1 De Moreau, E., Histoire de l'Église en Belgique des origines aux débuts du XII^e siècle , 6 vols. (Brussels, 1945–51), 2:73–88; Dauphin, H., Le Bienheureux Richard, abbé de Saint-Vanne de Verdun † 1046, Bibliothèque de la Revue d'histoire ecclésiastique 24 (Louvain, 1946); Hallinger, K., Gorze-Cluny: Studien zu den monastischen Lebensformen und Gegensätzen im Hochmittelalter, 2 vols. (Rome, 1950–51; repr., Graz, 1971), 1:282–316; Dierkens, A., Abbayes et chapitres entre Sambre et Meuse (VII^e–XI^e siècles): Contribution à l'histoire religieuse des campagnes du haut Moyen Âge (Sigmaringen, 1985), 340–41; Jestice, P. G., Wayward Monks and the Religious Revolution of the Eleventh Century (Leiden, 1997), 170–209; and Hirschmann, F. G., “Klosterreform und Grundherrschaft: Richard von St. Vanne,” in Grundherrschaft –Kirche –Stadt: zwischen Maas und Rhein während des hohen Mittelalters , ed. Haverkamp, A. and Hirschmann, F. G. (Mainz, 1997), 125–70. On Poppo, see George, P., “Un réformateur lotharingien de choc: L'abbé Poppon de Stavelot (978–1048),” Revue Mabillon, n.s., 10 (1999): 89–111.Google Scholar The research for this article was made possible by the support of the international research community “Conventus,” which is sponsored by the Research Foundation–Flanders (FWO-Vlaanderen); Steven Vanderputten also benefited from a VNC fellowship at the Netherlands Institute for Advanced Study in the Humanities and Social Sciences (NIAS) in the Fall of 2009. Our thanks to Bijsterveld, Arnoud-Jan, Reilly, Diane, and Provijn, Melissa for commenting on the draft of this paper.Google Scholar

2 Hallinger, , Gorze-Cluny , 2:495–516; for an overview of the criticism of Hallinger's hypothesis, see Hirschmann, , “Klosterreform,” 135–36 and Healy, P., The Chronicle of Hugh of Flavigny: Reform and the Investiture Contest in the Late Eleventh Century (Aldershot, 2006), 41 and 44.Google Scholar

3 See the bibliography in n. 1 above and the overview of recent literature in Vanderputten, S., “Identité collective et mémoire des réformes ‘Richardiennes’ dans l'historiographie bénédictine en Basse-Lotharingie et au Nord-Est de la France (11^ième–12^ième siècles),” to appear in Le Moyen Âge. Google Scholar

4 See Hallinger, , Gorze-Cluny , 1:282–316, and the references included therein.Google Scholar

5 With the exception of a chapter in de Cardevacque's, A. and Teirninck's, A. less-than-critical L'abbaye de Saint-Vaast: Monographie historique, archéologique et littéraire de ce monastère (Arras, 1865), 102–5, a coherent account of Leduin's career is sorely lacking. The most extensive discussions of his life and government are the few pages devoted to him in Dauphin, , Le Bienheureux Richard, 192–97; Sackur, E., Die Cluniacenser in ihrer kirchlichen und allgemeingeschichtlichen Wirksamkeit bis zur mitte des elften Jahrhunderts, 2 vols. (Halle, 1892–94; repr. Darmstadt, 1971), 2:140–44; De Moreau, , Histoire, 2:75–78; and Koyen, M. H., De prae-Gregoriaanse hervorming te Kamerijk (1012–1067) (Tongerlo, 1953), 147–49. Typical of these and other publications is the fact that he is consistently regarded as a peripheral figure in the reform.Google Scholar

6 Two notable exceptions are the abbacy of Olbert of Gembloux (d. 1048), which was described with great enthusiasm by Sigebert of Gembloux in his Gesta abbatum Gemblacensium (ed. Pertz, G. H., MGH, Scriptores 8 [Hanover, 1848], 536–39), and that of Thierry of Saint-Hubert, by an anonymous biographer in the Vita Theoderici abbatis Andaginensis (ed. Wattenbach, W., MGH, Scriptores 12 [Hanover, 1856], 37–57). These accounts, although mentioned in scholarly literature, have never been thoroughly investigated.Google Scholar

7 Vita et miracula Richarii , ed. Wattenbach, W., MGH, Scriptores 11 (Hanover, 1854), 281–89 (Vita) and Acta Sanctorum Ordinis Sancti Benedicti saec. VI-I (Paris, 1707), 530–34 (Miracula). See Dauphin, , Le Bienheureux Richard, 27–34, and Hirschmann, , “Klosterreform,” 128.Google Scholar

8 Gazeau, V., Normannia monastica (10^e–12^e siècle), 2 vols. (Caen, 2007).Google Scholar

9 Gesta pontificum Cameracensium , ed. Bethmann, L., MGH, Scriptores 7 (Hanover, 1846), 470; also 488 (“ex laico monachus et abbas monachorum post facta” and “a saeculo conversum”). On the Gesta, see Van Mingroot, E., “Kritisch onderzoek omtrent de datering van de Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium,” Revue Belge de Philologie et d'Histoire 53 (1975): 281–332; Riches, T., “Episcopal Historiography as Archive: Some Reflections on the Autograph of the Gesta Episcoporum Cameracensium (MS Den Haag, KB 17 F 15),” Jaarboek voor Middeleeuwse Geschiedenis 10 (2007): 7–46, and idem, “Bishop Gerard I of Cambrai-Arras, the Three Orders, and the Problem of Human Weakness,” in The Bishop Reformed: Studies of Episcopal Power and Culture in the Central Middle Ages , ed. Ott, J. S. and Jones, A. T. (Aldershot, 2007), 127–45.Google Scholar

10 Onulphus, , Vita Popponis abbatis Stabulensis , ed. Wattenbach, W., MHG, Scriptores 11 (Hanover, 1858), 200: “Liduinus quoque, qui se laicum eo loci sub monachili proposito mutaverat.” Google Scholar

11 Hugo of Flavigny, Chronicon , ed. Pertz, G. H., MGH, Scriptores 8 (Hanover, 1848), 379. In the eighteenth-century necrology of Saint-Vaast, Leduin is indicated as nobilis stirpe (Van Drival, E., ed., Nécrologe de l'abbaye de Saint-Vaast publié pour la première fois au nom de l'Académie d'Arras [Arras, 1878], 10).Google Scholar

12 Van Drival, E., ed., Cartulaire de l'abbaye de Saint-Vaast d'Arras rédigé au XII^e siècle par Guimann (Arras, 1875), 115: “ut in fondo Allodii sui, nomine Berclau, cujus ipse commissam ecclesiam heredem fecerat.” The Saint-Vaast necrology contains a note ex tractu Berclau next to Leduin's name, indicating his geographic origins (Drival, Van, ed., Nécrologe, 10). It is unlikely that Guimann was aware of Hugo of Flavigny's statements on Leduin, as the latter's chronicle does not seem to have had any significant success beyond his own monastery (see Healy, , The Chronicle ).Google Scholar

13 George, , “Un réformateur” (n. 1 above), 90–91.Google Scholar

14 Morlet, M.-T., Les noms de personne sur le territoire de l'ancienne Gaule du VI^e au XII^e siècle. I. Les noms issus du Germanique continental et les créations gallo-germaniques (Paris, 1968), 161. The name “Leduin” or variants thereof do not occur in eleventh-century noble families of Flanders. Warlop, E., The Flemish Nobility before 1300, 2 vols. (Courtrai, 1976), 2:862 and 866, nos. 103/5, identifies a baro Lidvinus around 1163 as a member of the noble family of Harnes, although his exact affiliation remains uncertain.Google Scholar

15 A Leduinus decanus et monachus was witness to a charter issued by Abbot Roderic of Saint-Bertin in March 1042 (Haigneré, D., ed., Les chartes de Saint-Bertin d'après le Grand Cartulaire de Dom Charles-Joseph Dewitte [Saint-Omer, 1886], 1:25, no. 72). A subdeacon Liduinus is mentioned twice in 1070 as a member of the collegiate church of Lens, which belonged to the counts of Boulogne-Lens (Van Mingroot, E., ed., Les chartes de Gérard I^er, Liébert et Gérard II, évêques de Cambrai et d'Arras, comtes du Cambrésis (1012–1092/93), Mediaevalia Lovaniensia, Series 1, Studia 35 [Louvain, 2005], 107, no. 2.07). A Lietduinus and his two brothers-in-law gave their consent to a donation by their wives of a praedium in Haussy (between Valenciennes and Cambrai, four miles south of Haspres, the priory of Saint-Vaast). The donation took place in 1049–56 (Duvivier, C., ed., Actes et documents anciens intéressant la Belgique, 2 vols. [Brussels, 1898], 1:39). In 1086, a Letuininus, son of Walter Volginus, signed a charter of Count Baldwin II of Hainaut, confirming a donation of the count's mother Richildis to the abbey of Hasnon in the Ostrevant (Duvivier, C., ed., Recherches sur le Hainaut ancien [Pagus Hainoensis] du VII^e au XII^e siècle, 2 vols. [Brussels, 1866], 2:444–45, no. lxx). From 1090 until 1126, the cathedral chapter of Tournai counted among its members a subdeacon and later a priest named Leduinus (Pycke, J., Le chapitre cathédral Notre-Dame de Tournai de la fin du XI^e à la fin du XIII^e siècle: Son organisation, sa vie, ses membres [Brussels, 1986], 342, perhaps the same Ledwinus who, in 1087, had already signed a charter of the bishop of Tournai: Miraeus, A. and Foppens, J.-F., Opera diplomatica et historica, 4 vols. [Louvain/Brussels, 1723], 1:60). Finally, a layman called Lietdinus witnessed a charter of Emissa of Valenciennes in favor of the collegiate church of Jean-Baptiste in Valenciennes in 1107 (Courtois, M., ed., “Chartes originales antérieures à 1121 conservées dans le département du Nord” [master's thesis, University of Nancy, 1981], 185).Google Scholar

16 Perhaps Leduin's relatives belonged to a family similar to that of his contemporary Gerbodo, advocate of Saint-Bertin, whose backgrounds and ambitions were recently discussed in Vanderputten, S., “Monks, Knights, and the Enactment of Competing Social Realities in Eleventh- and Early-Twelfth-Century Flanders,” Speculum 84 (2009): 582–612.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

17 Sigebert, , Gesta (n. 6 above), 488: “per indoctam Dei sapientium, stultam ostendit grammaticorum inflatam doctrina.” Google Scholar

18 Dauphin, , Le Bienheureux Richard (n. 1 above), 183, surmises that Poppo left the abbey of Saint-Vaast fairly quickly after his appointment as prior in or shortly after 1013. Before his appointment as abbot of Stavelot-Malmédy in 1020, he returned to Saint-Vanne, was appointed prior of Beaulieu, and was finally recalled to Saint-Vanne to supervise the infirmary (Onulphus, , Vita Popponis, 301). The absence of Poppo in the Gesta's discussion of Leduin may indicate that the author meant to imply that Leduin had entered the monastery of Saint-Vaast after 1013.Google Scholar

19 Van Meter, D. C., “Count Baldwin IV, Richard of Saint-Vanne and the Inception of Monastic Reform in Eleventh-century Flanders,” Revue Bénédictine 107 (1997): 130–48.Google Scholar

20 Hugo of Flavigny, Chronicon , 377.Google Scholar

21 Ibid., 374–79 (also 385–86). See Healy, , The Chronicle , 41.Google Scholar

22 Hugo of Flavigny, Chronicon , 386. The letter was previously discussed in Van Meter, , “Count Baldwin IV,” 142–43; Van Meter, D. C., “Apocalyptic Moments and Eschatological Rhetoric of Reform in the Early Eleventh Century: The Case of the Vision of S. Vaast,” in The Apocalyptic Year 1000: Religious Expectations and Social Change, 950–1050 , ed. Landes, R., Gow, A., and Van Meter, D. C. (Oxford, 2003), 311–25; and Roubach, S., “The Hidden Apocalypse: Richard of Saint-Vanne and the Otherworld,” Journal of Medieval History 32 (2006): 302–14. Regarding the situation at Saint-Vaast, see Dauphin, , Le Bienheureux Richard, 176–82; Hallinger, , Gorze-Cluny (n. 1 above), 1:185 and 1:485–86; Hirschmann, , Klosterreform (n. 1 above), 137–38; and Reilly, D., The Art of Reform in Eleventh-Century Flanders: Gerard of Cambrai, Richard of Saint-Vanne and the Saint-Vaast Bible (Leiden and Boston, 2006), 93–103.Google Scholar

23 Hugo of Flavigny, Chronicon , 379.Google Scholar

24 Cardevacque, De and Teirninck, , L'abbaye de Saint-Vaast (n. 5 above), 102, date Leduin's abbacy to the years 1020–40. Hallinger, , Gorze-Cluny, 1:285, proposes 1023 as a starting date, while Delmaire, B., Le diocèse d'Arras de 1093 au milieu du XIV^e siècle: Recherches sur la vie religieuse dans le nord de la France au Moyen Âge, 2 vols. (Arras, 1994), 1:200, and Mingroot, Van, ed., Les chartes, 330, both suggest 1022.Google Scholar

25 Dauphin, , Le Bienheureux Richard , 184. According to De Cardevaque, and Teirninck, , in L'abbaye de Saint-Vaast (n. 5 above), Leduin was preceded by an abbot unattested in contemporary evidence.Google Scholar

26 The chronological termini in the charter of Bishop Warin of Beauvais, which was confirmed by King Robert the Pious of France at a solemn gathering in Compiègne on 1 May 1023, and those in the charter of Leduin, recorded at Rouen on 13 January 1024, do not correspond. See Prou, M., “Une charte de Garin, évêque de Beauvais: L'assemblée de Compiègne de 1023 ou 1024,” in idem, ed., Société nationale des Antiquaires de France: Centenaire 1804–1904; Recueil de mémoires publiés par les membres de la société (Paris, 1904), 383–98 (with edition and facsimile); J.-F. Lemarignier, “Paix et réforme monastique en Flandre et en Normandie autour de l'année 1023: Quelques observations,” in Droit privé et institutions régionales: Études historiques offertes à Jean Yver (Paris, 1976), 443–68, here 462–68: “Appendice: note diplomatique sur la charte de Guérin” (reprinted in idem, Structures politiques et religieuses dans la France du haut Moyen Âge [Rouen, 1995], 339–64). For a thorough discussion of the royal assembly in Compiègne, see Riches, T., “The Peace of God, the ‘Weakness’ of Robert the Pious and the Struggle for the German Throne, 1023–5,” Early Medieval Europe 18 (2010): 202–22. The principal edition of Leduin's charter is in Miraeus and Foppens, Opera diplomatica (n. 15 above), 1:265.Google Scholar

27 Sigebert, , Gesta , 470.Google Scholar

28 Dauphin, , Le Bienheureux Richard , 192. The charter is edited in Drival, Van, ed., Cartulaire (n. 12 above), 56–58, and Zimmermann, H., ed., Papsturkunden, 896–1046, 3 vols., Denkschriften, Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften (Vienna, 1984–89), 2:1101–13, no. 532; the authenticity of this document — unlike that of the bull of 16 March 1024 — is established by Voet, L., “Étude sur deux bulles de Benoît VIII pour Saint-Vaast d'Arras,” Bulletin de la commission royale d'histoire 109 (1945): 187–242, esp. 223, and Lemarignier, J.-F., “Le prieuré d'Haspres, ses rapports avec l'abbaye de Saint-Vaast d'Arras et la centralisation monastique au début du XII^e siècle,” Revue du Nord 29 (1947): 261; Herrmann, T., “Historisch-diplomatische Untersuchungen zur Frühgeschichte der Abtei St-Vaast in Arras,” Archiv für Diplomatik 51 (2005): 49–126, esp. 85.Google Scholar

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30 “Consilioque Gerardi episcopi” (Bethmann, , ed., Gesta [n. 9 above], 470).Google Scholar

31 Bethmann, , ed., Gesta , 461–62. See Lestocquoy, J., “Un épisode de l'histoire d'Angicourt au XI^e siècle,” Mémoires de la Société archéologique et historique de Clermont en Beauvaisis (1940–41): 21–25; Nazet, J., “Crises et réformes dans les abbayes Hainuyères du IX^e au début du XII^e siècle,” in Recueil d'études d'histoire Hainuyère offertes à Maurice A. Arnould, 2 vols., ed. Cauchies, J. M. and Duvosquel, J. M. (Mons, 1983), 1:181; Voet, , “Étude,” 231–35; Hallinger, , Gorze-Cluny, 1:295, and Mériaux, C., Gallia Irradiata: Saints et sanctuaires de la Nord de la Gaule du Haut Moyen Âge (Stuttgart, 2006), 283.Google Scholar

32 Bethmann, , ed., Gesta , 461. An updated bibliography on the reform of Marchiennes is in Vanderputten, S. and Snijders, T., “Echoes of Benedictine Reform in an Eleventh-Century Booklist from Marchiennes,” Scriptorium 63 (2009): 79–88.Google Scholar

33 Bethmann, , ed., Gesta , 461. The reason given by the Miracula Sanctae Eusebiae from the years 1131–64 is that the abbey's properties had become depleted (AS Martii 2 [Antwerp, 1668], 454; also Sabbe, E., “Notes sur la réforme de Richard de Saint-Vanne dans les Pays-Bas,” Revue Belge de Philologie et d'Histoire 7 [1928]: 551–70, esp. 556; Nazet, , “Crises,” 476–77; Platelle, H., “Crime et châtiment à Marchiennes: Étude sur la conception et le fonctionnement de la justice d'après les Miracles de sainte Rictrude (XII^e s.),” Sacris Erudiri 24 [1980]: 155–202, esp. 159; Delmaire, , Le diocèse, 197; and Mériaux, , Gallia Irradiata, 281). The priory was soon abandoned and only restored to its former state in 1133 (H. Platelle, “Hamage,” in DHGE 29 [Paris, 1990], col. 200).Google Scholar

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35 N. 33 above.Google Scholar

36 The relevant passage in the first version from 1164–68 was edited in the Miracula Rictrudis , Papebrochius, D., ed. AS Maii 3 (Paris and Rome, 1866), 93, while the second, completed at the latest in 1174, is in Poncelet, A., “Catalogus codicum hagiographicorum latinorum bibliothecae publicae Duacensis: Appendix VII,” Analecta Bollandiana 20 (1901): 454.Google Scholar

37 Annales Marchianenses , ed. Bethmann, L., MGH, Scriptores 16 (Hanover, 1859), 614.Google Scholar

38 Dauphin, , Le Bienheureux Richard , 194, and Hallinger, , Gorze-Cluny, 1:294.Google Scholar

39 Berings, G., “Abbaye de Saint-Bavon à Gand,” in idem, Monasticon Belge vol. 7, bk. 1, Province de Flandre Orientale (Liège, 1988), 35.Google Scholar

40 Ibid. (probably in December).Google Scholar

41 The primitive annals of Saint-Bavon were conceived ca. 1030 (or, according to an alternative hypothesis, in 1034/36), with slightly later additions and interpolations. The text was first edited in Gysseling, M., “De oudste annalen van de Sint-Baafsabdij,” De Oost-Oudburg 26 (1989): 5–16.Google Scholar

42 Dauphin, , Le Bienheureux Richard , 197, with references to several necrologies. The last mention of Leduin as abbot of Saint-Vaast is in a charter of 1046 by Baldwin V for the abbey of Marchiennes (Delmaire, B., L'Histoire-Polyptyque de l'abbaye de Marchiennes (1116/1121): Étude critique et édition , Centre belge d'histoire rurale 84 [Louvain-la-Neuve, 1985], 97–99, no. 1). In the same year, a “Johannes abbatis Atrebatensis” signed a charter of Ingelbert III of Petegem, which arranged the foundation of a collegiate church in Haaltert in the diocese of Cambrai. The charter received confirmation by Bishop Gerard in Cambrai, probably between 13 February and 30 March (Van Mingroot, , ed., Les chartes [n. 15 above], 344–45, no. 0.12). Had John already succeeded to the abbacy of Saint-Vaast by Lent 1046, while Leduin was still alive but perhaps incapable (for example, because of illness) of exercising his function as abbot? Regarding the day of Leduin's death, see Mingroot, Van, “Kritisch onderzoek” (n. 9 above), 286–87.Google Scholar

43 Jestice, , Wayward Monks (n. 1 above), 170–209, and Vanderputten, , “Identité collective” (n. 3 above).Google Scholar

44 See Hirschmann, , “Klosterreform” (n. 1 above); compare with the vague comments in Bethmann, , ed., Gesta (n. 9 above), 488.Google Scholar

45 The Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium adds that the site was also “pecori ex sufficientia pascuae aptus, omninoque etiam monachorum usui oportunus” (ibid., 460). Delmaire, , Le diocèse (n. 24 above), 1:200, dates the foundation of the priory to 1022–1024/25, while Dauphin, , Le Bienheureux Richard, 193–94, hypothesizes that the foundation may have already been planned by Richard, .Google Scholar

46 Delmaire, , Le diocèse , 1:200.Google Scholar

47 Bethmann, , ed., Gesta , 460.Google Scholar

48 According to Guimann, Leduin wanted to build a monastery in memory of his name and for the sake of his soul. With help from a handful of aides, he went through the relic treasure of Saint-Vaast and had the head of St. James transported in the greatest secrecy to be enshrined in the priory's altar (Drival, Van, ed., Cartulaire (n. 12 above), 155; also Gerzaguet, J.-P., “Tempête pour un crâne: Conflit pour une relique à l'abbaye de Saint-Vaast d'Arras; Péripéties et enjeux (1166–1194),” Revue du Nord 87 [2005]: 727–51). Apparently, Leduin did not own relics, whereas Poppo had been able to gather some during his pilgrimages to the Holy Land (George, , “Un réformateur” [n. 1 above], 90).Google Scholar

49 The dedication to the Savior, one that was highly favored in Carolingian times, might be indicative of Leduin's aspirations beyond setting up an ordinary priory. In those days, it was still popular in regional comital milieus: the collegiate church of the Counts of Saint-Pol in the town of Saint-Pol and that of Harelbeke, founded by Countess Adela and Count Baldwin V of Flanders, were dedicated to the Savior. See Angenendt, A., “In honore Salvatoris: Vom Sinn und Unsinn der Patrozinienkunde,” Revue d'histoire ecclésiastique 97 (2002): 791–823, and Meijns, B., Aken of Jeruzalem: Het ontstaan en de hervorming van de kanonikale instellingen in Vlaanderen tot circa 1155 (Louvain, 2000), 1:471–79 (for Harelbeke) and 1:504–6 (Saint-Pol). Some comparisons can be drawn with the following example: between 1100 and 1114, Bishop John of Thérouanne donated the altar from the church of Bas-Warneton, his parents' burial place, which was in his possession, to Abbot Lambert of Saint-Bertin, his trusted friend and collaborator. In a charter issued to commemorate the transaction, John explicitly stated that he wanted the former family church to be administered by a small group of monks to pray for the souls of his deceased parents (see Huyghebaert, N. N., “Prieuré de Saint-Martin à Bas-Warneton,” Monasticon Belge, vol. 3, bk. 1, Province de Flandre occidentale [Liège, 1960], 1:205).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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51 Leduin's charter was confirmed by Count Richard II of Normandy, his sons, and his brother, Archbishop Robert of Rouen (Fauroux, M., ed., Recueil des actes des ducs de Normandie (911–1066) [Caen, 1961], 111–13, no. 26). Leduin's hesitation is also attested in Bethmann, , ed., Gesta, 461–62. On this transaction, see Ricouart, M., Les biens de l'abbaye de Saint-Vaast dans les diocèses de Beauvais, de Noyon, de Soissons, et d'Amiens (Anzin, 1888), 3–65; Lemarignier, , “Le prieuré d'Haspres” (n. 28 above), 261–68; Lemarignier, , “Paix et réforme” (n. 26 above), 465–67 and Helvétius, A.-M., Abbayes, évêques et laïques: Une politique du pouvoir en Hainaut au Moyen Âge (VII^e–XI^e siècle) (Brussels, 1994), 124.Google Scholar

52 Prior to the restitution, the monks of Saint-Vaast had to return some relics of Hugo and Aichardus, abbots of Jumièges, which had been kept in the region of Arras since the Viking attacks, and pay 100 pounds in silver to the abbey of Jumièges. The procedure is narrated in a notice by Leduin, which — together with the charter of 1024 relating to the initial exchange — was presented for confirmation to King Henry at Corbie in 1038. The incorporation of the 1024 charter into the 1038 document provides evidence of Leduin's care to assemble a “dossier” on Anglicourt in order to submit it for royal confirmation (edition of the 1038 charter in de Guise, Jacques, Annales Hanoniae , ed. Sackur, E., MGH, Scriptores 30 [Hanover, 1896], 170, c. 7; see Lemarignier, , “Paix et réforme,” 465–68). Guesnon misread the charter, thinking that the 1038 transaction signaled the return of the priory to Jumièges (Guesnon, A., Un cartulaire de l'abbaye de Saint-Vaast d'Arras, codex du XII^e siècle [Paris, 1896], 25 [extract from Bulletin philologique et historique du comité des travaux historiques et scientifiques (1896), 240–305]).Google Scholar

53 Drival, Van, ed., Cartulaire , 399–400: charter of John of Bouvignies, who, upon entering the abbey in 1033, donated to Saint-Vaast part of his inheritance in Bouvignies together with several serfs.Google Scholar

54 In a charter of 1091, Abbot Alold of Saint-Vaast referred to a settlement made following a dispute between a miles and Abbot Leduin over a piece of monastic property. Leduin had stipulated that the layman could keep the land on payment of an annual rent of twelve denarii, thus reaffirming monastic control over it. However, at the time of his death the land had to return to Saint-Vaast (Gerzaguet, J.-P., ed., Les chartes de l'abbaye d'Anchin (1079–1201), Atelier de recherche sur les textes médiévaux 6 [Turnhout, 2005], 94–95, no. 6).Google Scholar

55 Drival, Van, ed., Cartulaire , 170–75 (with later disputes documented in a piece edited on 175–79). Also Douhaerd, R., Note sur l'histoire d'un ancien impôt: Le tonlieu d'Arras, Mémoires de l'Académie des sciences, lettres et arts d'Arras (Arras, 1943–44).Google Scholar

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61 The most accessible edition of the charter is in Delmaire, , L'Histoire-Polyptyque (n. 42 above), 97–99.Google Scholar

62 The most reliable version of the charter is in the first volume of De Witte's late eighteenth-century Grand Cartulaire of Saint-Bertin (Saint-Omer, Bibliothèque de l'agglomération de Saint-Omer, 803/I, 93–95, no. 70); for an exhaustive discussion of this charter and its bibliography, see Vanderputten, , “Monks, Knights” (n. 16 above). Evidence of intellectual and artistic exchange between the two abbots is otherwise rare. During his abbacy, Roderic arranged for at least one book from the library of Saint-Vaast to be copied at Saint-Bertin; see Gameson, R., “‘Signed’ Manuscripts from Early Romanesque Flanders: Saint-Bertin and Saint-Vaast,” in Pen in Hand: Medieval Scribal Portraits, Colophons and Tools , ed. Gullick, M. (Walkern, 2006), 48–49. On Roderic, see Vanderputten, , “Individual Experience, Collective Remembrance, and the Politics of Monastic Reform in High Medieval Flanders,” to appear in Early Medieval Europe. Google Scholar

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65 Bethmann, , ed., Gesta , 460.Google Scholar

66 Ibid., 488.Google Scholar

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74 The manuscript (Arras, Médiathèque, 734) consists of Alcuin's Vita Sancti Vedasti, sermons in honor of the saints, miracle stories, and hymns (for a discussion, see Gameson, , “‘Signed’ Manuscripts,” 57–59).Google Scholar

75 A manuscript containing the lives of Amandus and Vedastus is mentioned in the Marchiennes booklist; see Vanderputten, and Snijders, , “Echoes.” Google Scholar

76 Ugé, K., Creating the Monastic Past in Medieval Flanders (Woodbridge, 2005), 131–32, and Vanderputten and Snijders, “Echoes.” Google Scholar

77 Douai, , Bibliothèque Municipale, 849, with the miniature on fol. 71v°; see Vanderputten, S., “A Miracle of Saint Jonatus in 1127: The Translatio Sancti Jonati (BHL 4449) as Political Enterprise and Failed Hagiographical Project,” Analecta Bollandiana 126 (2008): 55–56, and Vanderputten, and Snijders, , “Echoes.” Google Scholar

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84 Vita Prima Humberti Maricolensis ; AS Martii 3 (Antwerp, 1668), col. 565. See Duvosquel, J. M., “La ‘vita’ de saint Humbert, premier abbé de Maroilles (première moitié du XI^e siècle),” Le Moyen Âge 78 (1972): 41–53; Helvétius, , Abbayes (n. 51 above), 339–40; Duvosquel, J. M., “Humbert de Maroilles,” DHGE 25 (Paris, 1995), 355–56. Also Hallinger, , Gorze-Cluny (n. 1 above), 296, and Nazet, , “Crises” (n. 31 above), 187.Google Scholar

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87 Ibid., 52–58, no. 1.01. Apparently, Leduin and the monks of Saint-Vaast, in whose scriptorium this episcopal charter was written, had presented him with a version of the so-called charta Vinditiana, a forged charter of Bishop Vindician to the abbey of Saint-Vaast dated 1 May 679/685. This document, which might have had genuine content, was fabricated by order of Abbot Falrad between 988 and 1004, in all probability around 994–95. See Lemarignier, J.-F., “L'exemption monastique et les origines de la réforme grégorienne: Appendice. Note sur deux apocryphes fabriqués à Saint-Vaast d'Arras entre 988/992 et 1004 (probablement vers 994–995),” in À Cluny: Congrès scientifique; Fêtes et cérémonies liturgiques en l'honneur des saints abbés Odon et Odilon (Dijon, 1950), 335–40; Van Meter, , “Count Baldwin IV” (n. 19 above), 133 n. 13; idem, “Eschatological Order and the Moral Arguments for Clerical Celibacy in Francia around the Year 1000,” in Medieval Purity and Piety: Essays on Medieval Clerical Celibacy and Religious Reform , ed. Frassetto, M. (New York, 1998), 149–75, at 161 (where it is argued that Leduin revised the charter); Kéry, L., Die Errichtung des Bistums Arras, 1093/1094, Beheifte der Francia 33 (Sigmaringen, 1994), 258–60; Reilly, , The Art of Reform, 112–13, with a comparison of some of the clauses in the charta Vinditiana and the charter of Gerard I; and Herrmann, , “Historisch-diplomatische Untersuchungen” (n. 28 above), 62–67 and 85–86. On Gerard's more precarious position after Henri's death, see Fichtenau, H., Heretics and Scholars in the High Middle Ages, 1000–1200 , trans. Kaiser, D. A. (Pennsylvania, 2000), 20–21.Google Scholar

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89 Ibid., 54. A letter from Gerard to Leduin and his monks discusses the fire (Bethmann, , ed., Gesta , 478–79); Van Mingroot, , Les chartes , 329–30, no. 0.07. The monks brought the body of Vedastus to the consecration of the new church (Bethmann, , ed., Gesta, 488).Google Scholar

90 Bethmann, , ed., Gesta , 461: “Leduwinus, Gerardo episcopo et marchione Balduino satagentibus, feminas turpiter viventes mundato loco exturbavit, ac monachos, qui melius et religiosius Deo et prelibatae virgini, quae ibidem quiescit, deserviant, constituit.” Google Scholar

91 Ibid., 461; see Gerzaguet, , L'abbaye (n. 34 above), 57–58.Google Scholar

92 Berings, , “Abbaye” (n. 39 above), 35. Leduin was succeeded by Romold of Bergues-Saint-Winnoc, whose abbey had been reformed in 1022 by Roderic of Saint-Bertin.Google Scholar

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95 These events are described in a charter concerning goods donated to the abbey of Saint-Amand by Walter's widow (Duvivier, , ed., Actes [n. 15 above], 1:31–33; see Riches, , “Bishop Gerard I” [n. 9 above], 133–34).Google Scholar

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99 The only source for the gathering in Compiègne is Bishop Warin of Beauvais's revised charter in which the confraternity between the church of Beauvais and the abbey of Saint-Vaast is given royal approval. See Prou, , “Une charte de Garin” (n. 26 above), 383–98; Riches, , “The Peace of God,” 206.Google Scholar

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101 Van Meter, , “Eschatological Order” (n. 87 above), 161.Google Scholar

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103 According to the twelfth-century continuation of the chronicle of Sigebert of Gembloux by the monks of Affligem, on this occasion, Count Baldwin IV had gathered together in Oudenaarde the relics of the most important saints of his county, among them being those of Vedastus. It is likely that Abbot Leduin accompanied the relics of the patron saint of his abbey to the gathering (Gorissen, P., ed., Sigeberti Gemblacensis Chronographiae Auctarium Affligemense [Brussels, 1952], 113; see De Smet, J. M., “De ‘Paces Dei’ der bisdommen van het graafschap Vlaanderen (1024–1119)” [Ph.D. diss., Catholic University of Leuven, 1956], 113–15; Nicholas, D., Medieval Flanders [London and New York, 1992], 49).Google Scholar

104 It is interesting to note that the unique copy of Bishop Gerard's In pace decree is preserved in a manuscript from the abbey of Marchiennes, compiled in the course (possibly even before the middle) of the eleventh century. On the decree, its date, and manuscript tradition, see Mingroot, Van, Les chartes , 328–44 (with extensive bibliography), and Riches, , “Bishop Gerard I,” 128–29 n. 31.Google Scholar

105 Leduin's notice relating the circumstances of the deal between his abbey and Jumièges was recorded in Corbie and was signed by Baldwin, the royal chancellor. See Voet, , “Deux bulles” (n. 28 above), 232. Perhaps this notice should be connected with a charter for Saint-Peter's in Ghent, also drawn up in the abbey of Corbie in 1038 and bearing a similar confirmation by the royal chancellor (Gysseling, M. and Koch, A. C. F., eds., Diplomata Belgica ante annum millesimum centesimum scripta, 2 vols. [Brussels, 1950], 1:196–98, no. 92).Google Scholar

106 Bethmann, , ed., Gesta , 478–79; see Riches, , “Bishop Gerard I,” 131, and Van Meter, , “The Peace of Amiens-Corbie,” 654.Google Scholar

107 As suggested in Gameson's review of Reilly's, Diane The Art of Reform (n. 80 above).Google Scholar