¹ Bettoni, E., Le Dottrine filosofiche di Pier di Giovanni Olivi (Milan 1959).Google Scholar

² Tierney, B., Origins of Papal Infallibility (Leiden 1972).Google Scholar

³ Todeschini, G., Un Trattato di economia politica francescana (Roma 1980).Google Scholar

⁴ Manselli, R., ‘La Terza età, Babylon e l'anticristo mistico,’ BISME 82 (1970) 47–79.Google Scholar

⁵ See Burr, D., The Persecution of Peter Olivi (Philadelphia 1976) ch. 10.Google Scholar

⁶ The passage is published as an appendix in Doucet, F., ‘De operibus mss. Petri Io. Olivi Patavii,’ Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 28 (1935) 428–41.Google Scholar

⁷ Manselli, R., Spirituali e Beghini in Provenza (Rome 1959) 42–44; Dmitrewski, M., ‘Fr. Bernard Délicieux, o.f.m., sa lutte contre l'inquisition de Carcassonne et d'Albi, son procès, 1297–1319,’ Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 17 (1924) 464.Google Scholar

⁸ See the notarized statement by four Franciscans published in Doucet, ‘De operibus’ 441f. and the statement by da Casale, Ubertino, Sanctitati apostolicae, published in Archiv für Literatur- und Kirchengeschichte des Mittelalters 2 (1886) 404f. Gui, Bernard, Practica inquisitionis (Paris 1886) 273, says that, according to the Beguins, Matthew originally said this, but the church later removed the passage lest it seem to conflict with John; John, in their view, described Christ as dead at the time of the side-wound, simply because he seemed to be so.Google Scholar

Throughout this article I shall translate as ‘Beguins’ all instances of beguini, beguinae, or any variant thereof. I realize that this practice obscures what some scholars rightly consider important distinctions, e.g., between rebellious lay supporters of the spiritual Franciscans in southern France, on the one hand, and, on the other, the wider group of urban women pursuing lives dedicated to chastity and poverty. Using the same term for all seems to homogenize what was, in fact, very heterogeneous. The problem is that any attempt to make distinctions by translating the same word in different ways, perhaps referring to ‘Beguins’ in one case and ‘Beguines’ in another, or capitalizing in one case but not in another, inevitably injects more clarity into the sources than the sources are themselves willing to grant, particularly when we are dealing with southern France during the last two decades of the thirteenth century. It seems safer to use the same term without deducing too much from it. Thus, while it is worth noting that the women mentioned in n. 25 are described as ‘Beguins,’ we cannot therefore confidently consult Bernard Gui in order to discover what they believed.

⁹ Burkitt, F. C., ‘Ubertino da Casale and a Variant Reading,’ Journal of Theological Studies 23 (1922) 186–88.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Littera Magistrorum , in Baluze, S., Stephani Baluze Miscellaneorum (Paris 1678) 236f.Google Scholar

¹¹ Lectura super Mattheum (hereafter Mtt.), MS Oxford, New College 49, 155^rb–^va: ‘A viro valde spirituali audi vi revelatum esse quod in angelo [angulo in Oxford MS, angelo in others] sexti signaculi cum quibusdam consociis suis de illo implebitur istud, ut sicut est conformis Christo in passione, sic sit in resurrectione. Et ut discipuli illius temporis qui fere in errorem ducentur de celis habeant instructorem et comfortatorem sicut apostoli habuerunt Christum resurgentem.’ This passage already has been printed from the same manuscript in Douie, Decima, ‘Olivi's “Postilla super Matthaeum,”’ Franciscan Studies 35 (1975) 86 n. 98.Google Scholar

¹² Lectura super Apocalypsim (hereafter Rev.), MS Bibl. Ang. 382, 55^rb: ‘Audivi etiam a viro spirituali valde fide digno et fratri Leoni confessori et socio beato Francisci valde familiari quoddam huic scripture consonum, quod nec assero nec scio nec censeo asserendum, scilicet quod tam per verba fratris Leonis quam per propriam revelationem sibi factam, perceperat Franciscum in ilia pressura temptationis babilonice, in qua eius status et regula quasi instar Christi crucifigetur, resurget gloriosus, ut sicut in vita et in crucis stigmatibus est Christo singulariter assimilatus, sic et in resurrectione Christo assimiletur, necessaria tunc suis discipulis confirmandis et informandis, sicut Christi resurrectio fuit necessaria apostolis confirmandis et super fundatione et gubernatione future ecclesie informandis.’ My thanks to Warren Lewis for allowing me to check my own transcription of Rev. against the critical edition prepared by him and included in his 1972 Tübingen dissertation, Peter John Olivi: Prophet of the Year 2000. Google Scholar

¹³ Reu. 74^rd .Google Scholar

¹⁴ For dating and description see Burr, , Persecution of Peter Olivi 37f. Google Scholar

¹⁵ Quodlibeta (Venice 1509) 53 (65)^r .Google Scholar

¹⁶ Published in Manselli, R., Spirituali e Beghini in Provenza 282–90.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Ibid. 286.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Lectura super Iob (hereafter Job), MS Florence, Bibl. Laur. conv. soppr. 240, 12^vb .Google Scholar

¹⁹ Lectura super Marcum et Lucam, MS Rome, Vat. Ottob. lat. 3302, 7^v–8^r .Google Scholar

²⁰ Arbor vitae (Venice 1485) prol. Franciscan ties with Italian lay mystics, and particularly with Clare of Montefalco and her circle, are also revealed in documents relating to the heresy of the spiritus libertatis. See Oliger, Livarius, De secta spiritus libertatis im Umbria saec. XIV (Rome 1943).Google Scholar

²¹ Arbor vitae 5.4. One need only look at the Fioretti to see the role played by visionary experience in validating the sanctity of Conrad and other spiritual Franciscans in the Marches.Google Scholar

²² Olivi knew Conrad well enough to write him an angry letter in 1295 (published in Archivum Franciscanum Historicum [1918] 309–73), but the mention of his vision in the Matthew commentary suggests that their relationship may have begun well before 1287, when Olivi was assigned to the studium at Florence. This strengthens the possibility that Olivi was in Italy in 1279, during the period when Exiit qui seminat was being composed, and met some of the Italian spirituals at that time.Google Scholar

²³ MS Capestrano XXI, 118^r–120^r .Google Scholar

²⁴ Lectura super Isaiam (hereafter Isa.), MS Paris, Bibl. Nat. nouv. acq. lat. 774, 59^r .Google Scholar

²⁵ We recall the relationship between Hugh of Digne and certain laymen at Hyères, as described by Salimbene, Chronica (Bari 1966) 338–64. According to Salimbene, their association included a common interest in Joachite apocalyptic speculation. Salimbene mentions no visions in connection with Hugh's lay coterie; yet Hugh's sister Douceline, who was closely related to the Franciscans, had visions, and seems to have shared her brother's apocalyptic interests. See Carozzi, Claude, ‘Une Beguine Joachimite,’ in Les Franciscains d'Oc (Toulouse 1975) 169–201. More directly relevant to Olivi's situation is the case of Rixende, a visionary of Narbonne tried for heresy in 1288. Two of the women mentioned as associated with her are described as Beguins. The sisters of St. Clare received a copy of a letter Rixende claimed to have received from St. John, and this copy was in the possession of a Franciscan for a while. See Ignaz von Döllinger, Beiträge zur Sektengeschichte des Mittelalters (Munich 1890) II 706–11, for the process, which includes no mention of apocalyptic expectation.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Ibid. 286.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Lectura super Iob (hereafter Job), MS Florence, Bibl. Laur. conv. soppr. 240, 12^vb .Google Scholar

¹⁹ Lectura super Marcum et Lucam, MS Rome, Vat. Ottob. lat. 3302, 7^v–8^r .Google Scholar

²⁰ Arbor vitae (Venice 1485) prol. Franciscan ties with Italian lay mystics, and particularly with Clare of Montefalco and her circle, are also revealed in documents relating to the heresy of the spiritus libertatis. See Oliger, Livarius, De secta spiritus libertatis im Umbria saec. XIV (Rome 1943).Google Scholar

²¹ Arbor vitae 5.4. One need only look at the Fioretti to see the role played by visionary experience in validating the sanctity of Conrad and other spiritual Franciscans in the Marches.Google Scholar

²² Olivi knew Conrad well enough to write him an angry letter in 1295 (published in Archivum Franciscanum Historicum [1918] 309–73), but the mention of his vision in the Matthew commentary suggests that their relationship may have begun well before 1287, when Olivi was assigned to the studium at Florence. This strengthens the possibility that Olivi was in Italy in 1279, during the period when Exiit qui seminat was being composed, and met some of the Italian spirituals at that time.Google Scholar

²³ MS Capestrano XXI, 118^r–120^r .Google Scholar

²⁴ Lectura super Isaiam (hereafter Isa.), MS Paris, Bibl. Nat. nouv. acq. lat. 774, 59^r .Google Scholar

²⁵ We recall the relationship between Hugh of Digne and certain laymen at Hyères, as described by Salimbene, , Chronica (Bari 1966) 338–64. According to Salimbene, their association included a common interest in Joachite apocalyptic speculation. Salimbene mentions no visions in connection with Hugh's lay coterie; yet Hugh's sister Douceline, who was closely related to the Franciscans, had visions, and seems to have shared her brother's apocalyptic interests. See Carozzi, Claude, ‘Une Beguine Joachimite,’ in Les Franciscains d'Oc (Toulouse 1975) 169–201. More directly relevant to Olivi's situation is the case of Rixende, a visionary of Narbonne tried for heresy in 1288. Two of the women mentioned as associated with her are described as Beguins. The sisters of St. Clare received a copy of a letter Rixende claimed to have received from St. John, and this copy was in the possession of a Franciscan for a while. See Ignaz von Döllinger, , Beiträge zur Sektengeschichte des Mittelalters (Munich 1890) II 706–11, for the process, which includes no mention of apocalyptic expectation.Google Scholar

²⁶ See da Campagnola, Stanislao, L'Angelo del sexto sigillo e l' ‘alter Christus’ (Rome 1971), for the development of the idea of Francis as alter Christus. For Olivi's use of Joachite concordances see Burr, , Persecution, ch. 3.Google Scholar

²⁷ For further discussion see Burr, , Persecution, ch. 3.Google Scholar

²⁸ Mtt. 107^vb. See Isa. 58^v; Mtt. 58^va .Google Scholar

²⁹ Isa. 44^r; Job 41^va; Mit. 45^ra, 87^vb, 100^rb, 101^va, 155^rb–va. Here, too, Olivi is really in accord with Joachim.Google Scholar

³⁰ Mit. 87^vb .Google Scholar

³¹ Mtt. 87^vb; Rev. 7^vb .Google Scholar

³² Rev. 8^ra–^rb .Google Scholar

³³ Job. 65^ra. See also Rev. 105^va .Google Scholar

³⁴ Rev. 120^ra–^rb .Google Scholar

³⁵ Job 97^ra. See also Job 69^rb .Google Scholar

³⁶ Rev. 111^rb, 120^rb .Google Scholar

³⁷ See Lectura super actus apostolorum, MS Padova, Univ. 1510, 7^r .Google Scholar

³⁸ Rev. 31^va–^vb .Google Scholar

³⁹ De perf., qq. 1 & 2, in Studi Francescani 60 (1963) 382–445; 61 (1964) 108–40; Lectura in Ioannem (hereafter Jn.), MS Florence, Bibl. Laur. Plut. 10 dext. 8, 80^ra .Google Scholar

⁴⁰ De studio divinarum literarum , in Sancti Bonaventurae Opera (Venice 1755) 8.39f.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Expositio super Dionysii de angelica hierarchia, MS Rome, Vat. lat. 899, 22^vb .Google Scholar

⁴² De stud, div, lit. 49.Google Scholar

⁴³ Job 65^va: ‘Sciendum tamen quod sicut contemplativi ea vident clare et explicite per divinam illustrationem que prius implicite et enigmatice tenebant per fidem, sic et lob ea que nunc [ambiguous in Paris MS, clearly nunc in Padova Univ. 1540, 94^vb] vidit in maiori claritate magisque explicite prius videbat per fidem et per aliquam contemplationem sed non ita claram nec ita explicitam nec ita intense nec cum sensu aut gustu ita perfecto.’ Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Jn. 73^vb: ‘Nota quod omnis exterior et sensibilis locutio de divinis quantumcumque fiat per nomina propria est obscura et parabolica respectu interioris et superintellectualis locutionis qua spiritus Christi mentem interius de divinis clare illustrat et docet. Et consimile omnis interior locutio spiritus sancti spectans ad statum huius vite quantumcumque sit alta et clara est enigmatica et parabolica respectu illius que sit per dei visionem beatificam et beatam. Christus secundum primum modum vult dicere quod tota doctrina sua exterior secundum quam eos ut homo de divinis usque nunc docuit est quasi parabolica et enigmatica seu similitudinaria et obscura respectu illius quam paulo post faciet per spiritum suum.’ Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Rev. 7^vb .Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Rev. 52^va–^vb .Google Scholar

⁴⁷ See da Campagnola, Stanislao, L'Angelo del sesto sigillo e l' ‘alter Christus’. Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Lectura super Genesim, MS Florence, Bibl. Naz. Conv. Soppr. Gl. 671, 108^vb .Google Scholar

⁴⁹ II Celano 102–105; Legenda maior 11.1–2.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Rev. 73^rb .Google Scholar

⁵¹ Rev. 52^va-–^vb .Google Scholar

⁵² Rev, 84^ra .Google Scholar

⁵³ Isa. 54^r: ‘Et hoc modo Ioachim in libro de concordia et in expositione apocalypsis dicit se subito accepisse totam concordiam veteris et novi testamenti quantum ad quasdam generales regulas, ex quibus ipse postmodum aliqua quasi argumentando deducit et ut sibi videtur aliquando sic quod ex hoc estimat se habere certam intelligentiam conclusionis sic deducte, aliquando vero non nisi probabilem coniecturam in qua plerumque potuit falli.’ Rev. 67^ra presents the same case regarding Joachim: ‘Sicut enim ex naturali lumine intellectus nostri quedam scimus indubitabiliter ut prima principia quedam vero ut conclusiones ex ipsis necessario deductas; quedam vero nescimus sed solum opinamur per probabiles rationes et in hoc tertio sepe fallimur et possumus falli, nec tamen ex hoc lumen nobis concreatum est falsum nec pro tanto fallimur pro quanto opiniones nostras scimus non esse sententias infallibiles, sic lumen per gratuitam revelationem datum quedam scit ut prima et indubitabilia principia revelata, quedam vero ut conclusiones ex ipsis necessario deductas; quemdam vero ex utrisque solum probabiliter et coniecturaliter opinatur; et sic videtur fuisse in intelligentia scripturarum et concordie novi et veteris testamenti per revelationem abbati Ioachim, ut ipsemet asserit, data.’ Google Scholar

⁵⁴ In his Genesis commentary, he ascribes the prophets' skill in judging dreams or visions to a divinely-given gustus, and compares it with acute eyesight or skill in winetasting. See Gen. 122^rb. See also Isa., MS Padua, Univ. 1540, 44^va–45^ra (omitted in the Paris MS).Google Scholar

⁵⁵ See Reeves, M., Influence of Prophecy in the Later Middle Ages (Oxford 1969) 21–24 for discussion and citations.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Gui, Bernard, Practica inquisitionis 287. See also ibid. 265 and 272, where it is asserted that, according to the Beguins, Olivi's teachings and writings were revealed to him by Christ, and that Olivi himself said as much to his friends during his lifetime. Another version of his deathbed confession is published by A. Heysse in Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 11 (1918) 267ff. Google Scholar

⁵⁷ See May, W., ‘The Confession of Prous Boneta,’ Essays in Medieval Life and Thought (New York 1955), 23f.; Gui, Bernard, Practica inquisitionis 265f., 272f., 280ff.; Manselli, , Spirituali 166, 182f.; Raymond of Fronsac and Bonaventura of Bergamo, Infrascripta dant, in Archiv für Literatur- und Kirchengeschichte des Mittelalters 3 (1887) 371.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Lectura super canticum canticorum , in Sancti Bonaventurae Operum Supplementum (Trent 1772) I 281.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Sapientia aedificavit , in Archiv für Literatur- und Kirchengeschichte des Mittelalters 3 (1887) 102, 119.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ See note 25 above.Google Scholar

⁶¹ See Burr, , Persecution 6.Google Scholar

⁶² May, , ‘The Confession of Prous Boneta.’ Google Scholar

⁶³ See Manselli, R., Spirituali e Beghini in Provenza 297–345. The documents published in Douais, C., L'Inquisition (Paris 1906) 289–351 are partly relevant to the spiritual Franciscans and their lay supporters, but not to this particular issue. Jean Duvernoy, whose work on southern French inquisitorial sources has led him to examine the entire body of processes, assures me that Prous was in fact quite unique.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Practica inquisitionis 265f., 272f., 280ff. According to Bernard, the Beguins identify Olivi with the angel of Rev. 10; they say his doctrine is more necessary to the church at this time than any other except that of the gospels and apostles; they read from it when they assemble on Sundays und feast days; and they insist that it must be accepted in its entirety, like that of St. Paul.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Here again, little can be said without further research. Besides the ample visionary experience of spirituals in the Marches, as seen in the Fioretti and elsewhere, movements like the sect of the spiritus libertatis come to mind; yet these phenomena must be approached with extreme caution. Oliger, L., De secta spiritus libertatis, tries to distance that particular heresy from both Joachite expectation and the spiritual Franciscans. Potestà, Gian Luca, Storia ed escatologia in Ubertino da Casale (Milan 1980) narrows the distance appreciably, but there is still scant hope of arguing for any strong connection on the basis of current research.Google Scholar

We might note, in closing, that there were other Frenchmen who combined visionary experience with apocalyptic expectation around Olivi's time. See, for example, LernerRobert, ‘An “Angel of Philadelphia” in the Reign of Philip the Fair: The Case of Guiard of Cressonessart,’ Order and Innovation in the Middle Ages (Princeton 1976), 343–64; Bignami-Odier Jeanne, ‘Les visions de Robert d'Uzès,’ Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum 25 (1955) 258–310.