¹ Delaruelle, E. and Povill, J., ‘Les paroisses à Toulouse des origines à 1160,' Bulletin philologique et historique (jusqu'à 1610) du Comité des travaux historiques et scientifiques ( 1967) 2 (1969) 659–72. The bulk of the material derives from Povill's unpublished essay for the ‘Diplome d'études supérieures’ of 1966, Essai sur l'organisation paroissiale à Toulouse au moyen age.Google Scholar

All the documents used in this article and not otherwise identified are found in the Archives départementales of the Haute-Garonne. Those from other archives are thus identified: Archives municipales of Toulouse (AMT), Bibliothèque municipale of Toulouse (BMT), Archives départementales of the Tarn-et-Garonne (ADT&G), Archives nationales in Paris (AN), and Bibliothèque nationale in Paris (BN). At Toulouse the collection of Malta (fonds du Malte) used here derives only from the Commandery of Toulouse, and a reference such as Malta 2 27 iii records the liasse or folder number (2), the titre or document number (27), and the third (iii) entry or document on the same parchment. Most of the collections cited here are referred to by the name of the institution from which they derive, the only major exception being Series E, a collection constituted in the nineteenth century for family history. If such collections have liasse and titres, these are cited in the same way as Malta, hence, for example, Daurade 27 45. The designation ‘nn’ means that the document is unnumbered. To these are added two manuscript catalogues drawn up in 1734–1737 by Claude Cresty: ‘Répertoire des titres et documents concernants les biens et droit du chapitre de Saint-Étienne’ (2 vols., and another of tables) and ‘Répertoire des titres et documents … de Saint-Sernin’ (2 vols., and another of tables). The entries in these catalogues are sometimes cited directly (when the original documents have vanished) but are usually given only in brackets in the references to documents from the present archival collections of Saint-Étienne and Saint-Sernin: for example, Saint-Étienne 227 (Cresty: 26 DA 2 21) (November 1187). These complicated entries are useful because they are often marked on the dorse of the documents concerned, and because Cresty's catalogues sometimes give additional information about the acts. A guide to the archival system at Toulouse is found in Mundy J. H., Men and Women at Toulouse in the Age of the Cathars (Toronto 1989) 213–18. Anent Toulousan surnames (such as that of the family called Tolosa or de Tolosa), this article retains the Latin (or charter) form for all surnames; when possible, all first or Christian names are in English equivalents.

² On this surprising weakening of the documentary base for social history, see Mundy, , Men and Women 11–14.Google Scholar

³ This map is based on the manuscript dissertation (housed in the library of the University of Toulouse) of M.-S. de Nucé de Lamothe, published in part as ‘Piété et charité à Toulouse,’ Annales du Midi 76 (1964) 5–39.Google Scholar

⁴ Citing the Cartulaire de l'abbaye de Saint-Sernin de Toulouse (ed. Douais, C., Paris and Toulouse 1887 [hereafter Douais, Saint-Sernin]; 6–7, no. 3). Saint-Étienne was also dedicated to Saint-Jacques, whose name was later attributed to the annexed chapel of that name. Here and throughout this essay, the distinction between the civitas and the burgus in Toulouse is emphasized by the use of capitals for City and Bourg.Google Scholar

⁵ For a similar evolution, especially in northern France, see Aubrun, M., La paroisse en France des origines au XV^e siècle (Paris 1986; hereafter La paroisse en France) 109–113.Google Scholar

⁶ Delaruelle, and Povill, , ‘Les paroisses à Toulouse’ 667–68, an opinion based on an eighteenth-century text.Google Scholar

⁷ Douais, , Saint-Sernin 230–32 no. 323.Google Scholar

⁸ Douais, , Saint-Sernin 458 no. 687 (April 1160). The bishop described the town's believers as ‘parrochiani ecclesiarum Beati Stephani, scilicet, sedis Tolosane, et Beate Marie Deaurate, et Beati Saturnini, et Beati Petri Coquinarum.’Google Scholar

⁹ Aubrun, , La paroisse en France 78–88.Google Scholar

¹⁰ See the documents in Appendices B and C, 202 and 203–204 below. Google Scholar

¹¹ Malta 1 45, undated, partially published in Du Bourg, A., Ordre de Malte: histoire du grand-prieuré de Toulouse (Toulouse 1883; hereafter Ordre de Malte) xiv no. 21, and fully in d'Albon, G. A. M. J. A., Cartulaire générale de l'Ordre du Temple, 1119–1150 (Paris 1914) 13–15 no. 20. Toward the end of the document is a list of ten contributors described as ‘de confratribus parrochie Sancte Marie de Albate.’ Albon's dating of 1128–1132 is probably sound, but the document could have been drawn earlier or later. Mentioned in the charter was Aicard, prior of Saint-Étienne, who occupied that post between 1118 and 1135, according to Gallia Christiana in provincias ecclesiasticas distributa … (16 vols., Paris 1715–1865; hereafter Gallia Christiana) XIII 75–76.Google Scholar

¹² See Appendix A, 199, 194, 191, 196, 198–99, and 201. Google Scholar

¹³ For the references, see n. 42 below. Google Scholar

¹⁴ Magnou, E., Reforme grégorienne à Toulouse, fin XI^e-début XII^e siècle (Toulouse 1958 ). The combative nature of these events is emphasized in Mundy, J. H., Liberty and Political Power in Toulouse, 1050–1230 (New York 1954) 14–20.Google Scholar

¹⁵ See n. 7 above. Google Scholar

¹⁶ Malta 3 137 i (June 1174), and ii (August 1182), both copied in 1225. Google Scholar

¹⁷ ‘… et insuper ecclesiam Sancti Quintini relinquerunt': Douais, Saint-Sernin 45, no. 62 (January 1129). Google Scholar

¹⁸ ‘… Geraldus servus et minister hospitalis consilio fratrum meorum dimisi et reddidi ecclesiam beate Marie de Albate … deo et beate Marie Deaurate cuius iuris eam cognoscebam et dono Pontio abbati Cluniacensi et Ansquitino abbati Moysiacensi … in perpetuum': an undated charter in Daurade 65 (old) 21. This action was taken on the advice and in the presence of many clergy, including Amelius, bishop of Toulouse, Arnold Ramundus, provost of the chapter of Toulouse, Hugh de Conchis, prior and dean of Saint-Sernin, Oddo, abbot of Lézat, and Radulph, prior of the Daurade. In Gallia Christiana XIII 104, this somewhat garbled document is dated about 1109 in an entry dealing with the abbot of Lézat mentioned above. This is possible, because Pons de Melgueil, abbot of Cluny, entered office in that year. The latest possible date is 1118, because a witness to the charter, the provost of the cathedral, Arnold Ramundus, was buried then. Google Scholar

¹⁹ The acts dated 1114–1116 are in Malta 143 1 and 2 and that between 1128–1132 is cited above, n. 11. For the dating of these acts and the history of the Tolosa family, see Mundy, J. H., The Repression of Catharism at Toulouse: The Royal Diploma of 1279 (Toronto 1985) 270.Google Scholar

²⁰ Sibilia, , daughter of Toset (de Tolosa), and her husband Raymond Sarracenus gave ‘totum illud suum rectum et illam suam racionem quam habebat vel habere putabat haut hulla voce petere poterat in ecclesiam Sancte Marie Dealbate': Malta 25 2 (December 1150).Google Scholar

²¹ The arbiters had been chosen by the pope. Moissac was to confirm the arbitral settlement, as was the prior of Saint-Gilles for the Hospital. Malta 25 9 (December 1158) has the original, and Daurade 65 11 contains a copy of 1476 and another of the eighteenth century. The undated confirmatory letter of the prior is in Daurade 65 22 (perhaps an old number). Google Scholar

²² For an example, see the chaplain of Saint-Antoine, 181–83 below. Google Scholar

²³ Douais, , Saint-Sernin 3 no. 2, and Magnou, Reforme grégorienne 28–29 no. 12.Google Scholar

²⁴ ‘… hac tantum lege subiuncta, ut ibi non sepeliantur parrochiani ecclesiarum Beati Stephani, scilicet, sedis Tolosane, et Beate Marie Deaurate, et Beati Saturnini, et Beati Petri Coquinarum, nisi illi scilicet qui vere et non orarie fratres fuerint, vestes crucibus signatas non simulate deferentes, et custodes bovum oviumque suarum, et armigeri illorum, qui a vulgo scutarii apellantur. Excommunicatos vero vel infirmos non liceat eos suscipere, nisi cum consilio episcopi et ecclesiarum predictarum': Douais, Saint-Sernin 458 no. 687 (April 1160).Google Scholar

²⁵ The arbiters were the bishop and two lay notables: Malta 25 13 (July 1183).Google Scholar

²⁶ Cartulaire de l'abbaye de Lézat (ed. Ourliac, P. and Magnou, A.-M., Paris 1984–87; hereafter Ourliac and Magnou, Lézat) II 219–20, no. 1351 (May 1189), where the provost of Saint-Étienne agreed with the prior of Saint-Antoine that the latter ‘ullum parrochianum vel parrochianam ecclesie Sancti Stephani sepelire [non] presumat sine consilio et voluntate prefati prepositi et conventus vel successorum ejus.’Google Scholar

²⁷ In 1168–1169 Fulk de Nessa, who brought the suit to the bishop, was prior of the Hospital: Du Bourg, Ordre de Malte 23–44. Google Scholar

²⁸ Malta 25 15, undated, but, like all the documents mentioned below, written in the standard scribal hand of late-twelfth-century Toulouse. Gallia Christiana XIII 18, questions the date of Gerald's departure from Toulouse, but town scribes state that he was still bishop in November 1170, in Saint-Sernin 675 (Cresty: 19 45 1) ii, but was no longer so in February 1171 (E 501). Google Scholar

²⁹ The trial is referred to in both Malta 25 15 (an undated record of the plea of the Hospital in the final trial) and Malta 25 19 (an undated repetition of some of the testimony taken in the second trial, used again in the third). Google Scholar

³⁰ Gallia Christiana XIII 18, leaves doubt as to when Hugh actually became bishop; the notaries last mention the vacancy in an act in E 575 i (February 1173, copied in 1212); for Hugh as electus, see Douais, , Saint-Sernin 41–42, no. 58 (probably March 1173).Google Scholar

³¹ Malta 25 15 and 19, the latter datable only because it mentions Pope Alexander III, who died in August 1181, and Peter d'Alsen of the Hospital, who Du Bourg (Ordre de Malte 23–24) says was prior until sometime in 1181.Google Scholar

³² Malta 25 3. Google Scholar

³³ The text is found in C. XXV, q. 2, c. 2 (Letter 104, dated 452): ‘… privilegia ecclesiarum et monasteriorum, sanctorum patrum auctoritate instituta, nulla possunt improbitate convelli, nulla novitate mutari.’ The prior added ‘salva tamen in omnibus apostolica auctoritate.’ Google Scholar

³⁴ Which privilege Peter was referring to cannot be determined. A number are listed in the Cartulaire de l'ordre des Hospitaliers de Saint-Jean de Jérusalem (ed. Delaville le Roulx, J., Paris 1894) I 246–48 and 401–402 nos. 356–360 (dated 1166–1179), esp. no. 590 (August 1180).Google Scholar

³⁵ ‘Praeterea ostendunt hospitalarii viventis pape Alexandri indubitatum rescriptum postea eis indultum, quo libera facultas eis conceditur omnes sanos vel infirmos, qui in suis cimiteriis sepeliri voluerint, suscipiendi… . Et quidem sacrilegii instar est dubitare an dominus papa potuit hoc concedere, vel ejus rescriptis in aliquo obviare, nam ipse tantam obtinet plenitudinem potestatis, quod licet sibi de jure contra generalia decreta specialia privilegia indulgere …’: Malta 25 15, published in Julien, R.-C., Histoire de la paroisse N.-D. La Dalbade (Toulouse 1891) 479–83, esp. 483.Google Scholar

³⁶ ‘Sic enim habetur in legibus: “Nichil est quod magis hominibus debeatur quam ut supreme voluntatis liber sit stilus, et licitum quod iterum non ledit arbitrium.” Et iterum: ‘Voluntas testatoris pro jure et lege servanda est.’ ‘Item, Gregorius in decretis: “Ultima voluntas defuncti modis omnibus servari debet” ‘: ibid. See Code 1, 2, 1: ‘Sic enim habetur in legibus: Nichil est quod magis hominibus debetur quam ut supremae voluntatis, post quam iam aliud velle non possunt, liber sit stilus, et licitum quod iterum non ledit arbitrium.’ The commonplace following ‘Et iterum’ probably derived from a source such as Novels 22, 2: ‘Disponat itaque unusquisque in suis, ut dignum est, et sit lex eius voluntas,’ as was said in the Twelve Tables ‘Uti legasset quisque de sua re, ita ius esto.’ For Letter 9 of Gregory I (dated 598) see C. XIII, q. 2, c. 4. Google Scholar

³⁷ The fragment says ‘… accepisse, quoniam parrochianos suos infirmos non debebant recipere iuxta tenorem instrumenti …,’ presumably referring to the episcopal decision of 1160: Malta 25 3. The decision proposed that, with two named exceptions, parishioners of the Daurade ‘qui … contra tenorem instrumenti sepulti fuerant, extumulari faceret et… .’ Google Scholar

³⁸ See Mundy, J. A., ‘Charity and Social Work in Toulouse, 1100–1250,' Traditio 22 (1966) 252–74.Google Scholar

³⁹ An oblate of the Temple chose to be buried in the Templars' cemetery. After his death the capellanus refused permission to move the body from his home until promised that it would be carried to the Dalbade ‘et ibi fuisset officium celebratum, et quousque pro ejus funere fuisset ei satisfactum in tantum quantum si ibi debuisset sepelire': Layettes du Trésor des Chartes (Paris 1863–1909) II 306 no. 2428. For the date, see n. 71 below. Google Scholar

⁴⁰ See Mundy, , Liberty and Political Power 36–37 and 80–81, for a late example of 1203 involving a Cunhallus presbyter and a scribe named Dalbs or Dalbis. The latter drew six acts and witnessed two copies, of which the first was Grandselve 2 (December 1197) and the last Dominicans 1 (December 1198, copied in 1204 and 1226), the copy dated February 1204 being witnessed by him. Anent the use of the name Dalbs as both a first and only name, the practice was common: see the genealogy of the Maurandus family in Mundy, Repression of Catharism 230. For other persons serving as public scribes who were surely among the parish clergy, see 194, 198–99, and 202 below: William in the Daurade, Stephen in Saint-Pierre-des-Cuisines, and another William in Saint-Quentin.Google Scholar

⁴¹ For parish magistri, see 191, 192, 195, 196, 200, 201. Google Scholar

⁴² See Appendix A, 192, 195, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 201 below. Google Scholar

⁴³ For Raymond, see below. Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Douais, , Saint-Sernin 365 no. 523, referring to a property between the tithings of Dalbs, Lavernose to the north and Longages to the south. This Dalbs is several times mentioned in the Lézat cartulary, for which see Ourliac and Magnou, Lézat I 414 and 541–42, nos. 736 (between Sainte-Suzanne and the Lèze) and 552 (north of Marquefave?).Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Cabié, E., Chartes de coutumes inédites de la Gascogne toulousaine (Paris and Auch 1884) 87, where from ADT&G A 297, fol. 143 ^v, are published the customs of Daux granted in 1253, in which the town is called ‘villa Sancti Salvi de Dalbs.’ For Thomas’ history and that of the possible family named Dalbs, see Mundy, , Men and Women 195–98.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Twenty-five of the clergy in Appendix A have surnames based on place names. One of several Brassacs is near Castelsarrasin; a Fabas (Latin Favariis) is near Montauban, another near Isle-en-Dodon; there are many Ferrerières including one near Foix; Martres-Tolosan (Martris); a Mauzac near Le Fauga north of Foix toward Muret; Muret itself (Murello); a Lugan near Castres; and a Cabannes near Foix, another near Albi. Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Aliez, Auzeville, Cugnaux, Daux, Devèse, Puncta and Villèle. Google Scholar

⁴⁸ ADT&G A 297, fol. 12^v (March 1228).Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Raymond ‘capellanus ecclesie Sancte Marie Dealbate recognovit et concessit quod ipse tenebat de domino Petro de Dalbs, priore ecclesie Sancte Marie Deaurate, et de habitatoribus eiusdem ecclesie, dictam ecclesiam Sancte Marie. Dealbate et quod ab antiquo fiebant et fieri debebant pro ipsa ecclesia … vi. sol. Tol. annuatim in die Jovis Cene Domini priori et conventui et habitatoribus dicte ecclesia quod idem prior debet dare pauperibus ad mandatum ipsius ecclesie… .’ The document, dated November 1236, was witnessed by William Arnold de Dalbs, Abbot of Mas-d'Asil, Raymond de Dalbs, the camerarius and the operarius of the Daurade, and is in Daurade 65 65 i. A second document on the same parchment, dated on the same day and witnessed by the same witnesses, records that Raymond ‘capellanus ecclesie Sancte Marie Hereme recognovit et concessit quod ipse tenebat dictam ecclesiam de domino Petro de Dalbs priore … et quod ab antiquo fiebant et fieri debebant pro ipsa ecclesia … priori et conventui et habitatoribus dicte ecclesie … ii. sol. Tol. annuatim in festo Omnium Sanctorum.’ Google Scholar

⁵⁰ A Leyrac lies just north of Saint-Martin-du-Touch, just over five km. to the west of Toulouse; note also, less likely, Layrac-sur-Tarn, near Villemur, about twenty-eight km. north of town. Google Scholar

⁵¹ A double see, the bishopric's main church was located at Saint-Lizier, somewhat west of Foix. Google Scholar

⁵² See the document in Appendix C, 202–204 below. Google Scholar

⁵³ See Appendix B, 202 below. Google Scholar

⁵⁴ The grant of the abbot of Lézat states: ‘… dono et concedo Vitali portario in omni vita sua ecclesiam Sancti Antonii … tali conventu quod nec abbas nec prior nec conventus possint eum removere de ecclesia iamdicta in aliquo modo': Ourliac, and Magnou, , Lézat II 221–22 no. 1354 (1202). In January 1234, the abbot, acting ‘in generali capitulo in claustro Lesati,’ says that ‘dono Sanctio … ecclesiam Sancti Antonii … in omni vita sua, tali modo ut quamdiu vixerit habeat illam et possideat et post finem vite sue predicta ecclesia … libere absque omni contradictione restituatur predicto monasterio': ibid. II 266 no. 1409.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ In July 1220 a lease was issued ‘voluntate Arnaldi Raulfi capellani ecclesie beati Antonii qui tunc tenebat et possidebat per bailiam ecclesiam Sancti Antonii et omnes honores et oblias et dominationes ad predictam ecclesiam pertinentes.’ The capellanus is also described as ‘baiulus … pro domino priore’ of Saint-Antoine. In ibid. II 280–82 no. 1420. Google Scholar

⁵⁶ See the examples of the churches of the Dalbade and Lherm in n. 49 above. Google Scholar

⁵⁷ See the phrase ‘in . xx. causa. Q. iii.’ in the document published in Appendix C, 203.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ The texts are cited in the following order. First, ‘Cum in ecclesie corpore.’ Second, ‘Non satis inutiliter,’ canon 6 of the council of Tours in 1163 prohibiting that ‘… prioratus vel capellaniae quaelibet monachorum aut clericorum annua distractione vendantur. Nec ab eo, cui regimen ipsarum committitur, pro earum commissione ullum pretium exigatur … ,’ adding a prohibition of episcopal simony ‘[pro] introducendis presbyteris in ecclesiam.’ Third, ‘Prohibemus etiam', canon 7 of the Lateran Council of 1179: ‘Prohibemus insuper, ne ab abbatibus, vel episcopis vel aliis praelatis novi census imponantur ecclesiis, nec veteres augeantur …’ Last, ‘proibeas attentius’ is ‘Prohibeas attentius de cetero, ne in parochia tua pro licentia docendi aliquos exigatur aliquid aut etiam promittatur.’ These citations are identified in nn. 103–107 below. Google Scholar

⁵⁹ See the text in Appendix C, 203 below. Google Scholar

⁶⁰ See n. 49 above, and ADT&G G 713 (Red Register), fol. 17 ^v (1246).Google Scholar

⁶¹ Kurze, D., Pfarrerwahlen im Mittelalter: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Gemeinde und des Niederkirchenwesens (Köln-Graz 1966 ), and Gaudemet, J., Le gouvernement de l'église à l'époque classique. Deuxième partie: Le gouvernement local (Paris 1979) 252.Google Scholar

⁶² In Appendix A below, 191–92, 193, 194–95, 196–97, 199, 200, 201, note the capellani and subcapellani of Saint-Étienne, Saint-Barthélemy, the Daurade, the Dalbade, Saint-Pierre-des-Cuisines, Saint-Sernin, and Saint-Julien. Google Scholar

⁶³ X. V, 38, 12, canon 21, stating that unless licensed to do otherwise, Christians owed annual confession ‘proprio sacerdoti.’ Google Scholar

⁶⁴ The canon reads in part: ‘Cum vero aliquis voluerit condere testamentum, hoc faciat sub testimonio sui presbyteri, vel alterius ecclesiasticae personae, si proprius non possit haberi sacerdos… . Et testamenta aliter facta vigorem non habeant, nec alicujus sunt momenti': Mansi XXIII 198. Google Scholar

⁶⁵ The pertinent passage reads: ‘… praecipimus ut testamentum vel ultima voluntas cuiusquam in praesentia semper catholicorum virorum et parrochialis sacerdotis, vel alterius ecclesiasticae personae loco ipsius condatur, praesertim … ne de ipso testatore aliqua infidelitatis suspicio possit haberi, et maxime ut ea quae in pias causas reliquerit, fidelius et citius solvantur sine fraude. Quod si testator vocare ut diximus sacerdotem et viros catholicos contempsit, careat ecclesiastica sepultura… . Notariis vero qui absque solemnitate superius expressa notare vel scribere praesumpserint testamenta vel ultimas voluntates, ecclesiae introitus interdicatur usque ad satisfactionem condignam': Catel, G., Histoire des comtes de Tolose, avec quelques traitez et chroniques anciennes, concernans la mesme histoire (Toulouse 1623) 352–53.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Gallia Christiana XIII Instrumenta 29–31, no. 45 (April 1241), concerning Thomas de Dalbs, possibly related to the Dalbs who was capellanus of the Daurade. See Appendix A, 192, 198, and 201: in 1241 a rural rector called so at Rome. An officer titled both rector and capellanus maior is seen at Saint-Étienne in 1274. That the term rector was not used only in churches possessing tithes is shown by a reference to a rector of the Dalbade in 1274.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Daurade 91 (Register), fol. 3^v (December 1296), discussed in Julien, Histoire de la Dalbade 145–46.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ A priest ‘noluit ire de nocte ad benedicendum eos in lecto’ until paid, and the parties went to church ‘ad audiendum missam et benedictionem nupcialem recipiendum': Layettes du Trésor II 306 ^a, 307^a and 309 ^a, no. 2428.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ A body was brought ‘sine capellano et cruce, et turribulo et aqua benedicta et alio misterio, ad ecclesiam': ibid. 306 ^a, 309 ^a. The lepers and scholars are mentioned in wills treated in Mundy, ‘Charity and Social Work’ 207–208. More detail is found in the settlement in Daurade 91 Register, 2^v–4 ^v, December 1296, discussed in Julien, Histoire de la Dalbade 143–45.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ For capellani as ‘executores super relictis ad pias causas', see Layettes du Trésor II 306 ^b no. 2428.Google Scholar

⁷¹ AN J 318 78, in Layettes du Trésor II 306–309, no. 2428. Alexandre Teulet, the editor, mistakenly proposed a date in the mid-1230s. See Mundy, , Men and Women 19 n. 39.Google Scholar

⁷² Doubt existed ‘nisi per testes vel instrumenta solutionem probaverint de predictis [charities]': Layettes du Trésor II 306 ^b no. 2428.Google Scholar

⁷³ For example dated January 1246, see Mundy, , ‘Charity and Social Work’ 279–81.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ ‘… de quo testamento [the brother's] ipse non erat spondarius nec executor, nec habebat aliquid de bonis fratris ratione hereditatis vel successionis ipsius, et semper fuerit et sit paratus stare juri cognicione curie domini episcopi Tholosani …’: Layettes du Trésor II 307 ^a no. 2428.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ ‘… nichil haberet unde posset facere testamentum': ibid. 306 ^b.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ A certa restitution to a specific person: ibid. 307 ^a.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Having not offered a ‘denarium in aliqua missarum,’ a man was refused communion: ibid. 308 ^a.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Ibid. 307 ^b, 308 ^b, 309 ^a.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Examples are a ‘decima vindemie'; a priest who excommunicated a man ‘quia non solvebat sibi trissesimum pro primiscia, et tenuit eum excomunicatum per viii. menses et amplius'; and a ‘primicia de lino’ and a ‘primiceria de pastelleria': ibid. 307^b and 308 ^b.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ ‘… cum omnes civitates sint immunes infra muros a prestatione decimarum et primiciarum': ibid. 308 ^a.Google Scholar

⁸¹ ‘… primiceria de pastelleria, de qua nunquam fuit consuetum dare': ibid., p. 308 ^b.Google Scholar

⁸² He paid ‘compensation’ of over 180 shillings, and the penitent ‘solveret totum jus quod habebat in decima et traderet ei instrumenta adquisitionis dicte decime, quam adquisitionem fecerat pater suus': ibid. 307 ^b.Google Scholar

⁸³ Two passages in ibid. 308^b treat this business. The first records that when a person was excommunicated for refusing to give ‘primicia de lino, et ipse fuisset conquestus domino comiti apud Moysiacum de dicta excommunicatione, dominus comes posuit cum domino episcopo Tholosano quod dicta primicia non daretur de lino nec de aliis nisi sicut data erat usque ad mortem domini quondam, quondam comitis Tholosani [d. 1249].’ The passage referring to the lawsuit reads: ‘Item, cum dictus capellanus peteret primiceria de pastelleria, de qua nunquam fuit consuetum dare, et super dicta primicia pastellerie procuraverit sententiam sibi dari in maximum gravamen tocius universitatis, nititur cotidie, maliciose et contra consuetudinem, et convencionem factam aput Moysiacum inter dictum comitem et episcopum Tholose pro se et clero, per violenciam extorquere. Unde oportet, ad evitandum scandalum et ad evitandam dictam novitatem, dicta sententia retractari.’Google Scholar

⁸⁴ ‘Item super testamentis condendis serventur jura et consuetudo Tholosana, qua a jure non discrepat hac parte, non obstante constitutione domini Romani cardinalis, legati condam in partibus Tholosanis, que erat quod non valerent testamenta condita sine presentis capellani parochialis': Enquětes administratives d'Alphonse de Poitiers: arrěts de son parlement tenu à Toulouse et textes annexes (ed. Fournier, P.-F. and Guébin, P., Paris 1959) 77 no. 12 (ca. June 1255).Google Scholar

⁸⁵ The first example of mendicants participating in a testament in the 113 wills I have seen is E 501 i (September 1234, copied 1241), rendered in the presence of the capellanus of Saint-Sernin and Dominicans and Franciscans. The first without parish clergy and only mendicants is ADT&G A 294 fols. 202–4 ^v, and de Vic, C. and Vaissete, J., Histoire générale de Languedoc (ed. Molinier, A.; Toulouse 1872–1893) VIII 1405–5 no. 464, i (August 1256), at which the abbot of Grandselve and Dominicans were present.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ See Mundy, , ‘Charity and Social Work’ 206 n. 7.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ The available material is exiguous. In eleven out of 113 wills in which burial is specified, seven relatively well-to-do persons elected religious houses. Mendicant convents, active largely after 1250, are also poorly represented in extant documents. Google Scholar

⁸⁸ Auriol, A. and Rey, R., Saint-Sernin de Toulouse (Toulouse 1922) 244–46.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ The ‘confratribus [sic] Sancti Salvatoris et Sancte Crucis donaverunt ad plant la terra que est ad Montem Vincentium ad vineas edificare’ in return for a quarter of the vintage, and the leaseholders ‘debent portare ad domum baiuli Sancti Salvatoris et Sante Crucis, qui tenet confrairiam.’ Five male ‘confratres’ were named as actors, ‘toti confratres’ guaranteed the rental, and, in the eschatacol of the act, the scribe named three witnesses and added that the act was witnessed by ‘alios multos confratres qui ad altare serviebant': Douais, Saint-Sernin 296 no. 413. Google Scholar

⁹⁰ See the discussion above, 173. Google Scholar

⁹¹ Bernard and Pons Caraborda ‘pro badliam lampade ecclesie beate Marie…’: E 510 (December 1201 ). This may have continued; a petition for the confraternity ‘luminarie beate Marie Deaurate’ dated February 1320 is found in BN, Doat 21, fol. 286 ^r.Google Scholar

⁹² Additional bequests to the opera of the church and four pennies for the ‘confratrie eiusdem operis’ are found in Saint-Sernin 502 (Cresty: 1 1 32) ii (February 1208 ). Cresty's ‘Répertoire … de Saint-Sernin’ I fol. 259^v refers to a rent roll of 1215 that provided the illumination of the basilica in a section under the rubric of the confraternity ‘des Corps-Saints.’ Douais, C., Documents sur l'ancienne province de Languedoc (Toulouse and Paris 1901–1904), II xxv, suggests that this was an umbrella confraternity embracing all earlier confraternities of this church.Google Scholar

⁹³ See 193 below. Google Scholar

⁹⁴ Daurade 91 (Register), fols. 2^v–4 ^v, December 1296, discussed in Julien, Histoire de la Dalbade 145.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ Julien, , Histoire 145, and Daurade 91 (Register), fol. 3 ^v.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ ‘… nisi nobiles et generosi civium et alii qui nobilium numero habentur …’: Daurade 91 (Register), fol. 2 ^r.Google Scholar

⁹⁷ ‘… nisi … de assensu et concilio omnium parochianorum vel maioris partis duarum partium eorumdem': ibid. fol. 5 ^r.Google Scholar

⁹⁸ Dalbs ‘qui longo tempore fuerat capellanus in ecclesiae beatae Mariae Deauratae et etiam Dealbatae': Chronique de Guilhem Pelisso (ed. Douais, C., Paris 1881) 107.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ Because of age, the Thomas mentioned a paragraph above could not have been one of the above. Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ Pierre Gérard's excellent ‘Origine et développement des paroisses du Bourg de Toulouse (XII^e et XIII^e siècles),’ Cahiers de Fanjeaux 25, 51–68, appeared too late (November 1990) to be used in this article's preparation. Gérard gives a listing of the frontiers of the tithing of Saint-Sernin outside of town, and an enumeration of the duties of the parish priest of Le Taur in 1317/38. It seems to me questionable that the term decimarium was ever equivalent to parochia, but the absence of supporting documentation in the article makes evaluation difficult.Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ See above 197. Google Scholar

¹⁰² Other elements relevant for dating are indecisive. No document I know cites the cellerar Stephen. Gallia Christiana XIII 105 mentions Bernard de Montesquivo, prior of the Daurade, in charters from 1186 to 1197, and then replaces him by a Robert (often William Robert) first seen in 1201. Google Scholar

¹⁰³ This is a canon from a ninth-century council in C. XX, q. 3, c. 5. E. Friedberg notes in his Corpus iuris canonici (Leipzig 1879–1881) I 812, that this text was carried by both Burchard of Worms and Ivo of Chartres.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ Canon 7 of the Lateran Council of 1179, in Comp. I. 5, 2, 8 and in X. V, 3, 9. Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ Comp. I. 5, 2, 7 and X. V, 3, 8, canon 6 of the council of Tours of 1163. Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ Comp. I. 3, 34, 7 and X. III, 39, 7, again canon 7 of the Lateran Council of 1179. Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ In Comp. I. 5, 4, 2 and X. V, 5, 2, a papal letter of Alexander III. Google Scholar