¹ For the Cistercians, see, for example, the surveys inBerkedal Bruun, M., ed., The Cambridge Companion to the Cistercian Order (Cambridge, 2012), by King, P., “The Cistercian Order 1200–1600,” 38–49, at 38: “the hope of successful proselytism among the Orthodox proved illusory”; and Jamroziak, E., “Centres and Peripheries,” 65–79, at 67: “the Cistercians were to be missionaries to some degree…. The whole experiment was largely a failure.” For the crusades, see, e.g.Angold, M., The Fourth Crusade: Event and Context (Harlow, 2003), 178: “Innocent III handed over the responsibility for drawing Greek monasticism within the Catholic fold to the Cistercians. He had hopes that their piety would be an instrument for reconciling the Greeks to the new Latin dispensation…. They disappointed Innocent's expectations … the Cistercians were not suited to the task that Innocent III was imposing on them.” This paper was conceived and written at the IRHT in Paris while I worked under the aegis of Monica Brinzei's ERC program THESIS. A preliminary version was delivered at the colloquium “Confronting the Christian ‘Other’: East-West Relations in the Middle Ages” on 14 March 2014 at the University of Vienna, and I thank the organizers, Thomas Prügl and Andrea Riedl, and the participants, for their comments. In addition, William Duba, Tobias Hoffmann, and Michalis Olympios kindly gave comments on an earlier draft.Google Scholar

² SeeWolff, R. L., “The Latin Empire of Constantinople and the Franciscans,” Traditio 2 (1944): 213–37; “The Organization of the Latin Patriarchate of Constantinople, 1204–1261,” Traditio 6 (1948): 33–60; and “Politics in the Latin Patriarchate of Constantinople, 1204–1261,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 8 (1954): 225–318, all repr. in idem, Studies in the Latin Empire of Constantinople (London, 1976), nos. VII–IX.Google Scholar

³ Brown, E. A. R., “The Cistercians in the Latin Empire of Constantinople and Greece, 1204–1276,” Traditio 14 (1958): 63–120.Google Scholar

⁴ Bolton, B. M., “A Mission to the Orthodox? The Cistercians in Romania,” Studies in Church History 13 (1976): 169–81, repr. in eadem, Innocent III: Studies on Papal Authority and Pastoral Care (Aldershot, 1995), no. XVII.Google Scholar

⁵ Ibid., 174.Google Scholar

⁶ Ibid., 169.Google Scholar

⁷ Ibid., 170.Google Scholar

⁸ Ibid., 180.Google Scholar

⁹ Ibid., 176.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Ibid., 176.Google Scholar

¹¹ Ibid., 177–78, 180.Google Scholar

¹² Ibid., 180–81.Google Scholar

¹³ Indeed, the following year saw the publication ofLekai, L. J., The Cistercians: Ideals and Reality (Kent, OH, 1977). I am most familiar with the revisionist work, sometimes controversial, ofBerman, C. H., especially Medieval Agriculture, the Southern French Countryside, and the Early Cistercians: A Study of Forty-three Monasteries (Philadelphia, 1986); The Cistercian Evolution: The Invention of a Monastic Order in Twelfth-Century Europe (Philadelphia, 2000); and “Were there Twelfth-Century Cistercian Nuns,” ed. eadem, Medieval Religion: New Approaches (London, 2005): 117–48. For a convenient update, with frequent discussion of the historiography, I use hereBurton, J. and Kerr, J., The Cistercians in the Middle Ages (Woodbridge, 2011).Google Scholar

¹⁴ Ilieva, A., Frankish Morea (1205–1262): Socio-cultural Interaction between the Franks and the Local Population (Athens, 1991): 219–20. Since Ilieva was an expert on Frankish Greece, her example is instructive: she accepted Bolton's “mission to the Orthodox in Romania” theory and the verdict of failure (although she wrongly identified two “hospitals” as Cistercian), but she questioned Bolton's generalizations, such as that Cistercians took over Greek houses (ibid., 217–27).Google Scholar

¹⁵ E.g., Burton, and Kerr, , The Cistercians in the Middle Ages, 18–19, 40–42, 58, and passim. Bolton's use of Chortaïton (“A Mission to the Orthodox?” 176) as an example of an abbey in a populous place is odd: although it was large and wealthy, it was in a rural area. Commenting on the Greek monks’ allegations that the Cistercians despoiled Chortaïton (see below), Bolton asks, “Is this simply the viciousness of the Latins of which Nicol has spoken or could this be said to be the deliberate creation of a wasteland at a second stage?”Google Scholar

¹⁶ See chapter 13 ofFrance, J., Separate but Equal: Cistercian Lay Brothers, 1120–1350 (Trappist, KY, 2012); and the overview inBerman, C. H., “Agriculture and Economies,” in The Cambridge Companion to the Cistercian Order, ed. Bruun, (n. 1 above), 112–24.Coureas, N., The Latin Church in Cyprus, 1195–1312 (Aldershot, 1997), 195–98, makes the point about the lack of potential conversi in Cyprus.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Burton, and Kerr, , The Cistercians in the Middle Ages, 88, 93–95.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Ibid., 99–101.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Bolton, , “A Mission to the Orthodox?” 181.Google Scholar

²⁰ Tsougarakis, N. I., The Latin Religious Orders in Medieval Greece, 1204–1500 (Turnhout, 2012), esp. 35–78. See his notes for the few significant publications relating to the Cistercians in Romania appearing since Brown's article, notably B. K. Panagopoulos, Cistercian and Mendicant Monasteries in Medieval Greece (Chicago, 1979), esp. 25–63.Google Scholar

²¹ This is an important theme inBurton, and Kerr, , The Cistercians in the Middle Ages, esp. chap. 2, although in many places the local bishops seem to have had a close relationship with the Cistercians as well, something for which we have little evidence in Romania. The Byzantinist Angold, Fourth Crusade (n. 1 above), 179, sees a different quid pro quo: material gain for the monks in exchange for “links with home” for the nobles.Google Scholar

²² Bolton, , “A Mission to the Orthodox?” 180.Google Scholar

²³ Brown, , “The Cistercians in the Latin Empire” (n. 3 above), 63. Several others have made this point, e.g., Lock, P., The Franks in the Aegean, 1204–1500 (London, 1995), 224; andJamroziak, , “Centres and Peripheries” (n. 1 above), 67, nuancing Bolton: “The whole experiment was largely a failure and almost all foundations had collapsed by the time of the Greek resurgence in 1276. The reason was not the monks’ inability to follow the prescribed norms of Cistercian life, as older literature has suggested, but the political situation; when the influence of the Franks declined in the 1260s and was replaced by Venetian domination, the Cistercian houses lost their supporters.”Google Scholar

²⁴ Bolton, , “A Mission to the Orthodox?” 169 and 170n5: “ita ut jam non sit regio vel insula intra metas latinitatis ubi ordo Cisterciensis non sit.”Google Scholar

²⁵ Homiliae dominicales venerabilis fr. Caesarii Heisterbacensis monachi S. Ordinis Cistertiensium … Pars secunda, sermon 8 (Cologne, 1615), p. 28a: “Nam sicut hodie videmus impletum, ‘extendit palmites suos usque ad mare’ [Ps. 79:12], tam orientale quam occidentale, novas semper vineas emittens, ita ut iam non sit regio vel insula intra metas latinitatis ubi Ordo Cisterciensis non sit. Ante annos paucos Henricus Flandrensis, qui post Baldeuinum fratrem suum Constantinopoli imperavit, de germine huius vineae etiam in Graeciam transtulit, formam novae religionis illic plantans. Quod autem sequitur, ‘et usque ad flumen propagines eius,’ novimus impletum. Nam iuxta Iordanem domus una de ordine nostro est, et ultra flumen usque ad terminos orbis terrarum extenderetur, sicut satis opinabile est, si culturam eius non impediret malitia paganorum.”Google Scholar

²⁶ The quotation above (n. 23) fromJamroziak, , “Centres and Peripheries,” 67, also hints at this.Google Scholar

²⁷ SeeTsougarakis, , The Latin Religious Orders in Medieval Greece, 57–61, revising Brown, , “The Cistercians in the Latin Empire,” 84–85 and 116–18. In 1217 the Cistercian General Chapter conditionally approved Patriarch Gervais's request for the incorporation of the abbey “de monte S. Gregorii” into the order, depending on the opinion of the abbot of St. Thomas, to which the house would be subordinated: Statuta Capitulorum Generalium Ordinis Cisterciensis ab anno 1116 ad annum 1786, ed. Canivez, J.-M.(Louvain, 1933), 1:481, no. 70. Then in December of that year Doge Pietro Ziani issued a charter granting St. Thomas “illud monasterium quod vocabulo greco est Gereri nuncupatum”:Cornelius, F., Ecclesiae Torcellanae antiquis monumentis nunc etiam primum editis illustratae, pars prima (Venice, 1749), 227a–228b. Patriarch Gervais then issued a charter dated 30 May 1218, confirming the grant of the monastery “quod dicitur Gerghiri,” as long as the Cistercian rule is observed there:Santifaller, L., Beiträge zur Geschichte des lateinischen Patriarchats von Konstantinopel (1204–1261) und der venezianischen Urkunde (Weimar, 1938), 101–3, no. 3. A letter of Honorius III from late 1223, five and a half years later, makes it clear that Cistercian monks had not yet settled on Crete (pace Tsougarakis, 57): Bullarium Hellenicum: Pope Honorius III's Letters to Frankish Greece and Constantinople, ed. Duba, W. and Schabel, C.(Turnhout, 2015), 82 and 476–77, no. 218 (although going back to the manuscript Duba and I show that the letter actually involves Jubin Abbey in Syria and not St. Thomas, the editio princeps in Cornelius, Ecclesiae Torcellanae, 229, being a forgery). As late as 1273 St. Thomas was still requesting the General Chapter to be able to send monks to settle on the island: Statuta Capitulorum Generalium Ordinis Cisterciensis (Louvain, 1935), 3:122–23, no. 40. There appears to be no evidence that Cistercian monks ever actually resided on Crete, rather than merely possessing land in Gergeri.Google Scholar

²⁸ On Cistercians in the Holy Land, seeHamilton, B., “The Cistercians in the Crusader States,” in One Yet Two: Monastic Traditions East and West, ed. Pennington, M. B.(Kalamazoo, MI, 1976), 405–22, repr. in idem, Monastic Reform, Catharism and the Crusades (900–1300) (London, 1979), no. X; and Pringle, D., “Cistercian Houses in the Kingdom of Jerusalem,” in The Second Crusade and the Cistercians, ed. Gervers, M.(New York, 1992), 183–98.Google Scholar

²⁹ For the Cistercians in Cyprus in general, seeRichard, J., “The Cistercians in Cyprus,” in The Second Crusade and the Cistercians, ed. Gervers, , 199–209, repr. In idem, Francs et orientaux dans le monde des croisades (Aldershot, 2003), no. XVIII; andCoureas, , The Latin Church in Cyprus, 1195–1312 (n. 16 above), 191–99 and passim, and The Latin Church in Cyprus 1313–1378 (Nicosia, 2010), 405–10 and passim.Google Scholar

³⁰ The almost unknown Cistercian nunnery of St. Mary Magdalene in Famagusta: see documents cited inOtten-Froux, C., “Un notaire vénitien à Famagouste au XIVe siècle. Les actes de Simeone, prêtre de San Giacomo dell'Orio (1362–1371),” Θησαυρίσματα 33 (2003): 15–159, no. 175, and in Balard, M., Les marchands Italiens à Chypre (Nicosia, 2007), 27n56; and the men's priory of St. Blaise: seeRichard, J., “L'Abbaye cistercienne de Jubin de le Prieuré Saint-Blaise de Nicosie,” Επετηρίδα του κέντρου Επιστημονικών Ερευνών 3 (1969–70): 63–74, repr. in idem, Orient et Occident au Moyen Age: contacts et relations (XII^e–XV^e s.) (London, 1976), no. XIX, at 63–68.Google Scholar

³¹ For the Nicosia houses of the Cistercians, seeSchabel, C., “Frankish Pyrgos and the Cistercians,” Report of the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus (2000): 349–60, repr. in idem, Greeks, Latins, and the Church in Early Frankish Cyprus (Farnham, 2010), no. VI; Leventis, P., Twelve Times in Nicosia: Nicosia, Cyprus, 1192–1570; Topography, Architecture and Urban Experience in a Diversified Capital City (Nicosia, 2005), 63–72; Schabel, C., “Ecclesiastical Monuments and Topography,” inCoureas, N., Grivaud, G., and Schabel, C., “Frankish and Venetian Nicosia,” chap. 3 of Historic Nicosia, ed. Michaelides, D.(Nicosia, 2012), 152–99, at 173^a–76^b;Olympios, M., “Between St Bernard and St Francis: A Reassessment of the Excavated Church of Beaulieu Abbey, Nicosia,” Architectural History 55 (2012): 25–55; Duba, W. and Schabel, C., “A Documentary History of St Theodore Abbey,” in A Cistercian Nunnery in the Latin East: The History and Archaeology of St Theodore Abbey, Nicosia, Cyprus, ed. Olympios, M. and Schabel, C.(Leiden, forthcoming).Google Scholar

³² On the Schism's impact, seeBurton, and Kerr, , The Cistercians in the Middle Ages (n. 13 above), 99–101.Google Scholar

³³ SeeTsougarakis, N. I. and Schabel, C., “Of Burning Monks, Unidentified Churches and the Last Cistercian Foundation in the East: Our Lady of Camina in the Principality of Achaia,” Journal of Medieval History 41 (2015): 60–87.Google Scholar

³⁴ Bolton, , “A Mission to the Orthodox?” 169, my emphasis.Google Scholar

³⁵ Ibid., 173, my emphasis.Google Scholar

³⁶ For the most prominent revisionist view, with a review of the older literature on pp. 318–24, seeQueller, D. E. and Madden, T. E., The Fourth Crusade: The Conquest of Constantinople, 2nd ed. (Philadelphia, 2000). The explosion of conferences and studies connected with the 800th anniversary of the Fourth Crusade in 2004 produced, for example, Angold, , Fourth Crusade (n. 1 above); Laiou, A. E., Urbs Capta: The Fourth Crusade and Its Consequences (Paris, 2005); Phillips, J., The Fourth Crusade and the Sack of Constantinople (London, 2005); Ortalli, G., Ravegnani, G., and Schreiner, P., eds., Quarta Crociata: Venezia, Bisanzio, Impero Latino, 2 vols. (Venice, 2006); Piatti, P., ed., The Fourth Crusade Revisited (Vatican City, 2008); Madden, T. F., ed., The Fourth Crusade: Event, Aftermath, and Perceptions (Aldershot, 2008); Hinterberger, M. and Schabel, C., eds., Greeks, Latins, and Intellectual History 1204–1500 (Leuven, 2011).Google Scholar

³⁷ Tsougarakis, and Schabel, , “Of Burning Monks,” 84–86, no. 4.Google Scholar

³⁸ For the early documents of the Cistercian houses on Cyprus, see Statuta Capitulorum Generalium Ordinis Cisterciensis (n. 27 above), 2:171 no. 15, 2:173 no. 25, 2:189 no. 21, 2:214 no. 57, 2:263 no. 22, 2:284 no. 50, 2:397 no. 34, 3:76 no. 40;Richard, , “L'Abbaye cistercienne de Jubin,” 68–70; Der Bericht des Marsilio Zorzi: Codex Querini-Stampalia IV 3 (1064), ed. Berggötz, O. (Frankfurt, 1991), 188, lines 25–26; The Cartulary of the Cathedral of Holy Wisdom of Nicosia, ed. Coureas, N. and Schabel, C.(Nicosia, 1997), 168–70, nos. 63 (translated inBerman, C. H., Women and Monasticism in Medieval Europe: Sisters and Patrons of the Cistercian Reform [Kalamazoo, 2002], 25–26, no. 3) and 64; Lignages d'Outremer, ed. Nielen, M.-A.(Paris, 2003), 100; Bullarium Cyprium I: Papal Letters concerning Cyprus 1196–1261, ed. Schabel, C.(Nicosia, 2010), 175–76, 259–63, 299–301, 481–83, nos. b-42, c-57, d-10, f-22.Google Scholar

³⁹ The letter is in PL 216, 341–42, no. 168: “conventum de fratribus vestris eidem archiepiscopo in suis deducendum expensis propter hoc assignare curetis.” SeeBrown, , “The Cistercians in the Latin Empire” (n. 3 above), 85–87.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Bullarium Hellenicum (n. 27 above), 338–41, no. 135. Aside from Honorius's letters, we have four references to Greece in the statutes of Cistercian General Chapters, but they do not mention Greeks; discussed inBrown, , “The Cistercians in the Latin Empire,” 78–96, they are Statuta Capitulorum Generalium Ordinis Cisterciensis, vol. 1, 306, no. 3 (1205, on conditions for sending Cistercians to Greece); 397, no. 36 (1212, a monk of Hautecombe, former abbot in Greece, is punished for having a night on the town, involving meat, drink, a bath, and a prostitute); 481, no. 70 (1217, conditional approval of a house on Crete); and vol. 2, 47, no. 59 (1225, passing Geoffrey of Villehardouin's request for an abbey in Achaia to the abbot of Morimond). For the early documents concerning the grant of a monastery on Crete to the Cistercians, see n. 27 above: they do not even state explicitly if the monastery was Greek (one assumes so) or still functioning, although one charter says it was “called Gereri in Greek.”Google Scholar

⁴¹ Angold, , The Fourth Crusade (n. 1 above), 178, remarks that “their presence was still not very impressive.”Google Scholar

⁴² Bolton, , “A Mission to the Orthodox?” 171and nn13–14.Google Scholar

⁴³ Ibid., 171 and n13. The letter is in PL 215, 636–38, no. 70, partially republished inActa Innocentii papae III (1198–1216), ed. Haluscynskyj, T. (Vatican City, 1944), 303–4, no. 81, and now available in Die Register Innocenz’ III., 8. Band, 8. Pontifikatsjahr, 1205/1206, ed. Hageneder, O. and Sommerlechner, A., with Egger, C., Murauer, R., and Weigl, H.(Vienna, 2001), 129–30, no. 71 (70).Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Despite Bolton's statement (“A Mission to the Orthodox?” 173–74) that “there is no evidence that other orders appeared in Romania until the advent of the mendicants,” the Benedictines were already there before 1204, it is possible that Cluniacs arrived soon after 1210, various groups of canons regular were established in Constantinople, Thessaloniki, Athens, and Patras, and there were Premonstratensian canons elsewhere, all before the mendicants arrived:Tsougarakis, , The Latin Religious Orders in Medieval Greece (n. 20 above), 80–82, 98–100, and 264–70.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ “Universis archiepiscopis, episcopis, et aliis ecclesiarum prelatis per regnum Francie constitutis. Multifarie multisque modis … Exultamus siquidem … quod vir Christianissimus, carissimus in Christo filius noster B., imperator Constantinopolitanus illustris….”Google Scholar

⁴⁶ “Nuper siquidem, devotionem suo plantatam in pectore in ramos bone operationis diffundens, nobis humiliter supplicavit ut viros religiosos et providos de ordine Cisterciensi, Cluniacensi, canonicorum regularium, aliarumque religionum ad fundandam fidei catholice veritatem perpetuoque firmandam ad partes Constantinopolitanas faceremus transmitti et, ut illuc valeant pervenire, a suis prelatis in necessariis provideri. Postulavit missalia, breviaria, ceterosque libros in quibus officium ecclesiasticum secundum instituta Sancte Romane Ecclesie continetur, saltem pro exemplaribus, ad partes illas faceremus transmitti.”Google Scholar

⁴⁷ “De singulis ordinibus viros … ad illas partes destinare procuretis. Memoratos quoque libros … ad partes illas, saltem pro exemplaribus, mittere procuretis, ut … Orientialis Ecclesia in divinis laudibus ab Occidentali non dissonet.”Google Scholar

⁴⁸ This is evident from Brown's and Tsougarakis's treatments, although in some cases we are uninformed about the initiative. Bolton herself (“A Mission to the Orthodox?” 174–75) is clear about lay initiative, although she interprets these actions as politically motivated, “to colonise, Christianise [!] and control.” For the Perchay family, seeSaint-Guillain, G., “Sainte-Marie du Perchay, abbaye cistercienne à Constantinople,” in Puer Apuliae: Mélanges offerts à Jean-Marie Martin, ed. Cuozzo, E. et al. (Paris, 2008), 2:593–603. Lock, , The Franks in the Aegean (n. 23 above), 223, points out that Baldwin, who wrote to the Cistercian abbots in May 1204, stopped at both Cîteaux and Clairvaux on his way to Venice in 1202.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Bolton, , “A Mission to the Orthodox?” 171n13. The letter is in PL 216, 594–95, no. 70, and partially republished in Acta Innocentii papae III, 429–30, no. 195.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ On this, seeBrown, , “The Cistercians in the Latin Empire” (n. 3 above), 77–81.Google Scholar

⁵¹ “Abbati et fratribus de Locedio. Dilectus filius nobilis vir W. marchio de Montisferrati sua nobis insinuatione monstravit quod clare memorie pater eius, dum adhuc viveret, monasterio vestro cenobium de Curhiat, quod erat in regno suo prope Thessalonicam constitutum … pro suorum concessit remedio peccatorum…. Postmodum autem, dilecto filio fratre Pog. monacho vestro cum quibusdam aliis fratribus suis illud vice Locediensis monasterii possidente, karissimus in Christo filius noster Constantinopolitanus imperator illustris predictos fratres de monasterio ipso violenter eiecit…. Nos enim, volentes ut ordinis Cisterciensis religio, que tanquam vitis abundans palmites suos longe lateque diffundit et velut lucerna non absconsa sub modio perlucide radios claritatis ostendit, in Romanie partibus propagetur, ut oves que de novo sunt in unum reducte Patrem qui est in celis glorificent, cum Latinos viderint sanctions vite propositum elegisse, statuimus quod per vos in dicto monasterio de cetero serventur Cisterciensis ordinis instituta, ut temporibus nostris melius in partibus illis religio Christiana proficiat et instituta regularia per vos de die in diem et propagentur fortius et amplius convalescant.”Google Scholar

⁵² “Mandantes quatenus dictos fratres super dicto monasterio non molestes, sed eos habens propensius commendatos, a malefactorum incursibus protegas et defendas.” Innocent also sent the letter to the archbishops of Philippi and Serres, who were to restore the monastery to the Cistercians.Google Scholar

⁵³ The letter is in PL 216, 951–52, no. 162, and republished in Acta Innocentii papae III (n. 43 above), 452–53, no. 213, with Haluscynskyj's marginal comment toward the bottom of p. 453: “Monasterium graecum de Chortato sub protectione Apostolicae Sedis suscipitur,” despite Innocent's clear words parallel to the comment: “Quia vero nobis non constitit de premissis, fraternitati tue per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus, inquisita plenius et cognita veritate, auctoritate nostra statuas et disponas que secundum Deum videris expedire.” Although she citesBrown, , “The Cistercians in the Latin Empire,” 80–81, who corrects tacitly Haluscynskyj and explicitly Joseph Donovan, Bolton (“A Mission to the Orthodox?” 178), employing the PL edition, seems to come to Haluscynskyj's erroneous conclusion, even making a generalization on the sole basis of this one example (my emphasis): “The displaced Greek monks appeared to be a litigious group, often appealing to the curia to protect them from the misdeeds of the Cistercians and there are cases in which the curia decided in favour of the Greeks.” The remainder of her odd analysis here is thus based on a false premise. Earlier (p. 176) she had rather incautiously accepted the Greek charges at face value: “It is true that the Cistercians destroyed the monks’ cells, uprooted their olive grove and sold wood and animals belonging to the monastery.”Google Scholar

⁵⁴ See Bullarium Hellenicum (n. 27 above), 228–30 and 520–25, nos. 66 (1218) and 243 (1224), and a letter of Pope Gregory IX quoting a letter of Bishop John of Negroponte from 1223:Auvray, J., Les registres de Grégoire IX (Paris, 1899–1955), cols. 893–94, no. 1619.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Angold, , Fourth Crusade (n. 1 above), 179, uses Chortaïton to assert that “the Cistercians did not find any means of relating to Greek monasticism.”Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Bolton, , “A Mission to the Orthodox?” 171and n14. The letter is in PL 215, 512–17, no. 203, republished in Acta Innocentii papae III, 285–89, no. 68, and now available in Die Register Innocenz’ III., 7. Band, 7. Pontifikatsjahr, 1204/1205, ed. Hageneder, O., Sommerlechner, A. and Weigl, H., with Egger, C. and Murauer, R.(Vienna, 1997), 354–59, no. 203. The entire letter is translated inAndrea, A. J., Contemporary Sources for the Fourth Crusade (Leiden, 2000), 131–39.Google Scholar

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⁵⁸ “Conclusimus ego et fratres mei piscium multitudinem copiosam, sive in Livonia convertendo paganos per predicationes illuc directos ad fidem, sive in Bulgaria et Blachia reducendo divisos ad unitatem, seu etiam in Armenia requirendo diutius derelictos per legatos ad hos populos destinatos…. Alia navis erat Grecorum Ecclesia, que fecit se alienam, cum ab unitate universalis Ecclesie se alienare presumpserit. Et illis quidem innuimus cum eos per litteras et nuntios nostros monuimus ut venirent et adiuvarent nos, id est, ut revertentes resumerent partem sollicitudinis nostre tanquam coadiutores dispensationis nobis iniuncte. Venerunt autem per Dei gratiam, quia postquam diebus istis Constantinopolitanum imperium a Grecis translatum est ad Latinos, Ecclesia quoque Constantinopolitana reddit ad obedientiam Apostolice Sedis tanquam ad matrem filia et membrum ad caput, ut inter nos et illos societas indivisa de cetero perseveret…. Certe utraque navicula est implenda, quoniam et ad Sedem Romanam et ad Constantinopolitanam Ecclesiam revertentur qui se ab utriusque obedientia subtraxerunt…. Pro certo confide, quia postquam ceperis pisces, id est, postquam reduxeris Christianos, ex tunc homines capies, id est, Iudeos et paganos convertes.”Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Here I quote from the translation inAndrea, , Contemporary Sources for the Fourth Crusade, 166.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Bolton, , “A Mission to the Orthodox?” 169.Google Scholar

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⁶³ See Innocent III, De sacro altaris mysterio IV, cc. 4 and 33, PL 217, 857–58 and 878. On Innocent's evolving stance, seeAndrea, A. J., “Innocent III and the Byzantine Rite, 1198–1216,” in Laiou, , Urbs Capta (n. 36 above), 111–22.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ SeeSchabel, C., “Martyrs and Heretics, Intolerance of Intolerance: The Execution of Thirteen Monks in Cyprus in 1231,” in idem, Greeks, Latins, and the Church in Early Frankish Cyprus, no. III, 1–33. For a historical overview of later Latin views, seeSchabel, , “The Quarrel over Unleavened Bread,” 100–127.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ SeeAvvakumov, Y. P., “The Controversy over the Baptismal Formula under Pope Gregory IX,” in Hinterberger, and Schabel, , Greeks, Latins, and Intellectual History, 69–84.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ They had not yet been defined by the Roman Church. On these see, e.g., Le Goff, J., The Birth of Purgatory, trans. Goldhammer, A.(Chicago, 1984); Trottman, C., La vision béatifique des disputes scolastiques à sa définition par Benoît XII (Rome, 1995). For direct connections with the Greeks on these issues, seeDuba, W., “The Afterlife in Medieval Frankish Cyprus,” Επετηρίδα τον κέντρου Επιστημονικών Ερευνών 26 (2000): 167–94; Geréby, G., “Hidden Themes in Fourteenth-Century Byzantine and Latin Theological Debates: Monarchianism and Crypto-Dyophysitism,” in Hinterberger, and Schabel, , Greeks, Latins, and Intellectual History, 183–211.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ SeeHerde, P., “The Papacy and the Greek Church in Southern Italy between the Eleventh and the Thirteenth Centuries,” in The Society of Norman Italy, ed. Loud, G. A. and Metcalfe, A. (Leiden, 2002), 213–51, esp. 225–35 (although relying on some older bibliography); Hamilton, B., The Latin Church in the Crusader States: The Secular Church (London, 1980), esp. 159–66; Schabel, C., “Religion,” in Cyprus — Society and Culture 1191–1374, ed. Nicolaou-Konnari, A. and Schabel, C.(Leiden, 2005), 157–218, at 195–98.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ The letter is in PL 215, 455–61, no. 154; Acta Innocentii papae III (n. 43 above), 277–83, no. 65; and Die Register Innocenz’ III., 7. Band (n. 56 above), 264–70, no. 154. Were the references to the Jews a tacit rebuttal of Greek accusations that the Latin use of unleavened bread was Judaizing?Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Acta Innocentii papae IV (1243–1264), ed. Haluscynskyj, T. and Wojnar, M. M. (Rome, 1962), 125, no. 71; Acta Alexandri IV (1255–1261), ed. Haluscynskyj, T. and Wojnar, M. M.(Rome, 1966), 39–42, no. 28; Acta Urbani IV, Clementis IV, Gregorii X (1261–1276), ed. Tautu, A. L.(Vatican City, 1963), 69–70, no. 24.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ For example in the talks at Nicaea and Nymphaeum in 1234, from which we have a detailed report edited inGolubovich, G., “Disputatio Latinorum et Graecorum seu Relatio Apocrisariorum Gregorii IX de gestis Nicaeae in Bithynia et Nymphaeae in Lydia, 1234,” Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 12 (1919): 418–70. For the Cistercians and the Filioque, seeSchabel, C., “Cistercian University Theologians on the Filioque,” Archa Verbi 11 (2014): 124–89. For the Franciscans and Dominicans among the Greeks, seeRoncaglia, M., Les Frères Mineurs et l'Église orthodoxe au XIII^e siècle (1231–1274) (Cairo, 1954); Delacroix-Besnier, C., Les Dominicains et la Chrétienté grecque aux XIVe et XVe siècles (Rome, 1997); Chrissis, N. G., Crusading in Frankish Greece: A Study of Byzantine-Western Relations and Attitudes, 1204–1282 (Turnhout, 2012), passim; andTsougarakis, , The Latin Religious Orders in Medieval Greece (n. 20 above), 141–54 and 203–10.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Enchiridion Symbolorum, ed. Denzinger, H. and Schönmetzer, A., 32nd ed. (Barcelona, 1963), no. 800. See Robb, F., “The Fourth Lateran Council's Definition of Trinitarian Orthodoxy,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 48 (1997): 22–43; Mews, C. J. and Monagle, C., “Peter Lombard, Joachim of Fiore and the Fourth Lateran Council,” Medioevo 35 (2010): 81–122; andGemeinhardt, P., “The Trinitarian Theology of Joachim of Fiore,” Archa Verbi 9 (2012): 9–33.Google Scholar

⁷² See, for example, the edition in Acta Innocentii papae III, 482–84. The classic statement of the mild papal attitude toward the doctrine and rites of the Greeks under Latin rule came fifty years after the conquest, when Innocent IV wrote his legate in the East, Eudes of Châteauroux, in 1254, concerning the Greeks of Cyprus (many editions, the latest being Bullarium Cyprium [n. 38 above], 425–35, no. e-84). Innocent pronounced his and the cardinals’ opinion on twenty-six points of divergence, not including the oath to the pope and the Greek accusation that the Latin use of unleavened bread was heretical, since these issues had already been dealt with. He avoided the Filioque, but, confused about the Greeks’ stance on the afterlife, declared that they should employ the term ‘purgatory’ in whatGoff, Le, Birth of Purgatory (n. 66 above), 284, calls the “birth certificate” of the official doctrine.Google Scholar

⁷³ SeeLoud, G. A., The Latin Church in Norman Italy (Cambridge, 2007), especially 494–520, building on other recent revisionist work.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Hamilton, , The Latin Church in the Crusader States, 165.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ On Greek bishops and abbots taking the oath in Greece and Cyprus, seeRichard, J., “The Establishment of the Latin Church in the Empire of Constantinople, 1204–1277,” in Latins and Greeks in the Eastern Mediterranean, ed. Arbel, B., Hamilton, B., and Jacoby, D. (Ilford, 1989), 45–62, repr. in idem, Croisades et États latins d'Orient (Aldershot, 1992), no. VI; Schabel, , “Religion,” 194–212; Van Tricht, F., The Latin Renovatio of Byzantium: The Empire of Constantinople (1204–1228), trans. Longbottom, P.(Leiden, 2011), 322–34; Voisin, L., “‘Comme un loup poursuivant un mouton …’: les monastères grecs sous domination latine (XIII^e–XVI^e siècle)” (PhD diss., Université de Rouen, 2011), 1:639–61; Schabel, C., “Ab hac hora in antea: Oaths to the Roman Church in Frankish Cyprus (and Greece),” forthcoming in a Festschrift.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ See nowSchabel, C. and Tsougarakis, N., “Pope Innocent III, the Fourth Lateran Council, and Frankish Greece and Cyprus,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 67 (2016), forthcoming.Google Scholar