explosive+intervocalique,’+an+action+indifferently+regressive+or+progressive.>Google Scholar

¹⁹⁰ Cf. Grammont 66, ‘Loi XIV, Implosive dissimile intervocalique,’ as in the case of Sp. Port. nivel Prov. nivels < libellu (i.e., l-l > n-l), pp. 67 and 68.+n-l),+pp.+67+and+68.>Google Scholar

¹⁹¹ Ronjat notes, p.383, that the Prov. ile < *lile (< liri, lire < liliu) may also be explained by eliminative dissimilation, in accordance with Grammont's Law XVII: ‘De deux phonèmes intervocaliques c'est le premier qui est dissimilé.’Google Scholar

¹⁹² The use of the suffix -izare in words of Latin origin was quitecommon in the technical vocabulary of the medieval arts. Cf. Hedfors, Compositiones…: albidianle (P-20) coloridietur (B-15) metallizatur (G-20, H-6) lamnizas (N-22). See also Svennung, J., ‘Compositiones Lucenses’ 131.Google Scholar

¹⁹³ The phenomenon of the misconstrued prefix occurred frequently in words of Latin origin. and would therefore be the more easily understandable in the case of a borrowed word. Cf. Lat. apricare > Prov. abriger Fr. abrier (abri) des-brier (débrier in Anjou) (FEW s.v. apricare); It, O. dibondare for abondnre (Meyer-Lübke, Gram. Ian. Rom. II 624); Fr. écouler Sp. escuchar (O. Fr. ascoller Sp, O. ascuchar) < auscullare (p. 617); Fr. arrocher < Fr, O. esrachier (< *ex-radicare) (p. 618).+Prov.+abriger+Fr.+abrier+(abri)+des-brier+(débrier+in+Anjou)+(FEW+s.v.+apricare);+It,+O.+dibondare+for+abondnre+(Meyer-Lübke,+Gram.+Ian.+Rom.+II+624);+Fr.+écouler+Sp.+escuchar+(O.+Fr.+ascoller+Sp,+O.+ascuchar)+<+auscullare+(p.+617);+Fr.+arrocher+<+Fr,+O.+esrachier+(<+*ex-radicare)+(p.+618).>Google Scholar

¹⁹⁴ The Romance form matizadura is attested in the French-Spanish dictionary of Oudin.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁵ The probability that the fall of the initial l- in amelette was occasioned by eliminative dissimilation as in the case of ile < *lile (see note 191 above) would be unlikely, since the obvious deglutination or haplology in the case of the Italian mella and the apparent agglutination of the vowel of the article in the Fr, O. alemelle Fr, M. alumetle (< l]a *lemelle) from the same etymon (REW 4866, FEW, s.v. lamella) are certain indication of a conceptual confusion in regard to the limits of this word,Google Scholar

¹⁹⁶ Men, R.éndez Pidal. Manual de gramatica española (Madrid 1949) 231.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁷ Menéndez Pidal, loc. cit. Google Scholar

¹⁹⁸ See note 162 above.Google Scholar