Published online by Cambridge University Press: 29 February 2016
The manuscript sources of the Mozarabic or Old Hispanic liturgy have been thoroughly described and analyzed, with the exception of an early-eleventh-century book of saints' offices that has been considered missing since the late nineteenth century from the Cathedral Archive of Toledo. In October 2001, I identified this lost book as manuscript B2916 in the library of the Hispanic Society of America in New York, where it has been since its acquisition by the Society's founder, Archer Huntington. HSA MS B2916 is the only codex of the Old Hispanic liturgy preserved outside Europe. This manuscript is a curious book, comprising the offices for the feasts of Saint Martin (November 11), Saint Emilianus or Millán (November 12), and the Assumption of the Virgin (August 15). The matins lessons of the first two offices consist of the entirety of, respectively, the Vitae of Martin by Sulpicius Severus and of San Millán by Braulio of Saragossa. Because the manuscript was in a private collection and has remained uncatalogued, it has gone unnoticed for the last century, a period that saw the maturation of modern study of the Mozarabic rite. The contents of the book were not unknown during this time, however, because some specialists have consulted the copy (today in the Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid) made in 1752 by the polymath Jesuit Andrés Marcos Burriel. Indeed, it was Clyde Brockett's remarkably accurate handmade copy of the Burriel copy that made the identification of the manuscript possible, even at two removes. While the Burriel copy is useful, many important aspects of the original manuscript deserve notice.
1 For a bibliography on the Mozarabic liturgy, see Férotin, Marius, Le liber mozarabicus sacramentorum et les manuscrits mozarabes (1912; reprint, with a bibliography by Ward, Anthony and Johnson, Cuthbert, Rome, 1995), 43–90.Google Scholar
I wish to express my gratitude to several people who have assisted me significantly in the preparation of this article: Elizabeth Valdez del Alamo and Constancio del Alamo, Michael Agnew and Sonia Agnew, and the staff of the library at the Hispanic Society of America as well as that of the Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid. The readers for Traditio made many helpful suggestions.Google Scholar
2 Abbreviations for libraries: AHN = Madrid, Archivo Historico Nacional; AM = Silos, Árchivo monástico; HSA = New York, Hispanic Society of America; RAH = Madrid, Real Academia de la Historia.Google Scholar
3 BN 13060, fols. 120–200. On the Burriel copy and its historical context, see the final section of this article.Google Scholar
4 Brockett's copy forms appendix 2 of his published dissertation: see Brokkett, Clyde Waring Jr., Antiphons, Responsories and other Chants of the Mozarabic Rite , Musicological Studies, 15 (New York, 1968), 227–56.Google Scholar
5 A full codicological description is in preparation for a monograph on the manuscript.Google Scholar
6 The dimensions of the page are 193 × 135 mm. The ruling, executed with a drypoint on the hair side, comprises either seventeen lines per page (fols. 1–63v, writing block approximately 140 × 97 mm) or sixteen (fols. 64r–99v, writing block approximately 135 × 90 mm). The twelve gatherings are all quaternions (the first lacking its first leaf) except for the tenth, which has twelve leaves.Google Scholar
7 “Officium SS. Martini et Aemiliani et vita S. Aemiliani auctore S. Braulione episcopo Caesaraugustano et officium assumptionis B. Mariae.” Google Scholar
8 The three hands copied, respectively, fols. 1v–78r, 78v–89r, and 89v–99v. A single hand added the musical notation throughout the manuscript.Google Scholar
9 On the scriptorium at San Millán, see Luaces, Joaquin Yarza, “La miniatura románica. Estado de la cuestión,” Anuario del Departamento de Historia y Teoría del Arte 2 (1990): 9–25, esp. 11–12, 16. Yarza Luaces notes that there was no interruption of manuscript production at San Millán between the early Middle Ages and the Romanesque periods. See also Williams, John, The Illustrated Beatus. A Corpus of the Illustrations of the Commentary on the Apocalypse, 3, The Tenth and Eleventh Centuries (London: Harvey Miller, 1998), 22–26. I thank Elizabeth Valdez del Alamo for these references.Google Scholar
10 On these manuscripts, see Silva, y Verástegui, , La miniatura , 48–52 (RAH 64) and 25–32 (AHN 1006b); Díaz, Manuel y Díaz, , Libros y librerías en la Rioja altomedieval (Logroño, 1979), 190–91 and plate 16 (RAH 64); 178–81 (AHN 1006b).Google Scholar
11 Basing his observation on the Burriel copy, Louis Brou pointed this out in “Notes de paléographie musicale mozarabe,” Anuario musical 10 (1955): 23–44, at 30.Google Scholar
12 On this manuscript, see Díaz, y Díaz, , Libros y librerías , 198–99 and plate 18; on the neumes in particular, see Suñol, Grégoire, Introduction à la paléographie musicale grégorienne (Paris and Tournai, 1935), 344–45.Google Scholar
13 See examples in Brockett, , Antiphons, Responsories , 122–23, 135; Suñol, , Introduction, 344–45.Google Scholar
14 The mass Excellentissimo huic diei (which was added on fols. 89r–92r) is edited in Liber missarum de Toledo y Libros Misticos , ed. Janini, José (Toledo, 1982), 1: 486–90. For a facsimile of fol. 89r, see Walker, Rose, Views of Transition: Liturgy and Illumination in Medieval Spain (London, 1998), 58, fig. 4.Google Scholar
15 Díaz, Manuel y Díaz, , Códices visigóticos en la Monarquía Leonesa (León, 1983), 403, dates this manuscript to the end of the tenth century, whereas Walker, , Views of Transition, 58–59, argues that several paleographical features place it in the eleventh century.Google Scholar
16 See Liber missarum de Toledo , 494, line 16 (“Aemilianus hic noster”), lines 19–21 (“Est enim patronus ueraciter praeualens, quo defendamur oppressi, et necessarius medicus, quo fauente domino sanemur egroti”), lines 28–29 (“Ille, inquam, ille hic noster Aemilianus est”); and 495, line 11 (“largitus est gratiam ita eiusdem patrocinio”).Google Scholar
17 Whitehill, Walter Muir Jr., “The manuscripts of Santo Domingo de Silos: À la recherche du temps perdu,” in Homenaje a Fray Justo Pérez de Urbel, OSB , vol. 1, Studia Silensia, 3 (Abadia de Silos, 1976), 284. I am grateful to Elizabeth Valdez del Alamo for this reference. Ann Boylan's thesis that the Silos scriptorium produced no manuscripts before the last decade of the eleventh century implies that BL 30845 originated elsewhere; see her “Manuscript Illumination at Santo Domingo de Silos (xth to xiith centuries)” (Ph.D. diss., University of Pittsburgh, 1990), 13.Google Scholar
18 Díaz, y Díaz, , Libros y librerías , 195 n. 18; Janini, José, “Officia silensia: Liber misticus, III, sanctorale (Cod. Londres, British Museum, Add. 30845), edición y notas,” Hispania Sacra 31 (1978–79): 357–465, at 357–58; Walker, , Views of Transition, 48. Ismael Fernández de la Cuesta (“Sobre la biblioteca musical de Silos,” Revista de musicología 15 [1992]: 373–78, at 374) compares the notation in the office of Saint Martin to that in AM 6.Google Scholar
19 For the most recent descriptions of this manuscript, see Boynton, Susan, “Eleventh-Century Continental Hymnaries Containing Latin Glosses,” Scriptorium 53 (1999): 200–251, at 244–48; El Scriptorium Silense y los orígenes de la lengua castellana (Valladolid, 1995), 2–3 (with a color reproduction).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
20 Boylan, , “Manuscript Illumination,” 366, points out that “the employment of the Caroline script was a gradual development, which occurred at different rates in different scriptoria.” A manuscript of Isidore of Seville's Etymologies dated 1072, which Boylan attributes to San Millán (Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, n.a.l. 2169), exhibits Caroline features.Google Scholar
21 On this manuscript, see de Silva, Soledad y Verástegui, , La miniatura en el monasterio de San Millán de la Cogolla: Una contributión al estudio de los códices miniados en los siglos xi al xiii (Logroño, 1999), 33–48.Google Scholar
22 RAH 47, fol. 30v, reproduced in Silva, y Vérastegui, , La miniatura , 116. Marius Férotin thought that RAH 47 was the missing Toledo 33.2, because it contains the Vita of Martin by Sulpicius Severus as well as Braulio's, Vita of Millán; see Liber mozarabicus sacramentorum, 522, and Díaz, y Díaz, , Libros y librerías, 182–83. Díaz y Díaz emphasizes the liturgical function of the book, based on the division of the saints' lives into lessons.Google Scholar
23 Gregory of Tours' Vita of the saint relates a miracle that explains the quick diffusion of the cult in Spain. See Rodriguez, Carmen García, El culto de los santos en la España romana y visigoda (Madrid, 1966), 334–42.Google Scholar
24 Verona, Biblioteca Capitolare, 89, copied in Tarragona before 731. For the prayers, see Oracional visigótico , ed. Vives, José, Monumenta Hispaniae Sacra, Series Liturgica, 1 (Barcelona, 1946), 384–87.Google Scholar
25 I have used the edition by Fontaine, Jacques, Sulpice Sévère: Vie de Saint Martin , Sources Chrétiennes, 133–35 (Paris, 1967). The text in HSA B2916 is divided into four lectiones, with the first comprising chapters 2–7; the second, chapters 8–14; the third, chapters 15–21, and the fourth, chapters 22–25.Google Scholar
26 On this manuscript, see most recently El Scriptorium Silense , 20–21. The date in the colophon has been interpreted in various ways. José Janini dates the manuscript 1059, a date confirmed by Anscari Mundó; see Janini, , “Officia silensia, Liber misticus IV: Officia Martini, S. et Michaelis, S. (Cod. Silos, Arch. Del Monasterio, 5), edición y notas,” Hispania Sacra 31 (1978–79): 466–83, at 467–68. The office is edited on 469–79.Google Scholar
27 León, , Biblioteca de la Catedral, MS 8.Google Scholar
28 The office of Saint Martin (on fols. 139–144r of this manuscript) is edited in Janini, , “Officia silensia, Liber misticus, III,” 439–41.Google Scholar
29 Fontaine, , Vie de Saint Martin , 256.Google Scholar
30 Ibid., 254.Google Scholar
31 The most readily available critical edition of the text is Sancti Braulionis Caesaraugustani Episcopi Vita S. Emiliani , ed. de Parga, Luis Vázquez (Madrid, 1943). A better edition is found in Ignazio Cazzaniga, “La vita di S. Emiliano scritta da Braulione vescovo di Saragozza, edizione critica,” Bollettino del Comitato per la preparazione dell'edizione nazionale dei classici greci e latini, n. s. 3 (1955): 7–44.Google Scholar
32 Díaz, Manuel y Díaz, , “Passionnaires, légendiers, et compilations hagiographiques dans le haut Moyen Âge espagnol,” Hagiographies, cultures, et sociétés, iv–xii siècles (Paris, 1981), 54.Google Scholar
33 Harris, Julie Ann, “The Arca of San Millán de la Cogolla and its Ivories” (Ph.D. diss., University of Pittsburgh, 1989), 38–39.Google Scholar
34 The complete medieval manuscripts of the Vita are Escorial A.II.9 (s. x), Lisbon, BN Alcobaça 494 (s. xii), BN 822 (s. x), BN 494 (s. xi), RAH 10 (ss. xii-xiii), RAH 13 (s. x) RAH 47 (s. xi), and Salamanca, Bib. Univ. 2537 (s. xii). For a discussion of the manuscripts and of editions of the text, see Harris, , “The Arca,” 27–28.Google Scholar
35 I am preparing an edition and study of the office in HSA B2916.Google Scholar
36 The office on fols. 144v–149v of BL 30845 was edited by Janini, , “Officia silensia: Liber misticus, III,” 441–44.Google Scholar
37 The Translatio by the thirteenth-century monk Fernando, most recently edited by Dutton, Edward, La “Vida de San Millan de la Cogolla” de Gonzalo de Berceo (London, 1962), was divided into lessons for matins in the earliest manuscript, RAH 23, and would provide appropriate readings for the night office during a celebration of Millán's translation. Thus Fernando's lessons for the translation could have complemented Braulio's Vita, which furnished the lessons for the main feast on November 12. It is also possible, of course, that Fernando's Translatio was intended to replace Braulio's text as lessons for the November 12 feast. Without a complete reexamination of the manuscript transmission of both texts, which is outside the scope of the present study, these suggestions must remain tentative.Google Scholar
38 The entry appears on fol. 10r of Madrid, RAH 18. The entire calendar is edited, along with an earlier one, in Janini, José, “Dos calendarios emilianenses del siglo xi,” Hispania Sacra 15 (1962): 177–95. The dedication of the church of San Millán also appears as a later addition on November 6 (fol. 11r).Google Scholar
39 Díaz, y Díaz, , Libros y librerías , 97–187.Google Scholar
40 Harris, , “The Arca,” 38–39.Google Scholar
41 Ibid., 16–19.Google Scholar
42 This is the one charter judged authentic by de Gaiffier, Baudouin (“Les sources de la Translatio Sancti Aemiliani,” in de Gaiffier, Baudouin, Études critiques d'hagiographie et d'iconologie [Brussels, 1967], 140–149, at 144–145). It is published in Cartulario de San Millán de la Cogolla, 759–1076 , ed. Arteta, Antonio Ubieto (Valencia, 1976), 191–92 (number 192); see also the earlier edition by Serrano, Luciano, Cartulario de San Millán de la Cogolla (Madrid, 1930), 113–14 (number 100).Google Scholar
43 See de Gaiffier, , “Les sources,” 140–55.Google Scholar
44 According to de Gaiffier, (“Les sources,” 145), this charter does not make it entirely clear whether the event was an elevation or a translation. Following the consensus of most historians, I refer to it as an elevation and translation. The distinction does not diminish the significance of the event as a possible context for the production of HSA B2916.Google Scholar
45 Braulio of Saragossa, “The Life of St. Aemilian the Confessor,” in Lives of the Visigothic Fathers , trans. Fear, A. T. (Liverpool, 1997), 25. For another translation, see “Life of St. Emilian,” trans. Barlow, Claude, in vol. 2 of Iberian Fathers, The Fathers of the Church, 63 (Washington, D. C. 1969). These translations are based on the edition of de Parga, Vázquez, Vita S. Emiliani, 18–19: “Sapientiae etiam flores ita de pratis discerpserat ineffabilis diuinitatis, ut is qui usque ad octauum memoriae uix commendauerat psalmum, incomparabiliter longeque praestantius, peritia prudentia acutiaque, mundi uetustos anteiret filosofos; nec inmerito sane, quia quod illis saecularis industria, isti diuinitus superna concesserat gratia, uere ut coniceo caelicolis Antonio Martinoque uocatione, educatione per omnia similis.” Google Scholar
46 See “The Life of St. Emilian,” 24; Vita S. Emiliani, 17.Google Scholar
47 Harris, , “The Arca,” 5–6. On the complex chronology surrounding the production of the reliquary, see pp. 181–205. For reproductions of the ivories and the frame of the reliquary, see Olarte, Joaquin Peña, Los marfiles de San Millán de la Cogolla (Logroño, 1978); The Art of Medieval Spain a.d. 500–1200 (New York, 1993), 260–66 (catalogue 125a–g).Google Scholar
48 Harris, , “The Arca,” 31 n. 8, states that “The engraved captions on the plaques are close enough to the chapter headings of the Vita to suggest that a manuscript version was used as the model during the preparation of the Arca. Of the manuscripts of the Vita, five of these could have been this model because of their provenance, form, and dating: Escorial A.II.9, Madrid RAH 47, RAH 13, BN 822, BN 494.” See also pp. 175–76.Google Scholar
49 Ibid., 177–80.Google Scholar
50 Janini, José, “El oficio mozárabe de la Asunción,” Hispania Sacra 28 (1975): 3–35.Google Scholar
51 See del Alamo, Elizabeth Valdez, “Triumphal Visions and Monastic Devotion: The Annunciation Relief of Santo Domingo de Silos,” Gesta 29 (1990): 167–88, at 177 and n. 68. I am grateful to the author for help with sources for the Marian liturgy at Silos. The office was edited by Janini, José, Liber ordinum sacerdotal (Abadia de Silos, 1981), 204–5. On p. 206 Janini gives the incipit and the explicit of the transitus text, which was edited in full by Férotin, , Liber mozarabicus sacramentorum, cols. 786–95.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
52 See Fulton, Rachel, “The Virgin Mary and the Song of Songs in the High Middle Ages” (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1994), 60–69. By the eleventh century, Paschasius Radbertus's pseudo-Hieronymian epistle Cogitis me was often used for matins lessons, as in the office lectionary of Cluny; see Étaix, Raymond, “Le lectionnaire de l'office à Cluny,” Revue des études augustiniennes 11 (1976): 91–153, at 123.Google Scholar
53 For instance, BL Add. 30844, fols. 1–32r; and AM 5, fols. 1–33v. On the significance of this manuscript transmission for the iconography of the Virgin at Silos, see del Alamo, Valdez, “Triumphal Visions,” 174. In AM 5, Exhortatur nos follows Ildefonsus's De Virginitate on fols. 36–39v.Google Scholar
54 On the Mozarabic liturgy of the Assumption, see particularly Janini, , “El oficio”; and Guillem, Gonzalo Gironés, La Virgen María en la liturgia mozárabe (Valencia, 1964), 37–40, 140–60. I am grateful to Elizabeth Valdez del Alamo for references on this subject.Google Scholar
55 Other antiphons are shared with feasts of the common of virgins, Saint Leocadia, and Saint Columba. See Janini, , “El oficio,” 6–7.Google Scholar
56 Lambert, A., “La fête de l'Ordinatio Sancti Martini,” Revue Mabillon 26 (1936): 1–27. The office is transmitted in BL Add. 30845, fols. 81–83, and edited by Janini, , “Officia silensia: Liber misticus, III,” 407–8, immediately followed by the Assumption office. The office in HSA B2916 does not seem to be intended for the feast of the Ordination, but the manuscript's compiler may have associated the two feasts. A comparable chance connection between them appears in AM 5, an eleventh-century book of saints' offices and lessons in which the office of Saint Martin immediately follows a group of texts for Marian feasts (Ildefonsus of Toledo's De Virginitate Beatae Mariae and the sermon Exhortatur nos).Google Scholar
57 Janini, , “El oficio,” 13.Google Scholar
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78 Madrid BN 13830, fol. 30r–v (shelfmark 29–23).Google Scholar
79 This facsimile is now Madrid, BN MS Música 813, number 3 (Avecilla, Don Crispulo, Facsímiles de códices musicales existentes en la Librería del Cabildo Toledano sacados para Don. F. A. Barbieri [Toledo, 1869]).Google Scholar
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86 All the manuscripts from Toledo that went to the Biblioteca Nacional appear in the BN's concordance of old and new shelfmarks, as well as in an early-twentieth-century copy of a late-nineteenth-century catalogue. These documents contain no indication of any manuscript from Toledo that can be construed as HSA B2916.Google Scholar
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93 Cartas eruditas , 243–44.Google Scholar
94 “Ademas de la Biblia, Concilios, Liturgia, y obras de Santos, resulta un argumento á favor de la fé de España … y de la tradición en todos los puntos por todos los siglos, tan fuerte, tan autorizado de manuscritos incorruptos, tan sin sospecha de fraude por todos lados, que me parece no poder hacerse cosa mayor en obsequio de la Iglesia Católica, ni poderse hacer cosa mejor en España, porque sola España es la nación que puede producir como propias Biblias, Liturgias, colección de Concilios, y obras de Santos suyas; así todo baxo el sello de una autoridad tan respetable en toda la Iglesia Católica, como es la de esta Iglesia de Toledo; puro todo, limpio, verdadero, firme, y antiguo todo, y todo conformísimo con lo mismo que creemos, y enseñamos el dia de hoy” ( Cartas eruditas , 253–54).Google Scholar
95 Ibid., 244.Google Scholar
96 Janini, Although José, Serrano, José, and Mundò, Anscari, Manuscritos litúrgicos de la Biblioteca Nacional (Madrid, 1969), 175, date the entire volume 1753, the title page of the copy of Toledo 33.2 (fol. 120r) bears the date 1752 (written by the scribe).Google Scholar
97 The manuscript has been described by Roqueta, Jaime Moll, “Nuevos hallazgos de manuscritos mozárabes con neumas musicales,” Anuario musical 5 (1950): 11–14, at 13–14; Janini, , Serrano, , and Mundò, , Manuscritos litúrgicos de la Biblioteca Nacional, 176–77. Janini announced a complete edition of the manuscript that apparently never appeared.Google Scholar
98 On these manuscripts, see Janini, , Serrano, , and Mundò, , Manuscritos litúrgicos de la Biblioteca Nacional , 158–80.Google Scholar
99 The copy of Toledo 35.2 in BN 13047 from 1752 and the copy of Toledo 35.4 in BN 13048–49, from 1753, contain lines left blank, presumably intended for notation that was never added. In the copy of Toledo 35.5 in BN 13052, from 1753, the scribe occasionally skipped lines to allow space for notation that was never added; the marginal annotation “música” next to some chant texts indicates that they were notated in the original. The copy of Toledo 35.6 in BN 13053, from 1753, contains no notation or any indication that it was to be added later.Google Scholar
100 The copy of the psalter in Toledo 35.1 (now Madrid 10001) in BN 13050, from 1754, includes facsimiles with neumes of each antiphon; the copy of the hymnary in Toledo 35.1 in BN 13056, also from 1754, includes neumes added between the lines of the texts. The texts are copied in modern script.Google Scholar
101 On fol. 156v of BN 13060, Burriel copied the text incipit in its original script and notation, then recopied it in a modern cursive, outlining the chant to separate it from the rest of the page, as well as commenting verbally that the chant was a late addition. He copied the conclusion of the chant on fol. 195r, crossed out the text, and divided it with a line from the Mozarabic chant above it, remarking again that it was added later to the volume.Google Scholar
102 BN 13054, fol. 68r.Google Scholar
103 Facsimiles by Palomares are inserted in BN 13046, 13047, 13048, 13050, 13053, and 13060. According to Janini, José and Marqués, José Maria, “Facsímiles de manuscritos litúrgicos visigóticos toledanos en los legajos de Burriel (Biblioteca Nacional),” Hispania Sacra 18 (1965): 27–32, at 31, it is unlikely that Palomares executed numerous facsimiles of neumes in BN 13060, as Agustín Miliares Carlo claimed in Contributión al “Corpus” de códices visigóticos (Madrid, 1931), 43. Palomares was responsible only for the facsimile on fol. 121.Google Scholar
104 In Tuero, Echánove, La preparatión intelectual , 271.Google Scholar
105 The printed dissertation and the manuscript notes for the defense on August 19, 1724, are preserved in BN 13423, fols. 289–367.Google Scholar
106 San Millan Aragones. Congresso Alegorico-historico-apologetico, en que se declara la verdadera patria de San Millán de la Cogolla. Precede, para mayor inteligencia, y justificacion de esta Causa, la Vida, que de este Santissimo Presbytero, y Confessor escribio San Braulio, Obispo de Zaragoza (Saragossa, 1733). For a full account of the history of this debate, see de Gaiffier, Baudoin, “La controverse au sujet de la patrie de S. Émilien de la Cogolla,” in Analecta Bollandiana 51 (1933): 293–417.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
107 “Dudo, si se ha completuria, o si, capitula esta cifra.” Google Scholar
108 On this mistake, see Brou, Louis, “Deux mauvaises lectures du chanoine Ortiz dans l'édition du bréviaire mozarabe de Ximines: lauda, capitula,” in Miscelánea en homenaje a Monsenor Higinio Anglés (Barcelona, 1958), 1: 173–202, at 1:185–90, 200–202 (plates 10–12).Google Scholar
109 Burriel's notes on liturgy in the miscellany manuscript Madrid, BN 13058 attest to his care in amassing information on both the Mozarabic and Roman rites.Google Scholar
110 “Nuestra Liturgia Goda Muzarebe ó Isidoriana por todas razones puede competir con la de qualquiera otra nacion'” Cartas eruditas , 266–69.Google Scholar
111 Important general studies include Brou, Louis, “Études sur le Missel et le Breviaire ‘mozarabes’ imprimés,” Hispania Sacra 11 (1958): 349–98; Janini, José, “Misas mozárabes recompuestas por Ortiz,” Hispania Sacra 34 (1982): 153–63; Patino, José Maria Martín, “El Breviarium Mozárabe de Ortiz: Su valor documental para la historia del oficio catedralicio hispánico,” Miscelanea Comillas 50 (1963): 207–97. These authors do not refer to Burriel's collations, notes, and observations based on the liturgical books of Toledo.Google Scholar
112 Tuero, Echánove, La preparación intelectual , 186.Google Scholar
113 Bangert, , A History of the Society of Jesus , 294.Google Scholar
114 Tuero, Echánove, La preparación intelectual , 126.Google Scholar
115 Colección de documentos inéditos para la historia de España (Madrid, 1848), 13: 252–87.Google Scholar
116 Gonzálvez, and Janini, , Catálogo de los manuscritos litúrgicos de la catedral de Toledo , 22. Elizabeth Parker helpfully suggested to me that Burriel's conflicts with the court may have been related to the anti-Jesuit movement that eventually led to the suppression of the order. Tuero, Echánove, La preparatión intelectual, 196, implies that the role of anti-Jesuit sentiment was negligible, but he nevertheless refers to Wall's campaign against Burriel as “persecution” (126).Google Scholar
117 “… considerar qual debe ser el vivo dolor y sentimiento de dicho Padre en un sacrificio tan terrible: pues habiendo sido elegido para estos estudios, no solo sin pretenderlo, mas aún sin pensarlo: habiendo sido separado á este fin, no solo de los estudios y ministerios propios de su Religion; mas privado tambien de la vocacion que le llevaba á los bárbaros Indios, habiendo trabajado todos estos años, dia y noche con teson, que ha traspasado largamente la raya de la prudencia” ( Cartas eruditas , 228).Google Scholar
118 Ibid., 223–30, reprinted in Colleción de documentos inéditos , 13: 295–301.Google Scholar
119 Breviarium Gothicum Secundum Regulam Beatissimi Isidori (Madrid, 1775). The lengthy introduction to this edition, which presents a history of the Mozarabic rite, refers to the consultation “sapientium virorum dignitatum, et canonicorum hujus nostrae sanctae ecclesiae” (xxv); the author also says, “Matritique alios valde probatos viros consuluimus.” The suppression of the Jesuit order in Spain in 1767 precluded the consultation of any Jesuits for the edition. Burriel had been dead since 1762.Google Scholar
120 The two major encyclopedias of music history, the New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians (2d ed., ed. Sadie, Stanley [London, 2001]) and Die Musik im Geschichte und Gegenwart (2d ed., ed. Finscher, Ludwig [Kassel, 2001]) lack articles on Burriel and the articles on the Mozarabic chant do not mention him. Tuero, Echánove, La preparación intelectual, 249, notes that Burriel's importance has been overlooked as a result of his termination by Wall.Google Scholar
121 I am grateful to Constancio del Alamo and Greti Dinkova-Bruun for help with these transcriptions.Google Scholar
122 MS: “matre”.Google Scholar
123 MS: “gaudium”.Google Scholar
124 MS: “Gabrielem mediantem nuncium”. Google Scholar
125 Hic gignendo is a hypothetical correction for the manuscript reading “Iggionendo” [sic].Google Scholar
126 Soluere and uiuere may be scribal errors for solueret and uiueret, respectively.Google Scholar
127 In here is equivalent to En. Google Scholar