1 For more on the relocation of the convent to the village of Söflingen, see Frank, Karl Suso, Das Klarissenkloster Söflingen: Ein Beitrag zur franziskanischen Ordensgeschichte Süddeutschlands und zur Ulmer Kirchengeschichte (Stuttgart, 1980), 32–38; idem, “Das Klarissenkloster Söflingen bis zur Aufhebung 1803,” in Kirchen und Klöster in Ulm: Ein Beitrag zum katholischen Leben in Ulm und Neu-Ulm von den Anfängen bis zur Gegenwart , ed. Specker, Hans Eugen and Tüchle, Hermann (Ulm, 1979), 166–69.Google Scholar This article is based on the author's PhD thesis, “Between the Law and the World: Defining Women's Religious Identity in the Later Middle Ages,” submitted to the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences at Fordham University in May 2012. While still working on the revisions, Dr. Febert died unexpectedly on 7 December 2012, at the end of her first semester as full-time instructor at the History Department of Saginaw Valley State University in Michigan. In recognition of Heidi's scholarly accomplishments, the text was prepared for publication by her former doctoral adviser at Fordham, Wolfgang P. Müller.Google Scholar

2 He discussed the foundation of the convent in his Tractatus de Civitate Ulmensi , ed. Veesenmeyer, Gustav (Tübingen, 1889), 23.Google Scholar

3 Frank, , Das Klarissenkloster Söflingen , 11–12.Google Scholar

4 Miller used his knowledge of the Söflingen documentation to produce works about the later history of the convent, mostly concerning its reform in 1484; see Miller, Max, Die Söflinger Briefe und das Klarissenkloster Söflingen bei Ulm im Spätmittelalter (Würzburg, 1940).Google Scholar

5 Of the twelve seals in total, two are now missing and the others are damaged variously; cf. Urkundenbuch der Stadt und Landschaft Zürich , ed. Kläui, Paul (Zürich, 1939), 192; Wirtembergisches Urkundenbuch IV: 1241–1252 (Stuttgart, 1883), 155.Google Scholar

6 See Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv, Online-Findbuch B509. Kurt Andermann from the Generallandesarchiv Karlsruhe has kindly supplied the signatures for two documents now deposited there.Google Scholar

7 The monograph was originally published as Religiöse Bewegungen im Mittelalter: Untersuchungen über die geschichtlichen Zusammenhänge zwischen der Ketzerei, den Bettelorden und der religiösen Frauenbewegung im 12. und 13. Jahrhundert und über die geschichtlichen Grundlagen der deutschen Mystik (Berlin, 1935). I refer to the English translation here; see the note below.Google Scholar

8 Grundmann, Herbert, Religious Movements in the Middle Ages , trans. Rowen, Steven (Notre Dame, 1995), 7–8.Google Scholar

9 Ibid., 75–76, 192–201.Google Scholar

10 Thus his fifth chapter is entitled “The Incorporation of the Women's Religious Movement into the Mendicant Orders”; ibid., 89.Google Scholar

11 McNamara, Jo Ann, Sisters in Arms: Catholic Nuns through Two Millennia (Cambridge, MA, 1998), 1, 3–6.Google Scholar

12 “For the church, the existence of religious and semi-religious communities of women raised, in turn, many problems, not least the practicalities involved in both pastoral care and economic maintenance”; Bolton, Brenda, “Mulieres Sanctae,” Studies in Church History 10 (1973): 141.Google Scholar

13 As Walter Simons notes, the term “beguine vita“ is “misleading” because the majority of these special women lived as beguines for a period of their lives, but eventually joined an established order and became nuns; Simons, Walter, Cities of Ladies: Beguine Communities in the Medieval Low Countries (Philadelphia, 2001), 37.Google Scholar

14 Galloway, Penelope, “Neither Miraculous nor Astonishing: The Devotional Practices of Beguine Communities in French Flanders,” in New Trends in Feminine Spirituality: The Holy Women of Liege and Their Impact , ed. Dor, Juliette, Johnson, Lesley, and Wogan-Browne, Jocelyn (Turnhout, 1999), 107–27.Google Scholar

15 Wilts, Andreas, Beginen im Bodenseeraum (Sigmaringen, 1994), 234–39; Neumann, Eva Gertrud, Rheinisches Beginen- und Begardenwesen (Meisenheim/Glan, 1960), 98. Regional and local German studies of beguine life include Wilts, Beginen im Bodenseeraum; Peters, Günter, “Norddeutsches Beginen- und Begardenwesen im Mittelalter,” Niedersächsisches Jahrbuch für Landesgeschichte 41/42 (1969/70): 50–118; Spies, Martina, Beginengemeinschaften in Frankfurt am Main (Dortmund, 1998); Hotz, Brigitte, Beginen und willige Arme im spätmittelalterlichen Hildesheim (Hildesheim, 1988); Nordsiek, Hans, “Vom Beginenhaus zum Armenhaus: Zur Geschichte der Mindener Beginen (1295–1839),” Mitteilungen des Mindener Geschichtsvereins 61 (1989): 19–44.Google Scholar

16 Unaffiliated women living a devotional or penitential existence are also documented in other areas of Europe: for example, Sensi, Mario, Storie di Bizzoche: Tra Umbria e Marche (Rome, 1995); Mens, Alcantara, Oorsprung en Betekenis van de Nederlandse Begijnen- en Begardenbeweging (Antwerp, 1947); Galloway, Penelope, “Discreet and Devout Maidens: Women's Involvement in Beguine Communities in Northern France 1200–1500,” in Medieval Women in Their Communities , ed. Watt, Diane (Toronto, 1997), 92–115. Direct connections between beguines and “beguins” in the south of France and the northeast of Spain are often denied by scholars, but both groups shared an interest in the vita apostolica and affiliation with the Franciscans; Cusato, Michael, “The Cost of Discipleship in the Early 14th Century: Arnold of Villanova and the Beguins of Catalonia,” Collectanea Franciscana 65 (1995): 183–84. Louisa Burnham states that the Beguins of Languedoc are “too often confused” with the beguines of northern Europe, but most of her description of the former could be used to characterize the latter; Burnham, Louisa A., So Great a Light, So Great a Smoke: The Beguin Heretics of Languedoc (Ithaca, NY, 2008), 2–3, 30, 33, 35. In England, there were few religious women who were not nuns, and most of them were anchoresses or recluses, suggesting that royal and local ecclesiastical control were powerful enough to dampen enthusiasm for the beguine movement; Bolton, Brenda, “Thirteenth-Century Religious Women: Further Reflections on the Low Countries' ‘Special Case,’” in New Trends in Feminine Spirituality, 133, 150–52.Google Scholar

17 Constable, Giles, The Reformation of the Twelfth Century (Cambridge, 1996), 7, 16.Google Scholar

18 Alberzoni, Maria Pia, “‘Sorores Minores’ e autorità ecclesiastica fino al pontificato di Urbano IV,” in Chiara e la diffusione delle clarisse nel secolo XIII , ed. Andenna, Giancarlo and Vetere, Benedetto (Galatina, 1998), 169, 194.Google Scholar

19 Berman, Constance, The Cistercian Evolution: The Invention of a Religious Order in Twelfth-Century Europe (Philadelphia, 2000), 1. Berman's redating of foundational Cistercian documents has engendered much controversy; see Waddell, Chrysogonus, “The Myth of Cistercian Origins: C. H. Berman and the Manuscript Sources,” Citeaux 51 (2000): 299–386; Freeman, Elizabeth, “What Makes a Monastic Order: Issues of Methodology in The Cistercian Evolution,” Cistercian Studies Quarterly 37 (2002): 429–42.Google Scholar

20 Accordingly, new foundations were established through missions undertaken by members of the mother house, in a process of “apostolic gestation”; in addition, later Cistercians largely wrote women out of the history of the order; Berman, , The Cistercian Evolution , 2, 93, 163–64, 233–36.Google Scholar

21 Freeman, (“What Makes A Monastic Order,” 436) finds fault with Berman for focusing too much on economic relationships and not enough on spiritual affinities.Google Scholar

22 Rasmussen, Linda, “Order, Order! Determining Order in Medieval English Nunneries,” in Our Medieval Heritage: Essays in Honour of John Tillotson for his 60^th Birthday , ed. Rasmussen, Linda, Spear, Valerie, and Tillotson, Diane (Cardiff, 2002), 30–31.Google Scholar

23 In that year, Clement IV had allowed Henry III to collect a tenth of the tithes from religious foundations. The Cistercians, as an order, were exempt from such exactions according to their papal privileges (until the late thirteenth century); ibid., 33, 36–43.Google Scholar

24 Ibid., 46–47.Google Scholar

25 Ibid., 31, 38–39, 48–49.Google Scholar

26 Makowski, Elizabeth, Canon Law and Cloistered Women: Periculoso and Its Commentators, 1298–1545 (Washington, DC, 1997), 123–24.Google Scholar

27 “Nevertheless — and this is the crucial issue — all of those legal requirements were in place by the end of the thirteenth century and their existence had implications for all devout lay women who did not meet them”; Makowski, Elisabeth, “A Pernicious Sort of Woman”: Quasi-Religious Women and Canon Lawyers in the Later Middle Ages (Washington, DC, 2005), x–xi.Google Scholar

28 Some canonists distinguished Third Order Franciscan tertiaries from other semi-religious women because the former followed an approved rule; ibid., 31. For more about privileges only those with clerical status could claim, see ibid., 59.Google Scholar

29 In the ecclesiastical documents collected by Alexander Patschovsky concerning the beguine persecution in Strasbourg beginning in 1317, beguines are accused of doctrinal errors only when linked to their male counterparts, the beghards; Patschovsky, Alexander, “Strassburger Beginenverfolgungen im 14. Jahrhundert,” Deutsches Archiv 30 (1974): 127–42. For the beguines alone, the main issue was to distinguish “good” from “bad” ones and what Patschovsky calls the Kleiderproblem (clothing problem) of wearing habits like religious women and, thus, assuming an undeserved status; ibid., 148–53, 156–58. Makowski also indicates that the wearing of distinctive habits by semi-religious women was considered problematic among jurists; “A Pernicious Sort of Woman,” 77, 106.Google Scholar

30 Mueller, Joan, The Privilege of Poverty: Clare of Assisi, Agnes of Prague, and the Struggle for a Franciscan Rule for Women (University Park, PA, 2006), 2–3, 12–22, 27–29, 34, 36, 107–8.Google Scholar

31 Knox, Lezlie S., Creating Clare of Assisi: Female Franciscan Identities in Later Medieval Italy (Leiden, 2008), 4.Google Scholar

32 Ibid., 15, 52, 113–14.Google Scholar

33 While Clare of Assisi and her foundation at San Damiano influenced some communities in the order, others were connected to local groups of Friars Minor from the beginning of their existence; ibid., 92–97. Some later convents began as houses of penitential women with no initial ties to Clare, Francis, or the Friars Minor; ibid., 25–26, 97–113.Google Scholar

34 Ibid., 16.Google Scholar

35 Jakob Rote/Rufi was a student in Bologna in 1271 and died on 11 July 1321; Meyer, Andreas, Zürich und Rom: Ordentliche Kollatur und päpstliche Provisionen am Frau- und Grossmünster (Tübingen, 1986), 328.Google Scholar

36 The monastery of Reichenau shares its name with the island in Lake Constance where it is located; Borst, Arno, Mönche am Bodensee 610–1525 (Sigmaringen, 1978).Google Scholar

37 Proctors were legal representatives whose main task was to comprehend all the facts of their client's case. Advocates, on the other hand, were more learned in the law itself and more likely to pursue their careers in larger urban areas where the legal action was more intense and lucrative. This may have been the case in Zurich; Brundage, James A., The Medieval Origins of the Legal Profession: Canonists, Civilians, and Courts (Chicago, 2008), 204, 207.Google Scholar

38 Simonett, Christoph, Geschichte der Stadt Chur: Von den Anfängen bis ca. 1400 (Chur, 1976), 19. The bishopric of Chur was probably established in the second half of the fourth century; ibid., 49.Google Scholar

39 Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U175: Appendix Two, lines 16–30. Söflingen lies west of the city of Ulm, and Butzental and Harthausen were villages slightly west and south of Söflingen. See Appendix One for a map (A) showing these locations. The phrase nullo medio pertinentis in Clement's rescript refers to Reichenau's status as a monastery exempt from episcopal jurisdiction; Pennington, Kenneth, Pope and Bishops: The Papal Monarchy in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries (Philadelphia, 1984), 155–56.Google Scholar

40 When the court accepted a plaintiff's grievance, the defendant was summoned to answer the charges made against him. He could be summoned up to three times before he was pronounced contumacious; Brundage, , Medieval Origins of the Legal Profession , 416–17. “This rendered the defendant infamis, which severely handicapped his ability to defend his case, and might result in a fine, excommunication, and perhaps a summary judgment in favor of the plaintiff as well.” Google Scholar

41 Werner von Rheineck (Rheineck being a village in the district of Unterrheintal) was a rector in Brunnen and Bettmaringen, in addition to holding this position in Dornbirn, and from 1317 to 1324 was also noted as a canon of St. Stephan located in Constance; Chartularium Sangallense , ed. Clavadetscher, Otto P. (Sigmaringen, 1988), 193, no. 2770. Andreas Meyer also mentions a Werner von Dorenbüren active in Zurich and Constance at this time; Meyer, , Zürich und Rom, 516.Google Scholar

42 Sulzberg lies east of present-day Bregenz, Switzerland, in the district of Rorschach; Chartularium Sangallense , 193, no. 2768. Rudolf von Sulzberg is noted once as a student in 1288; ibid.Google Scholar

43 For Reichenau's commission for its proctors see Appendix Two, lines 45–64: Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U176 (27 January 1311); for that of Söflingen see Appendix Two, lines 1085–1105: ibid., B509 U177 (30 January 1311). The mandate was important because it spelled out what the proctor could undertake in the name of his client; Brundage, , Medieval Origins of the Legal Profession , 206. Parties to a suit often questioned points in their opponent's mandate in order to delay cases. There were different types of proctors. The proctors in this case were procuratores ad agendum vel defendendum, or “litigation agents,” ibid., 353–54; on the education and training of proctors, see ibid., 290–91.Google Scholar

44 Kraft von Toggenburg was the son of Count Frederick III of Toggenburg and his first wife, Clementa, who died in 1282. He lived in Zurich, Constance, and at his ancestral estates, and held benefices in both Zurich and Constance. Kraft died on 7 March 1339; Meyer, , Zürich und Rom , 234.Google Scholar

45 His mandate in Appendix Two, lines 31–44: Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U178 (8 February 1311). The Treasurer Ulrich mentioned here was Ulrich Wolfleibisch, who was active in Zurich at this time and died in 1332; Meyer, , Zürich und Rom , 510; Urkundenbuch der Stadt und Landschaft Zürich, 192. Meyer, however, has him listed as Kustos or prior from 1307–32, and not treasurer. The other subdelegated judge was Rinwin Merz, who died in 1314; ibid. Both the treasurer and the cantor appended their seals to the document roll: Siegelabbildungen zum Urkundenbuch der Stadt und Landschaft Zürich , ed. Schweizer, Paul and Zeller-Werdmüller, Heinrich, 8 (Zurich, 1917), 51; ibid., 7 (1911), 60. All three judges were affiliated with the Grossmünster in Zurich; Chartularium Sangallense, 193, no. 2769.Google Scholar

46 Appendix Two, lines 65–84: Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U179. This is the only instance in which Werner of Rheineck's participation in the case on behalf of Söflingen is recorded. At all other times, Ulrich of Esslingen appears in the documents representing the sisters.Google Scholar

47 Brundage, , Medieval Origins of the Legal Profession , 431.Google Scholar

48 For a description of these replies and other elements of a legal suit, see ibid., 157–61. Legal representatives generally presented brief oral arguments to the court first, and then offered longer statements, or allegationes; ibid., 160, 441–42.Google Scholar

49 Appendix Two, lines 102–5: Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U180.Google Scholar

50 This would have included the types of actions a proctor could take with reference to a particular matter and sometimes specified an amount of time during which he was commissioned to represent the client; Brundage, , Medieval Origins of the Legal Profession , 206.Google Scholar

51 Appendix Two, lines 105–8: Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U180. The objection is a mere thirty words.Google Scholar

52 Challenging the validity of a proctor's mandate was often employed as a dilatory exception or delaying tactic; Brundage, , Medieval Origins of the Legal Profession , 359.Google Scholar

53 Appendix Two, lines 224–33 passim: Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U181. Bernard's commentary discusses the manner in which letters may be secured by proctors. He remarks that prior legal commentary held that if letters were secured by simple complaint, the commission had to be proved. However, he also maintains that this precept is no longer followed. Reichenau would have secured its rescript by offering a petition to the pope that contained the charge, or libellus, against the defendant. The petition would request that a hearing take place in Rome or before delegated judges; Sayers, Jane, “Canterbury Proctors at the Court of the Audientia Litterarum Contradictarum,” Traditio 22 (1966): 311, 313–14. The plaintiff's petition was read before the court, and if no objections arose, the letter would be corrected, sealed, and delivered to the plaintiff's proctor. It could also be that several petitions were sent to Rome at once and a general mandate was returned; ibid., 331. At the time Reichenau received its rescript against Söflingen it was also initiating a suit against the Dominican sisters of Diessenhofen; see Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U178: Appendix Two, lines 33–40. This suggests that the monks presented at least two petitions at Rome at the same time.Google Scholar

54 The next document in the hearing was a notice of continuation issued by the judges; ibid., lines 1025–40: Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U182 (29 April 1311). It set a date for the subsequent meeting in Zurich, but advised the two parties to compromise in the meantime with the assistance of mediators. Ecclesiastical courts generally advised parties to find a compromise or go to arbitration; Brundage, , Medieval Origins of the Legal Profession , 445.Google Scholar

55 Appendix Two, lines 292–300: Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U183 (11 June 1311).Google Scholar

56 Ibid., B509 U184: Appendix Two, lines 376–94. The replicatio is dated 30 July 1311.Google Scholar

57 Ibid., lines 108–14: Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U180.Google Scholar

58 Like his opponent, Rudolf cites X 1.3.8 and X 3.5.6; he adds X 1.3.27. See Appendix Two, lines 233–41: Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U181.Google Scholar

59 Appendix Two, lines 300–307: Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U183.Google Scholar

60 Appendix Two, lines 394–427: Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U184.Google Scholar

61 Ibid., B509 U180: edited below, Appendix Two, lines 114–27.Google Scholar

62 Proctor Ulrich's argument continues ibid., lines 127–51: Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U180.Google Scholar

63 Appendix Two, lines 241–52: Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U181.Google Scholar

64 Ibid., B509 U183: edited below, Appendix Two, lines 307–22.Google Scholar

65 Privilegia seu verba privilegii frustra invenirentur membranas occupare: ibid., lines 323–24.Google Scholar

66 Ibid., lines 324–52. Privileges, in fact, did grant the privileged party a particular benefit that did not correspond to the general precepts of the law; Helmholz, Richard H., The Spirit of Classical Canon Law (Athens, GA, 1996), 312–13. Papal concessions could contravene the ius commune, but this did not mean that they were to be interpreted as “absolute rights”; ibid., 319. On juristic thought about the limitations of privileges, see Pennington, , Pope and Bishops (n. 39 above), 159–62.Google Scholar

67 Appendix Two, lines 427–40: Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U184.Google Scholar

68 The abbess and nuns of Söflingen are referred to in these documents as “ladies” (domine) 41 times. They are called moniales once and sanctimoniales eight times. Sanctimoniales was commonly used as a term for religious women; Constable, Reformation of the Twelfth Century (n. 17 above), 8. The monks of Reichenau are often called “lords” in the court roll, or are referred to as the conventus monasterii of Reichenau.Google Scholar

69 Appendix Two, lines 440–48: Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U184.Google Scholar

70 Ibid.: Appendix Two, lines 448–54. Canonists agreed that privileges might be lost if the grantee abused them. In his Summa aurea, Hostiensis included nine examples of how this could occur; Helmholz, , Spirit of Classical Canon Law , 329. The Liber extra has a title (X 5.32) “Of Privileges and the Excesses of Those with Privileges”; ibid., 322. None of its decretals were cited in this suit. Proctor Rudolf did not necessarily concede that a previous hearing took place at Constance with this statement. Instead, he appears to be using the sisters' own statements to show that, by their own admission, they misused their privilege.Google Scholar

71 The notion that special freedoms might undermine the whole system of law was not lost on medieval canonists; Helmholz, , Spirit of Classical Canon Law , 313–14. Legal theorists walked a fine line between supporting the absolute authority of papal concessions and minimizing the damage caused by too generous an application; ibid., 323. Privileges should not be interpreted in a manner that would cause actual harm to another; ibid., 328. Proctor Rudolf's argument concludes in Appendix Two, lines 454–58: Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U184.Google Scholar

72 Appendix Two, lines 151–65: Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U180.Google Scholar

73 Ibid., B509 U181: printed below, Appendix Two, lines 252–61.Google Scholar

74 Ibid., lines 476–87: Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U184. Eight does not appear to have been an insignificant number of legal experts. The maximum number of proctors at Halberstadt, Germany was set at six in 1442, but increased to eight in 1490; Brundage, , Medieval Origins of the Legal Profession (n. 37 above), 358.Google Scholar

75 Proctor Rudolf's statement continues, Appendix Two, lines 487–95: Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U184.Google Scholar

76 The papal chancery used a formula book beginning in the thirteenth century as a guide to writing letters, privileges, and other documents; Herde, Peter, “Papal Formularies for Letters of Justice (13th–16th Centuries),” in Proceedings of the 2nd International Congress of Medieval Canon Law , ed. Kuttner, Stephan and Ryan, Joseph J. (Vatican City, 1965), 321. In one of these formularies there were 111 form letters that treated “the restitution of alienated church property (the so-called Forma Ea que de bonis)”; ibid., “Papal Formularies,” 343–44. Later, in Söflingen's statement to the court that it would appeal the preliminary decision (Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U196), we learn that the judge in Constance was Rudolfus de Diethinchon (Rudolf of Dietikon). He is mentioned by name once again in the confirmation of the agreement between the parties at Chur in 1317 (ibid., B509 U212/212a). Dietikon lies west of Zurich.Google Scholar

77 Ibid., B509 U180: printed below, Appendix Two, lines 165–85.Google Scholar

78 Ibid., lines 261–75: Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U181.Google Scholar

79 Proctor Rudolf called this objection the fourth when it was initially the fifth proposed by Söflingen; see Appendix Two, lines 458–76: Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U184.Google Scholar

80 Appendix Two, lines 511–39: Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U185 (27 August 1311).Google Scholar

81 Brundage, , Medieval Origins of the Legal Profession , 379; consilia could provide an important jurist with the bulk of his income and as much as half of a year's salary for a law professor; ibid., 407, 457. Along with the reputation of the jurist, other factors determining fees were the intricacies and significance of the matter, the usual costs charged in the area where the lawyer practiced, and the wealth of the client; ibid., 457–58. The legal opinion requested by a judge was known as the consilium iudiciale; it was “usually written quickly under pressure of a deadline”; Pazzaglini, Peter R. and Hawks, Catherine A., Consilia: A Bibliography of Holdings in the Library of Congress and Certain Other Collections in the United States (Washington, DC, 1990), xiii.Google Scholar

82 Brundage, , Medieval Origins of the Legal Profession , 457. The litigation documents of the conflict between Reichenau and Söflingen state that the parties would pay for Rudolf of Ercingen's opinion; Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U193: Appendix Two, lines 922–25. The payment was referred to as the salarium sapienlis; Pazzaglini and Hawks, Consilia, xvi.Google Scholar

83 Consilia enabled a judge “to achieve greater impartiality, expedite justice, and decrease the number of appeals from his court”; Makowski, Elizabeth, “A Pernicious Sort of Woman“ (n. 27 above), 74. The legal expert would frame the argument to support his client's position without misrepresenting the law. It was, however, possible for a iurisperitus to disagree with his own prior views when employed by a client, as Makowski demonstrates for Panormitanus; ibid., 81–87. Even popes asked for consilia to aid them with sticky situations; ibid., 72–74. For an example of the use of consilia solicited against the actions of a pope, in this case in the conflict between Sixtus IV and Lorenzo de' Medici, see Pennington, Kenneth, The Prince and the Law, 1200–1600: Sovereignty and Rights in the Western Legal Tradition (Berkeley, CA, 1993), 238–68.Google Scholar

84 Appendix Two, lines 540–71: Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U187 (24 September 1311). The Romano-canonical procedure of the courts insisted on “formal written documents at every stage”; Brundage, , Medieval Origins of the Legal Profession , 489. Reliance on them is evident throughout this case.Google Scholar

85 Interlocutoria, or preliminary sentences, address objections to a case before the trial phase, litis contestatio, would begin; ibid., 432. Cf. Schlinker, Steffen, “Die prozessuale Funktion der sententia interlocutoria im spätmittelalterlichen gelehrten Zivilprozess,” Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Kanonistische Abteilung 96 (2010): 152–85.Google Scholar

86 Appendix Two, lines 572–739: Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U188 (20 October 1311).Google Scholar

87 Ibid., B509 U186 (20 September 1311): edited below, Appendix Two, lines 970–76, 1022–24.Google Scholar

88 Potthast, August, ed., Regesta Pontificum Romanorum inde ab anno post Christum natum MCXCVIII ad annum MCCCIV , 2 vols. (Berlin, 1874–75), no. 24213 (11 November 1295); cited in Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U186: Appendix Two, lines 977–1000.Google Scholar

89 Ibid., lines 1001–21: Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U186. Clement's letter is dated 21 July 1306.Google Scholar

90 Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U188: Appendix Two, lines 627–60. The papal letter is dated 28 July 1247.Google Scholar

91 Ibid., lines 676–709: Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U188. Innocent IV's letter (Potthast, 12620) is dated 24 July 1247.Google Scholar

92 Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U188: Appendix Two, lines 594–626.Google Scholar

93 Ibid., lines 724–39, 661–75: Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U188. Alexander IV's first letter ( Ulmisches Urkundenbuch , ed. Pressel, Friedrich [Stuttgart, 1873], 1:106–7; Potthast, 17388) is dated 10 October 1258; the second (ed. Wirtembergisches Urkundenbuch V: 1253–1260 [Stuttgart, 1889], 277), 8 November 1258. In similar fashion, the convent of St. Clare de Longe Marche (by Ypres) received a privilege from Alexander IV dated 9 March 1260, which confirmed that the nuns continued to enjoy all their papal concessions after the community moved to a new location: Bullarium Franscisanum 2, ed. Sbaralea, Giovanni (Rome, 1759; repr. Assisi, 1983), 289; Potthast, 17193. Two years earlier (20 February 1258), the house was called the convent of St. Mary: Bullarium Francisanum 2:279.Google Scholar

94 Appendix Two, lines 710–23: Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U188. Alexander IV's letter (ed. Ulmisches Urkundenbuch 1, 100–101; Potthast, 16776) is of 11 March 1257.Google Scholar

95 The Trent archives include a letter addressed to all the “Enclosed Abbesses and Nuns of the Order of St. Damian”; it freed them from being called to court unless the summons mentioned this privilege and their order affiliation; Eccher, Luciana, Documentazione papale in archivi trentini tra XII e XIII secolo (Bologna, 2010), 97–99. The concession, granted by Innocent IV, is dated 25 May 1244; ibid., 97. In a papal missive of 1 February 1255, the convent of Paradies in Constance was granted a concession preventing it from being summoned to court outside its own diocese: Bullarium Franciscanum 2:14. In the same year, on 20 April, the sisters of St. Thomas at Heiligenberg received a privilege like Söflingen's. They were freed from being called to court unless the summons mentioned this concession and their order affiliation; ibid., 37. Another such papal letter was obtained by the convent of Sant'Angelo in Ascoli Piceno in 1256; ibid., 149. Alexander IV offered the privilege to the entire order on 20 September 1257 or 1258; ibid., 133–34.Google Scholar

96 In medieval Romano-canonical procedure, parties had to swear the calumny oath at the beginning of the trial phase, the litis contestatio; Brundage, , Medieval Origins of the Legal Profession (n. 37 above), 28–29, 158. The oath was “essentially a sworn affirmation of the litigants' faith in their cause”; Helmholz, Spirit of Classical Canon Law (n. 66 above), 153. Proctor Ulrich mentions the calumny oath and the oath de veritate dicenda. The latter was meant to compel a person to tell the truth; ibid., 155.Google Scholar

97 Appendix Two, lines 1041–57: Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U189 (20 October 1311).Google Scholar

98 Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U190: printed below, Appendix Two, lines 743–62.Google Scholar

99 Ibid., lines 762–83: Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U190.Google Scholar

100 Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U190: Appendix Two, lines 783–89.Google Scholar

101 As in his triplicatio, Proctor Rudolf did not necessarily concede that a hearing took place earlier at Constance. Instead, he used the sisters' allegations about a previous suit to demonstrate that they misused their privilege not once, but twice.Google Scholar

102 Ibid., lines 789–95: Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U190. In the triplicatio mentioned here, Proctor Ulrich had already brought up this argument about the sisters' misuse of their privilege; see n. 70 above.Google Scholar

103 Appendix Two, lines 795–803: Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U190. The adversary did in fact have the right to inspect the original of documents presented to the court; Brundage, , Medieval Origins of the Legal Profession , 439.Google Scholar

104 Appendix Two, lines 803–25: Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U190.Google Scholar

105 Oaths could be requested when other evidence was lacking, and a judge could ask either the plaintiff or defendant to swear one; Helmholz, , Spirit of Classical Canon Law , 149, 157–58. Litigants could challenge their opponent to take it, switching the burden of proof to the other side.Google Scholar

106 Appendix Two, lines 825–36: Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U190.Google Scholar

107 Reichenau's protests against Söflingen's concessions and the requested oath, ibid., do not have a date. The next legal record in the series by date, ibid., B509 U191, recounts that the judges heard this response to the privileges and petition of Söflingen on 23 November 1311. The date had been set in response to Proctor Ulrich's request for a calumny oath, n. 97 above. The judges also fixed a new date for the parties to meet again in Zurich, 11 December 1311: ibid., B509 U191, see Appendix Two, lines 837–58.Google Scholar

108 Ibid., lines 866–71: Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U192.Google Scholar

109 Ibid.: edited below, Appendix Two, lines 871–74.Google Scholar

110 Ibid., lines 874–89. Proctor Ulrich then (ibid., lines 889–91) brought up the issue of the unborn: since transactions could be made in the name of someone not yet in existence, a transcript had to be valid even if copied in the absence of certain people. For legal commentary on the rights of the fetus, cf. Lefebvre-Teillard, Anne, “Infans conceptus: Existence physique et existence juridique,” Revue historique de droit français et étranger 72 (1994): 499–525.Google Scholar

111 Appendix Two, lines 891–94: Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U192.Google Scholar

112 Ibid.: Appendix Two, lines 894–909. Proctor Ulrich presented this argument on 11 December 1311.Google Scholar

113 Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U193 (11 December 1311): Appendix Two, lines 910–29.Google Scholar

114 Ibid., lines 1058–82: Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U194 (22 December 1311).Google Scholar

115 See the judges' preliminary decision, ibid., B509 U195: Appendix Two, lines 930–69. Judges routinely audited the costs associated with the legal case before them (the costs being presented by the parties involved). Then they asked each legal representative under oath what he deemed the amount to be; Brundage, , Medieval Origins of the Legal Profession (n. 37 above), 336–37.Google Scholar

116 Ibid., 161. The appellant had to notify the court and the adversarial party with a libellus appellationis. He also needed letters dismissory from the judges, detailing for the appellate judge the matter, judgment, and basis for the appeal; Brundage, , Medieval Origins of the Legal Profession , 451–52.Google Scholar

117 Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U196: Appendix Two, lines 1107–54.Google Scholar

118 Ibid., lines 1155–65. The witnesses present on 22 February 1312, when Proctor Ulrich gave his statement of appeal to Cantor Rinwin, included four Franciscan friars, Lector Henry, John of Diessenhoven, Henry of Buochorn, and Rudolf called Trembelli, as well as a canon from Zurich, Rudegerus of Kloten (Rütger von Kloten). Rütger, the son of the knight Wilhelm of Kloten, appears in the Zurich records from 1306, and died on 30 December 1322; Meyer, , Zürich und Rom (n. 35 above), 483. The notice of appeal was delivered to the treasurer of Zurich with the same friars in attendance as well as canon Rudolf of Ercingen (who acted as an assessor in the process), Jacob Rufi (the notary who composed the parchment roll), and Marquardus Gnuerser (Marquard Gnürser). The latter may have studied in Bologna, and is first found as a canon in Beromünster in 1299. He was active in Zurich from 1306, and died on 20 August 1328; ibid., 435.Google Scholar

119 Appendix Two, lines 1166–1212: Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U197 (14 March 1312). When judges disapproved of an appeal in the letters dimissory, as they did here, the letters are called apostoli refutatorii. Letters dimissory supported by the issuing court officials are called apostoli reverentiales; Brundage, , Medieval Origins of the Legal Profession , 452.Google Scholar

120 Appendix Two, lines 1–11: Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U198 (18 March 1312). The (modern) numbering of the documents (U175–98) is chronological, but their order of appearance in Rufi's roll is not.Google Scholar

121 The original letter concerning the creation of the papal commission is no longer extant, but it was noted in the 1660 register of documents kept by Söflingen, now in Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 Bü 26.Google Scholar

122 The vidimus reads: “Venerabili domino suo Diethelmo abbati maioris Augie Iohannes prepositus in insula et Liuprandus viceplebanus in Ulma reverentiam debitam cum salute. Vestris perlectis literis et perspectis instrumentum dominarum in Sevelingen examinavimus sicut mandastis in quo invenimus decimas tam maiores quam minutas in Sevelingen, in Buzzental et in Harthusen sibi traditas et delatas a predecessoribus vestris domino Alberto abbate cum consensu totius capituli et conventus et domini episcopi Constantiensis, confirmatione qua tria sigilla vidimus, legimus superscriptionem et palpavimus presente Hartmanno procuratore sororum. Et omnia invenimus integra et in nulla sui parte in aliquo viciata. In cuius rei testimonium presentes nostris sigillis transmittimus consignatas. Datum Ulme, in festo sancti Urbani martyri” (25 May 1312); Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U200.Google Scholar

123 Cf. Ulmisches Urkundenbuch 1:139–40.Google Scholar

124 Quovis ingenio vel dolore: ibid., 1, no. 261; Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U201. Over a period of forty years, a religious institution could “gain or lose rights through prescription”; Pennington, , Pope and Bishops (n. 39 above), 167.Google Scholar

125 Ulmisches Urkundenbuch 1, no. 261; Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U201: the original document is digitized and accessible online through the website of the Staatsarchiv.Google Scholar

126 “Diethelmus Dei gratia abbas monasterii Augie Maioris ordinis sancti Benedicti Constantiensis dyocesis totusque conventus monasterii eiusdem omnibus Christi fidelibus presentes litteras inspecturis subscriptorum notitiam cum salute. Cum in Christo dilecte … abbatissa et conventus sororum in Sevelingen ordinis sancte Clare dicte dyocesis orationum suarum meritis quibus Domino deserviunt per virtutum taliter resplendeant incrementa ut digne mereantur gratiosis etiam bonorum temporalium subsidiis consolari augmenta suorum processuum quantum possumus promovemus. Sane bone memorie quondam Albertus abbas monasterii nostri predicti paupertati compatiens sanctimonialium predictarum requisito et habito omnium et singulorum dicti nostri conventus consensu decimas maiores et minutas in Sevelingen, in Butzental et in Harthusen percipiendas et perpetuo possidendas cum consensu et auctoritate pie recordationis quondam domini Eberhardi Constantiensis ecclesie episcopi pure, libere et sine conditione qualibet, ut divinis liberius vacarent obsequiis, sollempniter quondam donavit, in vicissitudinem illius munificentie a dictis sanctimonialibus et ipsarum monasterio centum marcas argenti puri et legalis ponderis usualis sine pactione qualibet gratis oblatas recipiens convertendas per eundem quondam abbatem atque conversas in solutionem gravium debitorum quibus nostrum monasterium multipliciter laborabat”; Karlsruhe, Generallandesarchiv 5 Nr. 20209 (Miller: B509 U202a).Google Scholar

127 “The ius ad rem petendam is a right which asserts a claim upon something, while the ius in re designates a fully exercisable right.” Benson, Robert L., The Bishop-Elect: A Study in Medieval Ecclesiastical Office (Princeton, 1968), 133. Distinguishing between a right that was “potential and suspended” (ad rem) and a right that was “actual and effective” (in re) originated in the debate over the powers of the bishop-elect; ibid., 142, 117.Google Scholar

128 Karlsruhe, Generallandesarchiv 5 Nr. 20209 (Miller: B509 U202a): “Cum igitur abbatissam, sorores et ipsarum monasterium desideremus semper impensis sibi beneficiis prosperari secundum predecessorum nostrorum predictam sicut tenemur favorabiliter prosequentes donationem decimarum predictarum premissam, tractatu sollempni non semel sed pluries invicem prehabito diligenti presertim cum invenerimus monasterium in Sevelingen predictum easdem decimas ex causa donationis prescripte per quadraginta annos et ultra pacifice tenuisse, percepisse et etiam possedisse ratificamus et presentibus approbamus ius quoque quod penes nos vel nostrum monasterium post donationem sepedicti quondam abbatis predictam in predictis decimis, possessione vel earundem perceptione seu ad easdem decimas quocumque modo permansit, quesitum fuit, competit aut competiit donationis titulo, ut prelibatum monasterium in Sevelingen etiam per subventionem nostram in rebus temporalibus recipiat incrementum, cedimus, transferimus et pleno iure de consensu et auctoritate venerabilis in Christo patris ac domini G. Dei gratia Constantiensis episcopi transferimus in monasterium <in> Sevelingen prenotatum et promittimus per sollempnem stipulationem fratri … capellano sindico seu procuratori monasterii in Sevelingen nomine eiusdem monasterii stipulanti nos et successores nostros obligando, quod donationes, translationes, ratificationes et approbationes predictarum decimarum prescriptas quotiens et quando ex parte monasterii in Sevelingen fuerimus requisiti procurabimus per nostros nuntios, procuratores, sindicos, litteras et sigilla et bona fide faciemus sumptibus tamen et expensis monasterii in Sevelingen per sedem apostolicam approbari et etiam confirmari.” In their own letter, dated a few days after this document, the sisters promised that if they wished to obtain a confirmation of the tithes, they would reimburse Reichenau for any resulting costs: “Omnibus Christi fidelibus presentes litteras inspecturis divina permissione … abbatissa et conventus monasterii in Sevelingen ordinis sancte Clare Constantiensis dyocesis orationes in Domino cum notitia subscriptorum. Noverint quos nosse fuerit oportunum quod nos venerabilibus in Christo Diethelmo Dei gratia abbati et conventui monasterii Augie Maioris ac successoribus ipsorum de dampnis, si qua pretextu confirmationis donationis decimarum nobis et nostro monasterio per eosdem abbatem et ipsorum monasterium facte per sedem apostolicam faciende eosdem abbatem et conventum monasterii Augie Maioris aut quoscumque ipsorum successores incurrere contigerit, plenarie et integraliter satisfacere tenemur. Eadem dampna ipsis cum effectu refundendo dictosque abbatem et conventum ac ipsorum successores seu monasterium ab huiusmodi dampnis omnino et sine dilatione qualibet reddere debemus indempnes. Ad hoc nos et nostrum monasterium per sollempnem stipulationem ac sub ypoteca omnium bonorum nostri monasterii presentibus sollempniter obligamus. In cuius facti testimonium et robur ipsis presentes factas sigillis nostris tradimus robore communitas. Datum in monasterio, nostri anno Domini mcccxiii, × kalendas iunii, indictione xi.” Karlsruhe, Generallandesarchiv 5 Nr. 20210 (Miller: B509 U203a) (23 May 1313).+Sevelingen+prenotatum+et+promittimus+per+sollempnem+stipulationem+fratri+…+capellano+sindico+seu+procuratori+monasterii+in+Sevelingen+nomine+eiusdem+monasterii+stipulanti+nos+et+successores+nostros+obligando,+quod+donationes,+translationes,+ratificationes+et+approbationes+predictarum+decimarum+prescriptas+quotiens+et+quando+ex+parte+monasterii+in+Sevelingen+fuerimus+requisiti+procurabimus+per+nostros+nuntios,+procuratores,+sindicos,+litteras+et+sigilla+et+bona+fide+faciemus+sumptibus+tamen+et+expensis+monasterii+in+Sevelingen+per+sedem+apostolicam+approbari+et+etiam+confirmari.”+In+their+own+letter,+dated+a+few+days+after+this+document,+the+sisters+promised+that+if+they+wished+to+obtain+a+confirmation+of+the+tithes,+they+would+reimburse+Reichenau+for+any+resulting+costs:+“Omnibus+Christi+fidelibus+presentes+litteras+inspecturis+divina+permissione+…+abbatissa+et+conventus+monasterii+in+Sevelingen+ordinis+sancte+Clare+Constantiensis+dyocesis+orationes+in+Domino+cum+notitia+subscriptorum.+Noverint+quos+nosse+fuerit+oportunum+quod+nos+venerabilibus+in+Christo+Diethelmo+Dei+gratia+abbati+et+conventui+monasterii+Augie+Maioris+ac+successoribus+ipsorum+de+dampnis,+si+qua+pretextu+confirmationis+donationis+decimarum+nobis+et+nostro+monasterio+per+eosdem+abbatem+et+ipsorum+monasterium+facte+per+sedem+apostolicam+faciende+eosdem+abbatem+et+conventum+monasterii+Augie+Maioris+aut+quoscumque+ipsorum+successores+incurrere+contigerit,+plenarie+et+integraliter+satisfacere+tenemur.+Eadem+dampna+ipsis+cum+effectu+refundendo+dictosque+abbatem+et+conventum+ac+ipsorum+successores+seu+monasterium+ab+huiusmodi+dampnis+omnino+et+sine+dilatione+qualibet+reddere+debemus+indempnes.+Ad+hoc+nos+et+nostrum+monasterium+per+sollempnem+stipulationem+ac+sub+ypoteca+omnium+bonorum+nostri+monasterii+presentibus+sollempniter+obligamus.+In+cuius+facti+testimonium+et+robur+ipsis+presentes+factas+sigillis+nostris+tradimus+robore+communitas.+Datum+in+monasterio,+nostri+anno+Domini+mcccxiii,+×+kalendas+iunii,+indictione+xi.”+Karlsruhe,+Generallandesarchiv+5+Nr.+20210+(Miller:+B509+U203a)+(23+May+1313).>Google Scholar

129 Karlsruhe, Generallandesarchiv 5 Nr. 20209 (Miller: B509 U202a): “Verum quia abbatissa et conventus memorate nos et nostrum monasterium oneribus debitorum senserant usurariis gravibus pergravatos virtute liberalitatis nunc a nobis et a predecessoribus nostris sibi et ipsarum monasterio exhibite in decimis antedictis nobis et monasterio nostro predicto respondere cupientes ad solvendum debita nostra predicta centum marcas argenti puri et legalis ponderis predicti nobis sponte et liberaliter refunderunt, quas in eorundem debitorum solutionem iam conversas presentibus profitemur tenore presentium eisdem abbatisse et conventui concedentes, quatenus pretaxatas decimas cum omni iure quo per nos seu predecessores nostros in eas sunt translate ad personam aliam vel alias, ecclesiam vel collegium transferre possint, in quam vel ad quas de iure transcribi poterint vel transferri. Renunciamus insuper pro nobis et nostris successoribus universis omni actioni et exceptioni doli mali, restitutioni in integrum, litteris seu indulgentiis a sede apostolica vel aliunde impetratis seu etiam impetrandis et generaliter omni auxilio iuris et facti, quibus mediis premissa vel ipsorum aliquod per nos vel successores nostros retractari, impeti, cassari possit vel quomodolibet violari, promittentes nichilominus quod deinceps per nos nec nostros successores monasterium in Sevelingen super predictis decimis nec ipsarum parte quacumque ullo umquam tempore litem vel controversiam coram iudicibus ordinariis, a sede apostolica vel aliis quibuscumque delegatis non movebimus nec inferimus nec inferenti vel inferentibus consentiemus, sed ipsas decimas monasterii in Sevelingen iuxta donationes et translationes premissas ab omni persona legitime defendemus quodque premissa omnia et singula rata, firma et grata tenebimus nec contra ea per nos aut per alios faciemus vel veniemus quovis ingenio, de iure vel de facto sub pena ducentarum marcarum argenti ponderis prenotati, si contra premissa per nos aut successores nostros factum vel ventum fuerit de bonis monasterii nostri predicti monasterio in Sevelingen sub ypotheca omnium bonorum eiusdem monasterii nostri integraliter persolvenda.” Google Scholar

130 Ibid.: “Ut autem premissa omnia firma inviolabiliter perpetuo perseverent, presentes litteras sigillis venerabilis patris domini G. Constantiensis episcopi predicti et nostris tradimus patenter communitas abbatisse et conventui ac monasterio in Sevelingen memoratis nos Gerhardus Dei gratia Constantiensis ecclesie episcopus predictus ad petitionum abbatis et conventus predictorum in premissorum testimonium et evidentiam auctoritatis et consensus per nos sollempniter premissis adhiberi sigillum nostrum duximus presentibus appendendum. Nos abbatissa et conventus monasterii in Sevelingen sepefati sigilla nostra presentibus appendimus in testimonium omnium premissorum. Datum et actum in Augia Maiori presentibus viris sapientibus magistro Hainrico de Sancto Gallo canonico ecclesie sancti Iohannis ecclesie Constantiensis, Ber. de Salunstain plebano ecclesie sancti Iohannis insule Augidi, Conrado de Ruedellingin rectore ecclesie in Ostra, Iohanne notario nostro rectore ecclesie in Muelhain dicto de Westersteten milite, Kraftone dicto Schriber, B. in Ulma, Iohanne dicto Schoenenstain in Petridomo, Hartmanno de Ruedelingin procuratore nostro in Ulma et aliis quamplurimis fidedignis, anno Domini mcccxiii, xv kalendas iunii, indictione xi.” Google Scholar

131 Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U203: digitized and accessible online through the website of the Staatsarchiv; printed in Ulmisches Urkundenbuch 1:324–25 (no. 262).Google Scholar

132 We only learn this abbot's name in the final confirmation of the agreement: Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U212/212a; see n. 137.Google Scholar

133 Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U 205: digitized and accessible online through the website of the Staatsarchiv; ed. Ulmisches Urkundenbuch 1, no. 265; Bündner Urkundenbuch 4, 1304–1327 , ed. Clavadetscher, Otto (Chur, 2001), no. 2039.Google Scholar

134 Sifrid, or Siegfried, of Gelnhausen was bishop of Chur from 1298 to 1321; Simonett, , Geschichte der Stadt Chur (n. 38 above), 140. He also held the benefice of the chaplaincy of Castle Gelnhausen; ibid.Google Scholar

135 Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U210: digitized and accessible online through the website of the Staatsarchiv; ed. Ulmisches Urkundenbuch 2, ed. Veesenmeyer, Gustav and Bazing, Hugo (Ulm, 1898), no. 9; Bündner Urkundenbuch 4, no. 2112.Google Scholar

136 Two copies of this confirmation in the Staatsarchiv Ludwigsburg have slight differences between them, hence the signature B509 U212/212a. It is a lengthy document including the agreement between the parties (ibid., B509 U201), twice the papal letter to the bishop of Chur, once as found ibid., B509 U205, and the two letters from the bishop of Chur to the abbot of the monastery of the Scots in Constance (ibid., B509 U205 and B509 U210.) Google Scholar

137 Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U212/212a: digitized and accessible online through the website of the Staatsarchiv; ed. Ulmisches Urkundenbuch 2, no. 11; Bündner Urkundenbuch 4, no. 2117.Google Scholar

138 The witnesses swore to the following, ibid.: “Intendunt probare … abbatissa et conventus monasterii in Sevelingen quod inter honorabilem in Christo … abbatem et conventum monasterii Augie Maioris et monasterium in Sevelingen diversis temporibus coram bone memorie … rectore ecclesie in Dietikon, custode Constantiensis ecclesie et nunc … custode ecclesie prepositure Thuricensis causas et lites super decimis in Sevelingen, in Butzental et in Harthusen auctoritate litterarum apostolicarum tamquam coram iudicibus delegatis moverunt longo tempore. Item quod in eisdem causis et litibus hinc et inde graves expense facte fuerunt ab utrisque partibus. Item quod monasterium in Sevelingen predictum notorie et manifeste bona fide ante tempus earundem causarum quiete et pacifice sine motione litis decimas predictas titulo pro suo tenuerant et possederant spacio longi seu longissimi temporis quadraginta videlicet annis. Item quod usque ad tempus mote litis causarum predictarum voce et fama publica communiter etiam opinione communi predicte decime habebantur et credebantur esse et pertinere monasterio in Sevelingen supradicto.” Such factual assertions requiring confirmation by sworn witnesses were known as articuli; Brundage, , Medieval Origins of the Legal Profession (n. 37 above), 158.Google Scholar

139 One of the witnesses who said that he acted as an advocate in the process at Constance was Wernherus of Rinegge (Werner of Rheineck), a canon of the church of St. Stephan in Constance. He was also Söflingen's proctor at Zurich where he was described as the rector of the church of Tornbuerren (Dornbirn); n. 46 above. The other witness calling himself an advocate before the court at Constance was Master Heinricus of St. Gall, who was described as a canon of the church of St. John of Constance. He was also one of the witnesses to Reichenau's statement about the tithes that was issued after the agreement between the parties; cf. n. 130 above. Heinrich lived from 1285 to 1332 and was a member of a prominent Constance family: Chartularium Sangallense (n. 41 above), 204, no. 2791. During the proceedings at Zurich, Heinrich acted as an assessor appointed by the judges on behalf of Reichenau; n. 80 above. It is not clear whom he represented during the litigation at Constance. It may be noted that the legal representatives in Constance refer to themselves as advocates, while those in Zurich called themselves proctors. Werner of Rheineck is, in fact, called an advocate in one place and a proctor in the other.Google Scholar

140 There were only two other witnesses from Söflingen whose form of employment was noted. One was a fisherman (piscator), and one was an estate official (magister agriculture); two witnesses from Ermingen provided testimony, and three from Ehrenstein, including Sifridus scultetus, or schultheiss in German, “a mayor or other chief magistrate of a village,” or “a lord's bailiff in a city.” Nicholas, David, The Growth of the Medieval City: From Late Antiquity to the Early Fourteenth Century (London, 1997), 326. The exact location of these communities can be found in Map B, Appendix One.Google Scholar

141 Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U212/212a (16 September 1317); cf. n. 137 above.Google Scholar

142 “Et omnia invenimus integra et in nulla sui parte in aliquo viciata”; cf. n. 122 above.Google Scholar

143 Ulmisches Urkundenbuch 1:139–40.Google Scholar

144 The losing side in a legal contest was also liable for the expenses incurred by the winner; Brundage, , Medieval Origins of the Legal Profession , 336. Travel and lodging fees related to a case could become a significant part of the cost of doing legal business; Brundage, James A., “Profits of the Law: Legal Fees of University-Trained Advocates,” American Journal of Legal History 32 (1988): 1–15, at 15.Google Scholar

145 The treasurer is described this way in Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U180; ibid., U181; ibid., U192: Appendix Two, lines 174, 263, 898.Google Scholar

146 Reichenau's proctor, in his rejection of the calumny oath, asserted that judges are rarely permitted to compel a litigant to swear an oath on the veracity of a particular point in his testimony; ibid., B509 U190: Appendix Two, lines 825–30.Google Scholar

147 Fowler, Linda, “Recusatio Iudicis in Civilian and Canonist Thought,” Studia Gratiana 15 (1972): 717–85, at 757, 761. Rejecting one's judge ordinary was more difficult than refusing a delegated judge; ibid., 721.Google Scholar

148 Ibid., 720, 746, 748.Google Scholar

149 Brundage, James A., “Taxation of Costs in Medieval Canonical Courts,” in Forschungen zur Reichs-, Papst- und Landesgeschichte: Peter Herde zum 65. Geburtstag , ed. Borchardt, Karl and Bünz, Enno (Stuttgart, 1998), 572.Google Scholar

150 The “private letters” were mentioned in Reichenau's rejection of the papal privileges and calumny oath; Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U190: Appendix Two, line 819.Google Scholar

151 Legal theorists agreed with the proposition that the pope ultimately decided over the validity of privileges; Helmholz, , The Spirit of Classical Canon Law (n. 66 above), 311–38. To my knowledge, no historian has studied the role of papal privileges in suits such as the one between Reichenau and Söflingen.Google Scholar

152 Werner of Rheineck served as a legal representative in both suits; see the confirmation hearing where, as a witness, he swore that he was an advocate in the Constance proceedings as well, n. 139 above.Google Scholar

153 Heinrich of St. Gall was also an advocate in the earlier case at Constance, as he testified in the confirmation hearing (n. 139 above), but it is unclear whom he represented there. Walterus Kloker (Appendix Two, line 528) and Walterus Glogger (ibid., line 1078) are very likely the same person, acting as assessor for both Söflingen and Reichenau at different times in the process at Zurich. There was a canon named Walter Klocker at St. Stephan's in Constance from 1300 to 1325; Chartularium Sangallense (n. 41 above), 204 (no. 2791).Google Scholar

154 Frank, , Das Klarissenkloster Söflingen (n. 1 above), 43. Along with the bishop of Constance, the bishops of Bamberg, Strasbourg, and Regensburg, and the archbishop of Mainz were also appointed to protect the sisters.Google Scholar

155 Ibid., 42.Google Scholar

156 The diocesan boundaries of Augsburg had developed by the early ninth century and remained basically unchanged until the early nineteenth century; Zoepfl, Friedrich, Das Bistum Augsburg und seine Bischöfe im Mittelalter (Munich, 1955), 26. To the west, Augsburg's boundary with the neighboring diocese of Constance ran, in part, along the Iller river from Ulm to Kempten; ibid., 11.Google Scholar

157 Kreutzer, Thomas, Verblichener Glanz: Adel und Reform in der Abtei Reichenau im Spätmittelalter (Stuttgart, 2008), 212.Google Scholar

158 Spicker-Beck, Monika, Klosterinsel Reichenau: Kultur und Erbe (Stuttgart, 2001), 27.Google Scholar

159 Gröber, Conrad, Die Reichenau (Karlsruhe, 1938), 6.Google Scholar

160 Spicker-Beck, , Klosterinsel Reichenau , 50.Google Scholar

161 Ibid. The special status of the monastery was often expressed in the formula: “monasterium Augie Maioris ad Romanam ecclesiam nullo medio pertinens”; Kreutzer, , Verblichener Glanz , 203. It was also used in the rescript Reichenau obtained against Söflingen; Appendix Two, lines 19–20.Google Scholar

162 Kreutzer, , Verblichener Glanz , 23, 213. Diethelm of Castell, abbot from 1305/6 to 1342, was the cousin of Bishop Heinrich. He was a member of the lower nobility, while his monks all stemmed from the higher nobility. He began a program of reform that was not popular; ibid., 1, 24, 259–60.Google Scholar

163 Kreutzer maintains that Diethelm had good relations with Pope Clement V, who reconfirmed the monastery's privileges, and Emperors Albert I and Henry VII; ibid., 204, 260. The latter reconfirmed ninth-century privileges granted to Reichenau in 1310 and 1312 in the city of Zurich; ibid., 261. Kreutzer also suggests that, in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, neither Reichenau nor the bishopric of Constance had enough power to dominate the other; ibid., 213.Google Scholar

164 The case against St. Katharinenthal is mentioned in Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U178: Appendix Two, lines 33–40, in Kraft von Toggenburg's notice that he is leaving the hearing to the subdelegated judges, Treasurer Ulrich and Cantor Rinwin. Kreutzer notes that the monastery was involved in several legal battles over its rights with members of the nobility (and Söflingen) during Diethelm's abbacy; Kreutzer, , Verblichener Glanz , 263.Google Scholar

165 Spicker-Beck, , Klosterinsel Reichenau , 25. Instead of this pattern of Aufstieg, Blüte und Niedergang, Kreutzer, Verblichener Glanz, 1–3, prefers to use the concept of Wandel (change). The monastery continued to be a power broker in southwest Germany and northern Switzerland because of its property holdings and spiritual prestige; ibid., 12.Google Scholar

166 Gröber, , Die Reichenau , 12–13, mentions legal suits as another problem Reichenau faced at this time. It should be noted that such suits were not necessarily negative events. In the contest with Söflingen, Reichenau received 100 marks after coming to an agreement with its adversary.Google Scholar

167 After the fires, the monks gave up living in community and built and inhabited their own houses on the island; Spicker-Beck, , Klosterinsel Reichenau , 66. The noble monks also gave up the Benedictine habit, wore secular clothing, and took part in entertainments like tournaments; Kreutzer, , Verblichener Glanz, 42. Diethelm rebuilt the common buildings such as the dormitory and refectory and, in 1312, began work on a new palace to function as the abbot's residence; ibid., 43. For a monastery that boasted 70 or 80 monks in its heyday (according to a papal letter of 1239), the number of religious had dwindled to 4 by 1306, rising to 8 by 1314; ibid., 1, 24. Kreutzer defines the successes of Diethelm's abbacy as tighter control of the monastery's property, close ties to the king, and spiritual reform of the community; ibid., 25.Google Scholar

168 Litigants often went to court hoping the case would not come to trial. They used the threat of legal action as a “formidable pressure tactic” to accomplish their goals, which often included out-of-court settlements; Brundage, , Medieval Origins of the Legal Profession (n. 37 above), 445.Google Scholar

169 Why impoverished nuns would have had recourse to 100 marks of silver is not explained. In memory of the donation of the tithes, the sisters were also asked to submit a pound of wax each year; Ulmisches Urkundenbuch (n. 93 above) 1:140. “Gifts” were not necessarily used to conceal other types of economic exchanges; see Constance Brittain Bouchard, Holy Entrepreneurs: Cistercians, Knights and Economic Exchange in Twelfth-Century Burgundy (Ithaca, NY, 1991), 77, 62. Monasteries could openly sell property; ibid., 58, 62. In her study of twelfth-century Cistercian communities, she found that 90% of countergifts were in cash, usually paid in a lump sum, and described as freely given; ibid., 87, 92. The countergift was roughly equal to the value of the property. That the exchange between Reichenau and Söflingen looks like some kind of concealed sale may be because this transaction involved a spiritual good, tithes, the selling of which was open to charges of simony.Google Scholar

170 The earliest limits set on compensation for advocates were established by the Sicilian chancery between 1166 and 1168; Brundage, , “Profits of the Law” (n. 144 above), 12. Pope Gregory X composed guidelines for the reimbursement of advocates and proctors in his constitution entitled Properandum; Brundage, Medieval Origins of the Legal Profession, 301. Brundage notes that the advocate's top fee “substantially exceeded the annual income of about a third of the rural clergy in southern France at the beginning of the fourteenth century, and was far more than the yearly earnings of most peasant families in the diocese of Narbonne”; ibid., 302; Cheyette, Fredric L., Ermengard of Narbonne and the World of the Troubadours (Ithaca, NY, 2001), 303. Top lawyers might be paid eight to twelve times what skilled masons or carpenters received as a daily wage; Brundage, “Profits of the Law,” 14. The pope's fee schedule was not well received by legal representatives in the papal courts, and it was the only canon from the Second Council of Lyon that was not included in the Liber sextus; Brundage, James A., “The Calumny Oath and Ethical Ideals of Canonical Advocates,” in Proceedings of the 9th International Congress of Medieval Canon Law , ed. Landau, Peter and Müller, Jörg (Vatican City, 1997), 801. Examining court documentation from Senlis, it appears that payments to advocates and proctors made up 20–25% of the fees associated with legal suits; Brundage, “Profits of the Law,” 15.Google Scholar

171 Guy Geltner proposes that criticism of the mendicant orders was not just general anticlericalism but rather stemmed from internal calls for reform or was a tactic used by those who “disputed specific privileges granted to the friars, not the order's right to exist.” Geltner, Guy, “Brethren Behaving Badly: A Deviant Approach to Medieval Antifraternalism,” Speculum 85 (2010): 47–64, at 48. This seems to correspond to Reichenau's tactic of charging that the sisters of Söflingen violated their vow of poverty.Google Scholar

172 Wirtembergisches Urkundenbuch VII, 1269–1276 (Stuttgart, 1900), 272.Google Scholar

173 Frank, , Das Klarissenkloster Söflingen (n. 1 above), 9, 34, 58–60.Google Scholar

174 Current scholarship recognizes that the management of property by male and female religious communities was the same in many regards; Berman, Constance, “New Light on the Economic Practices of Cistercian Women's Communities,” Medieval Feminist Forum 41 (2006): 75–87, at 79. No evidence exists that religious women were less successful administering their own resources or hiring individuals with the necessary expertise to do so; ibid., 81.Google Scholar

175 Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U161: digitized and accessible online through the website of the Staatsarchiv; ed. Ulmisches Urkundenbuch 1:165 (no. 229); cf. Frank, , Das Klarissenkloster Söflingen, 63, 73.Google Scholar

176 Ludwigsburg, B509 U163: digitized and accessible through the website of the Staatsarchiv; cf. Frank, , Das Klarissenkloster Söflingen , 282–87.Google Scholar

177 Frank assumes that the decision went in Söflingen's favor but does not explain his reason; ibid., 68.Google Scholar

178 Ibid., 70; Ulmisches Urkundenbuch 2:83, 231, 465–68.Google Scholar

179 The term “juristische Raffinesse” was used by the Söflingen scholar Karl Suso Frank to describe Reichenau's argument; Frank, , Das Klarissenkloster Söflingen , 69.Google Scholar

180 In a similar vein, Daniel Lord Smail has argued that notarial culture had the most influence in the creation of surnames and more specific “addresses” in medieval Marseilles; Imaginary Cartographies: Possession and Identity in Late Medieval Marseilles (Ithaca, NY, 2000), 224–25. Smail describes “communities of knowledge” in which people did not require detailed descriptions of either individuals or places. In the later Middle Ages, when mobility increased, such “communities” no longer functioned effectively; ibid., 26–27. It was not the state or Church that initiated greater uniformity and categorization, but “local interests” involved in mundane business transactions; ibid., 223–24.Google Scholar

181 While resistance to the pastoral care of women by the Friars Minor is routinely highlighted in the secondary literature, connections to female communities often benefitted the friars materially. In Ulm, the sisters of Söflingen accepted donations on behalf of the friars who were not allowed to have income or property by themselves. According to a donation made to Söflingen, proceeds from a certain farm were to be shared with the friars; Ulmisches Urkundenbuch 1:227–29; Frank, , Das Klarissenkloster Söflingen, 40. In Basel, nuns fulfilled the same role for the mendicants; Bernhard Neidiger, Mendikanten zwischen Ordensideal und städtischer Realität: Untersuchungen zum wirtschaftlichen Verhalten der Bettelorden in Basel (Berlin, 1981), 92–98. In effect, the women acted as property or income managers for the friars.Google Scholar

182 Lawyers came to terms with these issues in the fourteenth century and concluded that quasi- or semi-religious women did not deserve the benefits of true religious; Makowski, , “A Pernicious Sort of Woman” (n. 27 above).Google Scholar

183 Andrews, Frances, The Early Humiliati (Cambridge, 1999), 2, 65.Google Scholar

184 Johag, Helga, Die Beziehungen zwischen Klerus und Bürgerschaft in Köln zwischen 1250 und 1350 (Bonn, 1977), 143–44.Google Scholar

185 This ceremony was recorded in a charter dated 1250; Die Kölner Schreinsbücher des 13. und 14. Jahrhunderts , ed. Planitz, Hans and Buyken, Thea (Weimar, 1937), 110.Google Scholar

186 Cardauns, Hermann, “Rheinische Urkunden des 13. Jahrhunderts,” Annalen des historischen Vereins für den Niederrhein 38 (1882): 31.Google Scholar

187 Urkundenbuch der Reichsstadt Frankfurt , ed. Lau, Friedrich and Böhmer, Johann F. (Frankfurt am Main, 1901), no. 935; Ulm, Stadtarchiv Kloster A, A [7110].Google Scholar

188 For example, Grundmann, , Religious Movements (n. 8 above), 75; Simons, , Cities of Ladies (n. 13 above), 48.Google Scholar

189 Rubin, Miri, Corpus Christi: The Eucharist in Late Medieval Culture (Cambridge, 1991), 42; Galloway, , “Neither Miraculous nor Astonishing” (n. 14 above), 115–16; Ulm, , Stadtarchiv A Urk 1350 Nov. 24.Google Scholar

190 Makowski, , “A Pernicious Sort of Woman,” xxix.Google Scholar

191 Mueller, , Privilege of Poverty (n. 30 above), 19.Google Scholar

192 Ibid., 39–40.Google Scholar

193 This claim was reprised in 1484 when the convent was reformed against the wishes of the abbess and sisters; Frank, , Das Klarissenkloster Söflingen (n. 1 above), 97–98.Google Scholar

194 Makowski, , Canon Law and Cloistered Women (n. 26 above), 9–10.Google Scholar

195 Ibid., 31, 34–36, 115–16, 119.Google Scholar

196 Caroline Bruzelius argues that the demands of claustration meant that women belonging to the Order of St. Clare could not see the Mass clearly until widespread devotion to the Eucharist changed the manner in which the choir was situated; Bruzelius, Caroline, “Hearing is Believing: Clarissan Architecture, ca. 1213–1340,” Gesta 31 (1992): 83–91, at 83. For a discussion of enclosed space as a means by which nuns developed their own spirituality, see Ehrenschwendtner, Marie-Luise, “Creating the Sacred Space Within: Enclosure as a Defining Feature in the Convent Life of Medieval Dominican Sisters,” Viator 41 (2010): 301–16, at 303–7.Google Scholar

197 Lindgren, Erika Lauren, Sensual Encounters: Monastic Women and Spirituality in Medieval Germany (New York, 2009).Google Scholar

198 By the second half of the fourteenth century, legal opinion about beguines and other semi-religious women was “shaped by the work of Johannes Andreae” who came to this conclusion; Makowski, , “A Pernicious Sort of Woman,” 50. Johannes Andreae was author of the Ordinary Gloss to the collection of papal decretals known as the Clementines. Google Scholar

199 The privilegium fori protected the cleric from being summoned to (criminal) lay courts, the privilegium immunitatis exempted clerics from ordinary lay impositions; see Génestal, Robert, Le privilegium fori en France du Décret de Gratien à la fin du XIV^e siècle (Paris, 1921); Gabel, Leona C., Benefit of Clergy in England in the Later Middle Ages (Northampton, MA, 1929).Google Scholar

200 In mid-fourteenth-century Constance, beguine communities were removed from ecclesiastical jurisdiction and placed under municipal control; Wilts, , Beginen im Bodenseeraum (n. 15 above), 227–29; Peters, , “Norddeutsches Beginen- und Begardenwesen” (n. 15 above), 90; Makowski, , “A Pernicious Sort of Woman,” 93.Google Scholar

201 Makowski, , “A Pernicious Sort of Woman,” 62. Minden city officials had copies of papal bulls concerning beguines and forbidding the establishment of new religious orders; Nordsiek, , “Vom Beginenhaus zum Armenhaus” (n. 15 above), 23.Google Scholar

202 Stein, Frederic M., “The Religious Women of Cologne: 1120–1320” (PhD diss., Yale University, 1977), 91; Böhringer, Letha, “Kölner Beginen im Spätmittelalter — Leben zwischen Kloster und Welt,” Geschichte in Köln 53 (2006): 21; Phillips, Dayton, Beguines in Medieval Strasburg: A Study of the Social Aspect of Beguine Life (Stanford, CA, 1941), 149.Google Scholar

203 Peters, , “Norddeutsches Beginen- und Begardenwesen,” 74, 90; Wilts, , Beginen im Bodenseeraum, 197–98. In a few places, town management began as early as the last decades of the thirteenth century; Heimann, Sabine, “Gode to Synem Denste: Urkundliche Nachrichten über Beginenkonvente im spätmittelalterlichen Wismar,” in Der Frauwen Buoch: Versuche zu einer feministischen Mediävistik , ed. Bennewitz, Ingrid (Göppingen, 1989), 271. In Wismar, the council gave a group of beguines property for their use in 1283, “as long as it is useful to the city”; Peters, , “Norddeutsches Beginen- und Begardenwesen,” 55. Although tasks such as nursing the ill and dying, and preparing the dead for burial, are often associated with beguines from an early date, most evidence of their involvement in these activities is from the later Middle Ages when communities were often turned into charitable institutions by civic authorities. In 1351, for example, the St. Jodoci Hospital, staffed by beguines, was established in Braunschweig for the needs of plague victims; Boldt, Annette, Das Fürsorgewesen der Stadt Braunschweig im Spätmittelalter und früher Neuzeit; Eine exemplarische Untersuchung am Beispiel des St. Thomae-Hospitals: Chronik der Stiftung St. Thomae-Hof für die Zeit von 1705 bis in die Gegenwart (Braunschweig, 1988), 216.Google Scholar

204 Wirtembergisches Urkundenbuch (n. 93 above), 5:64–65; Ulmisches Urkundenbuch 1:81 (dated incorrectly).Google Scholar

205 Ibid., 1:84–85: Ludwigsburg, Staatsarchiv B509 U22; digitized and accessible online. Other communities belonging to the Order of St. Damian were granted similar concessions. In 1234, the convent at Foligno was excused from paying secular taxes; Bullarium Franciscanum 1:143. Pfullingen received such a privilege on 17 May 1254; see Bacher, Rahel, Klarissenkonvent Pfullingen: Fromme Frauen zwischen Ideal und Wirklichkeit (Ostfildern, 2009), 341.Google Scholar

206 Ulmisches Urkundenbuch 1:160; Wirtembergisches Urkundenbuch 8, 1277–1284 (Stuttgart, 1903), 211.Google Scholar

207 Moraw, Peter, Von offener Verfassung zu gestalteter Verdichtung: Das Reich im späten Mittelalter, 1250 bis 1490 (Berlin, 1985), has charted a process of administrative consolidation or condensation (Verdichtung) in the later Middle Ages; see also Van Engen, John, “Multiple Options: The World of the Fifteenth-Century Church,” Church History 77 (2008): 257–84, at 257–63.Google Scholar

1 Frank, , Das Klarissenkloster Söflingen , 217. For reference, the distance between Ulm and Ersingen in the Southwest is approximately 20 km/12 miles.Google Scholar

1 The original document has been digitized and can be accessed through the website of the Staatsarchiv. The spelling in this edition follows the original; the capitalization of words has been normalized; textual emendations are shown in pointed brackets (<…>), deleted passages in square ones ([…]). Note also that the documentation leaves blank space on a dotted line (…) for many of the proper names, a feature that has been retained here.),+deleted+passages+in+square+ones+([…]).+Note+also+that+the+documentation+leaves+blank+space+on+a+dotted+line+(…)+for+many+of+the+proper+names,+a+feature+that+has+been+retained+here.>Google Scholar

2 For a complete list of abbreviations for the textbooks of the medieval jurists (e.g. X; Auth.; C.; Cod.; D.; Dig.; etc.), see Brundage, James, Medieval Canon Law (London, 1995), 190–205.Google Scholar

3 The references are to Vincentius Hispanus (d. 1248) and William Durand (d. 1296); see Brundage, , Medieval Canon Law , 228–29. Additional details below, n. 15.Google Scholar

4 Hostiensis (Henry of Susa; d. 1271), Lectura super primo Decretalium, ad X 1.3.1 (Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek Clm 13015 [also accessible online through the website of the Staatsbibliothek], fols. 12v^a–13v^b); cf. Pennington, Kenneth, “Henricus de Segusio (Hostiensis),” in idem, Popes, Canonists, and Texts, 1150–1550 (Aldershot, 1993), art. xvi.Google Scholar

5 The term glossa magna points to the Ordinary Gloss, or Glossa ordinaria, on the Gregorian Decretals (Liber Extra); the Glossa is printed alongside in most editions of the Liber Extra (= X) before 1600, e.g., Corpus iuris canonici, emendatum et notis illustratum, Gregorii XIII pontificis maximi iussu editum (Rome, 1582; accessible online through the website of the Center for Medieval & Renaissance Studies, University of California, Los Angeles), vol. 2; in this instance, the reference, ed. ibid., col. 30, appears to be to Glos. ord., ad X 1.3.1 v. ut libere. Google Scholar

6 Pope Innocent IV (Sinibaldo dei Fieschi; d. 1254); Brundage, , Medieval Canon Law , 225–26.Google Scholar

7 Innocentius IV, Commentaria super libros quinque decretalium (Frankfurt, 1570; accessible online through the website of the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek in Munich, Germany), fol. 9r^b (no. 4), fol. 18r^b (no. 11); fol. 18v^b (no. 12).Google Scholar

8 Ibid., fol. 206r^b .Google Scholar

9 Innocent's gloss on the word ‘copia’ of his decretal, Presenti, can be found in the 1570 edition (n. 7 above) of his Commentaria, ad X 1.3(.44), fol. 30r^a–b (no. 3).Google Scholar

10 Presenti is the incipit of one item (Mansi, 23, 651) in two of Pope Innocent IV's collections (1245/53) with new papal constitutions, or Novelle; the pope intended Presenti to be inserted into the Liber Extra at the end of the rubric, De rescriptis (X 1.3); cf. Kessler, Peter-Josef, “Untersuchungen über die Novellen-Gesetzgebung Papst Innozenz' IV., I. Teil,” Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, Kanonistische Abteilung 31 (1942): 142–320.Google Scholar

11 Bernardus Compostellanus junior (fl. 1245–67), Lectura aurea super primum librum Decretalium (Paris, 1516; also accessible online through the website of the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek in Munich), fol. 17v^a (ad X 1.3.28 v. mandato).Google Scholar

12 The glossa communi per Bern. is the Glossa ordinaria on the Liber extra, ad X 1.3.28 v. sine speciali mandato , ed. Corpus iuris canonici , vol. 2, col. 67, written by Bernard of Parma (d. 1266); cf. Brundage, , Medieval Canon Law, 210.Google Scholar

13 See n. 10 above.Google Scholar

14 Hostiensis, Lectura, ad X 1.3.6 (Clm 13015, fol. 14v^b–15r^a).Google Scholar

15 Durand, William, Speculum iuris (Basel, 1574; repr. Frankfurt/M., 2009), 1:414a. The passage cites the name of Vincentius Hispanus together with his gloss on X 1.3.8 (Ad aures), which is apparently the reason why William and Vincentius appear jointly and in support of the same legal point in Söflingen's first series of exceptions (above, n. 3).Google Scholar

16 Tancred (fl. 1220); Brundage, , Medieval Canon Law , 227–28. Because Tancred did not write glosses on the Liber extra, this allegation of his comment on Ad aures (as part of 1 Comp. 1.2.6) must be the result of an indirect quotation.Google Scholar

17 Geoffrey of Trani (d. 1245), Apparatus in Libros Decretalium, ad X 4.2.4 v. dissolvas (Montecassino, MS 266 [also accessible online through the website of the Progetto Mosaico, CIRSFID, Università di Bologna, Italy], 220a); cf. Brundage, , Medieval Canon Law , 211–12. It is, however, improbable that Söflingen's proctor, with his focus on juristic commentary concerning rescripts, De rescriptis (X 1.3), consulted Geoffrey's Apparatus directly here.Google Scholar

18 The expression “in the said constitution” (in dicta constitutione) suggests that the author of this “third response” (triplicatio) wished to cite X 1.3.28 (Nonnulli) rather than X 1.3.43 (Quia nonnulli), along with the two glosses by Bernard of Parma and Bernardus Compostellanus already mentioned above, nn. 13–14. Google Scholar

19 Saint Augustine's words are quoted here indirectly and as they appear in Gratian's Decretum (D.9 c.5), ed. Friedberg, Emil, Corpus iuris canonici 1 (Leipzig, 1879), col. 17.Google Scholar

20 In the final recension of the Glossa ordinaria on Gratian's Decretum by Bartholomaeus Brixiensis (ca. 1236), the relevant gloss, ad D.100 c.8, v. consuetudines, ed. Corpus iuris canonici, vol. 1, col. 642, is signed ‘Johannes’ (Teutonicus; d. 1242), author of the original version of the Ordinary Gloss completed in 1215; cf. Brundage, , Medieval Canon Law (n. 2 above), 207, 219–20.Google Scholar