1 A project such as this would not be possible without the contributions of a great many people. We would first like to acknowledge funding for our research provided by Allegheny College and James Madison University. We are particularly indebted to Dr. Floridus Röhrig, Dr. Heinz Ristory, and Dr. Karl Holubar of the Stiftsbibliothek and Stiftsarchiv of Klosterneuburg for their assistance and gracious hospitality during our several visits. We would like to thank also the staff of the Handschriftenabteilung of the Österreichische Nationalbibliothek in Vienna for access to their collection of liturgical manuscripts and early printed liturgical books. Much of our research was conducted in the carrels of the Hill Museum and Manuscript Library at St. John's Abbey in Collegeville, Minnesota, and we cannot begin to thank the several generations of directors and staff who have assisted us as we pored through the several hundred microfilms we requested. Finally we would like to thank Dr. Susan Boynton for her encouragement during the latter stages of this project, Dr. Bob Michel for assistance in Latin translation, and our anonymous reviewers, who offered many helpful comments and suggestions that made this study much better than it might otherwise have been.Google Scholar

2 As early as the late eighteenth century, the Klosterneuburg archivist Willibald Leyrer produced a manuscript history of the canonesses of Klosterneuburg based on documents preserved within the Stiftsarchiv. Leyrer's study, entitled “De Monialibus Nostri paenes Canoniam ad Sanctam Magdalenam,” is now contained in A-KNa HS 91, fols. 128r–150v. Much of Leyrer's compilation found its way into later studies, including Maximilian Fischer, Merkwürdigere Schicksale des Stiftes und der Stadt Klosterneuburg aus Urkunden gezogen , 2 vols. (Vienna, 1815), 1:333–42 and Zeibig, Hartmann, Urkundenbuch des Stiftes Klosterneuburg bis zum Ende des Vierzehnten Jahrhunderts, 2 vols., Fontes Rerum Oesterreichische Geschichts-Quellen 10 and 28 (Vienna, 1857–68), 1:lxiv–lxv and passim. What was known of Klosterneuburg's women at the turn of the twentieth century was summarized in Starzer, Albert, Geschichte der landesfürstlichen Stadt Klosterneuburg (Klosterneuburg, 1900), 388–93. The most recent study of the canonesses of Klosterneuburg is the dissertation by Davy, Gerda, “Die Augustiner-Chorfrauen von Klosterneuburg und ihre Zeit” (PhD diss., University of Vienna, 1995), which is based in part on Leyrer's study. A biography of Willibald Leyrer, along with a bibliography of his remarkable output, all of which remains in manuscript form in the Klosterneuburg Stiftsarchiv, is provided by Berthold Černik, Die Schriftsteller der noch bestehenden Augustiner-Chorherrenstifte Österreichs von 1600 bis auf den heutigen Tag (Vienna, 1905), 216–23.Google Scholar

3 See the discussion of “Reclaiming Women's Liturgical History: First Attempts” below, pp. 74–78.Google Scholar

4 The twelfth-century antiphoners are described in detail by Lacoste, Debra, “The Earliest Klosterneuburg Antiphoners” (PhD diss., University of Western Ontario, 2000), 48–64. See also the descriptions by Froger, Jacques, Le Graduel de Klosterneuburg, Paléographie Musicale 19 (Bern, 1974), 33∗–34∗ and Engels, Stefan, “Die Notation der liturgischen Handschriften aus Klosterneuburg,” Musica Austriaca 14/15 (1996): 40–48, esp. 45.Google Scholar

5 See the discussion of the antiphoners below, p. 82.Google Scholar

6 Carr, Amelia and Norton, Michael, “Women's Liturgical Manuscripts from Klosterneuburg,” Early Drama, Art, and Music Review 22 (2000): 90–104, repr. in The Dramatic Tradition of the Middle Ages , ed. Davidson, Clifford (New York, 2005), 1–15. This short essay was drawn from a presentation at the Medieval Congress in Kalamazoo in 1998 and represented the state of our understanding very early in our investigation. While our overall claim still holds, several of our assignments and speculations have turned out to be untrue. The current study supercedes the findings of this earlier essay.Google Scholar

7 Klugseder, Robert, “Studien zur mittelalterlichen liturgischen Tradition der Klosterneuburger Augustinerklöster St. Maria und St. Magdalena,” Musica Austriaca 27 (2008): 11–42. We are deeply grateful to Dr. Klugseder for providing both an advance copy of his article and a spreadsheet that provides the details on which he based his study. Dr. Klugseder is currently compiling a synopsis of the chants for the Office at Klosterneuburg, a synopsis that should greatly enhance our understanding of the liturgical practices of both the men and the women at Klosterneuburg.Google Scholar

8 Both Klugseder's and our assignments were based on notational grounds. Klugseder's assignment of the antiphoners to the women was drawn from the assertion offered by Praßl, Franz Karl, “Psallat Ecclesia Mater: Studien zu Repertoire und Verwendung von Sequenzen in der Liturgie österreichischer Augustinerchorherren vom 12. bis zum 16. Jahrhundert” (PhD diss., University of Graz, 1987), 11: “Im Stift Klosterneuburg gab es nebeneinander zwei Notationstraditionen: die Chorherren verwendet linienlose deutsche Neumen, die Chorfrauen jedoch die ‘Metzer Notation’ auf Linien, die eigentlich einen Mischtypus zwischen Deutschen (z.B. Strophici) und Metzer (z.B. Unicinus) Neumen darstellt.” See Klugseder, “Studien zur mittelalterlichen liturgischen Tradition,” 14 n. 14.Google Scholar

9 A listing of the liturgical manuscripts used by or on behalf of the canonesses is given as Table 2.Google Scholar

10 General aspects of women's liturgy are covered in Muschiol, Gisela, “Time and Space: Liturgy and Rite in Female Monasteries of the Middle Ages,” in Crown and Veil: Female Monasticism from the Fifth to the Fifteenth Centuries , ed. Hamburger, Jeffrey C., Marti, Susan, and Hamburger, Deitlinde (New York, 2008), 191–206. For the liturgy of female religious in England, see especially Yardley, Ann Bagnall, Performing Piety: Musical Culture in Medieval English Nunneries (New York, 2006).Google Scholar

11 After a century and a half of effort, Leopold III was canonized in 1485. As the patron saint of Austria, he has been the subject of countless treatments. Most easily accessible are Röhrig, Floridus, Leopold III. der Heilige, Markgraf von Österreich (Vienna, 1985) and Brunner, Karl, Leopold der Heilige: Ein Portrait aus dem Frühling des Mittelalters (Vienna, 2009). On the music for Leopold's feast, see Zabiga, Franz, Die ältesten musikalischen Denkmäler zu Ehren des Heiligen Leopold, Herzog und Patron von Österreich (Zurich, 1954). A survey of music composed in honor of St. Leopold since 1485 is given in Bernhard Paul, “Musik zu Ehren des hl. Leopold” (PhD diss., Vienna University of Music and Performing Arts, 2008).Google Scholar

12 Through her first marriage, Agnes was the mother of Duke Friedrich II of Swabia and King Konrad of Germany and grandmother of the emperor, Friedrich Barbarossa. Through her marriage to Leopold, she was the mother of both Konrad, bishop of Passau and later archbishop of Salzburg, and Otto, bishop of Freising. Klosterneuburg tradition holds that Agnes was cofounder with Leopold of Klosterneuburg. Later depictions show Agnes associated specifically with the women's house. The life of Agnes and her role in the foundation of the church at Klosterneuburg is treated by Dienst, Heide, Agnes: Herzogin, Markgräfin, Landesmutter (Vienna, 1985).Google Scholar

13 On Konrad, bishop of Salzburg, see Zeillinger, Kurt, Erzbischof Konrad I. von Salzburg 1106–1147 (Vienna, 1968) and Weinfurter, Stefan, Salzburger Bistumsreform und Bischofspolitik im 12. Jahrhundert: Der Erzbischof Konrad I. von Salzburg (1106–1147) und die Regularkanoniker, Kölner historische Abhandlung 24 (Cologne, 1975). A summary of the reforms promoted by Archbishop Konrad is provided in Weinfurter, Stefan, “Die Kanonikerreform des 11. und 12. Jahrhunderts,” in 900 Jahre Stift Reicherberg: Augustiner Chorherren zwischen Passau und Salzburg , ed. Straub, Dietmar (Linz, 1984), 23–32. On the musical and liturgical practice of the canons, see Lipphardt, Walther, “Studien zur Musikpflege in den mittelalterlichen Augustiner-Chorherrenstiften des deutschen Sprachgebietes,” Jahrbuch des Stiftes Klosterneuburg, Neue Folge, 7 (1971): 7–101 and Lipphardt, Walther, “Musik in den österreichischen Klöstern der Babenbergerzeit,” Musica Austriaca 2 (1979): 48–68. An alternate interpretation for the dissemination of the Type 2 Visitatio sepulchri among the Augustinian canons is provided by Norton, Michael, “The Type 2 Visitatio Sepulchri: A Repertorial Study” (PhD diss., Ohio State University, 1983), 140–88.Google Scholar

14 The life of Hartmann is treated by Sparber, Anselm, Leben und Wirken des seligen Hartmann, Bischofs von Brixen, 1140–1164 (Vienna, 1957).Google Scholar

15 See, for example, Fischer, , Merkwürdigere Schicksale (n. 2 above), 1:333–34.Google Scholar

16 The problems of defining a “double house” are discussed by Haarländer, Stephanie, “Doppelklöster und ihre Forschungsgeschichte,” in Fromme Frauen — unbequeme Frauen? Weibliches Religiosentum im Mittelalter , ed. Klueting, Edeltraud (Hildesheim, 2006), 27–44. On double monasteries in lower Austria, see Schragl, Friedrich, “Niederösterreichische Doppelklöster im Spätmittelalter,” in Abgekommene Stifte und Klöster in Niederösterreich , Aigner, Thomas and Andraschek-Holzer, Ralph, eds., Beiträge zur Kirchengeschichte Niederösterreichs 6 (St. Pölten, 2001), 25–31. On double monasteries in twelfth-century Bavaria, see Beach, Alison, Women as Scribes: Book Production and Monastic Reform in Twelfth-Century Bavaria (New York, 2003). On the women at the double monastery of Admont, see Wichner, Jakob, “Die ehemalige Nonnenkloster O.S.B. zu Admont in Steiermark,” Studien und Mittelungen des Benediktinerordens und seiner Zweige 2 (1881): 75–84 and 288–319. The women at the double priory at St. Florian are treated in Czerny, Albin, “Das älteste Todtenbuch des Stiftes St. Florian,” Archiv für österreichische Geschichte 56 (1878): 257–367, esp. 278–82. The women of Klosterneuburg are treated by Davy, “Die Augustiner-Chorfrauen” (n. 2 above).Google Scholar

17 Černik, Berthold, Das Augustiner-Chorherrenstift Klosterneuburg: Statistische und Geschichtliche Daten (Klosterneuburg, 1936), 140.Google Scholar

18 The Vita Hartmanni was likely compiled ca. 1200 and credits Hartmann with keeping the greetings and conversations between men and women to an absolute minimum, only when necessary and then under supervision (Vita, chap. 6, cited in Sparber, Leben und Wirken, 34 n. 68): “Rara erant fratribus cum sororibus salutationes et colloquia, nisi pro rationabili necessitate et cum probabili testimonio.” Both canons and cannonnesses were joyful when Hartmann was made bishop of Brixen in 1140, and then sad as he departed Klosterneuburg (Vita, chap. 9, cited in Sparber, Leben und Wirken, 39 n. 72): “Et ecce, subito molesto rumore turbata sunt gaudia fratribus et sororibus suis contristatis pro ista insperata mutatione.” Google Scholar

19 The original citation for the dedication of 1324 was given in 1868 by Zeibig (Urkundenbuch [n. 2 above], 2:207) but was overlooked by most subsequent scholars. The following citation from A-KNa Rechnungsbuch 6/1a, fol. 2r is provided by Röhrig, Floridus, “Das kunstgeschichtliche Material aus dem Klosterneuburger Rechnungsbüchern des 14. und 15. Jahrhunderts,” Jahrbuch des Stiftes Klosterneuburg, Neue Folge, 6 (1966): 147: “Iste die (23. IX) consecrata est ecclesia dominarum. Hospites: Episcopus et dux Heinricus et dux Ot et regina, magister Laurentius, magister Petrus et Chreuzperch.” On the guests at Klosterneuburg, see also Fritsch, Susanne, “Die Küchenrechnungsbücher des Stiftes Klosterneuburg aus den Jahren 1324 bis 1336,” Jahrbuch des Stiftes Klosterneuburg, Neue Folge, 17 (1999): 173–202, esp. 182–87 and 191–202, and Holuber, Karl, “Besucher im Stift Klosterneuburg,” in Die Krone des Landes: Klosterneuburg und Österreich , ed. Holubar, Karl and Huber, Wolfgang Christian (Klosterneuburg, 1996), 33–41. Despite the consecration of 23 September 1324, the canonesses celebrated the feast of the Dedication of the Church on the Sunday following the feast of the Finding of St. Stephen (between 4 and 10 August). See the discussion of the processionals below, pp. 110–14.Google Scholar

20 On the fate of the women's church, see p. 74 below.Google Scholar

21 The great fire of the fourteenth century is variously reported in the medieval documents. The Klosterneuburg annals preserved in A-Wn lat. 364, entered by various hands during the fourteenth century, gives the date as 1330 (fol. 144v). This date is confirmed in a note at the bottom margin of fol. 41v in A-KN 963, a breviary copied by one Leuthold, although the note is retrospective, having likely been entered after the manuscript was completed in 1338. The Kleine Klosterneuburg Chronik, on the other hand, which survives in two sixteenth-century copies (A-KN 1235 and A-KN 1235a), gives the year as 1322 (fol. 1r–v). The Klosterneuburg annals are provided as Continuo Claustroneuburgensis VII in Wilhelm Wattenbach, “Annales Austriae,” MGH, SS 9:755–57. The notice for the fire is given on pages 755–56. The Kleine Klosterneuburg Chronik is provided by Maschek, Hermann, Deutsche Chroniken (Leipzig, 1936), 286–316. The notice for the fire is given on pages 286–87.Google Scholar

22 Reported in the Kleine Klosterneuburg Chronik , ed. Maschek, , 301.Google Scholar

23 Drexler, Karl, Das Stift Klosterneuburg: Eine kunsthistorische Skizze (Vienna, 1894), 136.Google Scholar

24 Two inventories were made of the items remaining in the women's precincts, one in 1568, days following the death of the last canoness, and the other in 1578. The inventories, which remain unpublished, are preserved in A-KNa K230 no. 56, fol. 272v N. R. Google Scholar

25 Röhrig, , “Das kunstgeschichtliche Material,” 150–51. Included among the receipts for 1415 is an entry for “Item von zwain positifen und pedal zu renoveren und ain positif new im frauen kloster” (A-KNa Rechnungsbuch 1/1, fol. 313r). An entry for 1418/1419, furthermore, shows “Item pro organo primo in claustro monialium” (A-KNa Rechnungsbuch 1/1, fol. 203v).Google Scholar

26 Ibid., 152. An entry for 1420/21 under the heading “Generalia ad claustrum dominarum” includes the following: “Item zu dem newen organisten und den diennern” (A-KNa Rechnungsbuch 1/7, fol. 4v).Google Scholar

27 The twelfth-century canonesses are treated by Dienst, Heide, Regionalgeschichte und Gesellschaft im Hochmittelalter am Beispiel Österreichs , Mitteilungen des Instituts für österreichische Geschichtsforschung, Ergänzungsbände 27 (Vienna, 1990), 174–87.Google Scholar

28 Zeibig, , Urkundenbuch , 1:6–7; A-KNa Urkunde 1253.VII.01.Google Scholar

29 Ibid., 1:233–34; A-KNa Urkunde 1330.II.27.Google Scholar

30 Documents from 1396, for example, indicate twenty-three and twenty-four canonesses respectively (ibid., 2:286 and 288).Google Scholar

31 This tumultuous period is covered in Röhrig, Floridus, “Protestantismus und Gegenreformation im Stift Klosterneuburg und seinen Pfarren,” Jahrbuch des Stiftes Klosterneuburg, Neue Folge, 1 (1961): 105–70. For a medical perspective on the plagues that afflicted Vienna during the late medieval and early modern eras, see Velimirovic, Boris and Velimirovic, Helga, “Plague in Vienna,” Reviews of Infectious Diseases 11 (1989): 808–26.Google Scholar

32 Twelve canonesses participated in the election of the new magistra in 1535. A tied vote resulted in the intervention of the prior, who appointed instead one Magdalena Münsterinn to the post, even though she was of advanced years and not yet professed (Davy, “Die Augustiner-Chorfrauen” [n. 2 above], 38 [after Leyrer, “De Monialibus” (n. 2 above), fols. 142v-143r. The original document is contained in A-KNa HS 6, fol. 99.]).Google Scholar

33 Appolonia Khatzler, the last canoness at Klosterneuburg, died 20 March 1568. On the final years for the women at Klosterneuburg, see Davy, , “Die Augustiner-Chorfrauen,” 75–77.Google Scholar

34 Three ordinals from the late sixteenth century, A-KNa HS 191 (copied 1573), A-KN 1026A (copied 1576), and A-Wn lat. 15078 (copied 1594), show that the traditional processions to the women's church continued long after the church was actively used. See the discussion on processionals below, pp. 110–14. A-KNa HS 191 is the manuscript 1026 referenced by Schabes, Leo, Alte liturgisiche Gebräuche und Zeremonien an der Stiftkirche zur Klosterneuburg (Klosterneuburg, 1930), 11–12. It is likely also the same as the codex 1026 cataloged by Maximillian Fischer in 1808. See n. 38 below.Google Scholar

35 Černik, Berthold, Das Stift Klosterneuburg und seine Pfarren (Vienna, 1914), 38.Google Scholar

36 Neither the 1568 nor the 1578 inventory mentions books of any sort. Whatever manuscripts may have been left behind likely went directly to the men's library, if they were not already there. At Admont, for example, the monks transferred all of the manuscripts from the attached convent immediately upon the death of the last nun in 1570. See Beach, , Women as Scribes (n. 16 above), 65. On the inventories, see n. 24 above.Google Scholar

37 See n. 2 above.Google Scholar

38 A history of the library at Klosterneuburg is provided by Ludwig, Vinzenz Oskar, Klosterneuburg: Kulturgeschichte eines österreichischen Stiftes (Vienna, 1951), 95–178. A more recent history, including a description of the library's extensive holdings, is found in Fabian, Bernhard, ed., Handbuch der historischen Buchbestände in Deutschland: Digitalisiert von Günter Kükenshöner (Hildesheim, 2003), http://134.76.163.162/cgi-bin/wiki.pl/Augustiner-Chorherrenstift_(Klosterneuburg). The medieval library catalogs were treated first by Zeibig, Hartmann, “Die Bibliothek des Stiftes Klosterneuburg: Ein Beitrag zur österreichischen Literaturgeschichte,” Archiv für Kunde österreichischer Geschichtsquellen (1850) 3:261–316 and later by Gottlieb, Theodor, Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge Österreichs: Niederösterreich, 2 vols. (Vienna, 1915), 1:83–120. During the Middle Ages, several manuscript lists were produced, the largest being that of Magister Martin in 1330. Another list, finished in 1513, is now lost. In addition to these, librarians inscribed the books belonging to the library at various points during the history of the priory. The earliest were the inscriptions by librarian and custos dominarum Alberto Saxo in the late thirteenth century. Similar efforts were made in the late fifteenth century and during the mid-seventeenth century by unnamed librarians. The first modern catalog was completed in 1808 by Maximillian Fischer, canon and later librarian at Klosterneuburg. This manuscript, entitled “Catalogus Bibliothecae Claustroneoburgensis” and preserved in the Klosterneuburg Stiftsbibliothek without shelf number, was superseded by a card catalog of manuscripts prepared during the early decades of the twentieth century. The entries for manuscripts 1 through 452 were published as Hermann Pfeiffer and Berthold Černik, Catalogus codicum manu scriptorum, qui in bibliotheca Canonicorum Regularium S. Augustini Claustroneoburgi asservantur, 2 vols. (Vienna, 1922–31). The remainder of the Zettelkatalog is available through University Microfilms (vol. 3, Cod. 453–636; vol. 4, Cod. 637–830, vol. 5, Cod. 831–999, vol. 6, Cod. 1000–1256, vol. 7, Autorenregister, vol. 8, Incipitregister). A new catalog is currently in progress. Codices 1–200 are covered in Alois Haidinger, Katalog der Handschriften des Augustiner Chorherrenstiftes Klosterneuburg, Teil 1, Cod. 1–100 (Vienna, 1983) and Teil 2, Cod. 101–200 (Vienna, 1992). Volumes three and four are currently in preparation: Lackner, Franz, Katalog der Handschriften des Augustiner Chorherrenstiftes Klosterneuburg, Teil 3, Cod. 201–300 (Vienna, forthcoming) and Haidinger, Alois, Katalog der Handschriften des Augustiner Chorherrenstiftes Klosterneuburg, Teil 4, Cod. 301–400 (Vienna, forthcoming).Google Scholar

39 Fischer, , “Catalogus,” 272.Google Scholar

40 This colophon was added by a later hand to Fischer's catalog entry for this manuscript. An entry for Geisle Ruedwein is present in the additions to the necrology found in A-KN 79 (fol. 80r), whose main body dates from the late thirteenth century. Unlike entries for other women, this entry does not indicate her status with the convent, although the entry is included in the column for Fratres et sorores (12 February). See MGH, Necr. 5:13. A-KN 625, however, which contains a list of gifts and anniversaries, mentions both Geisla and Petrissa Ruedwein as sisters in the convent (fol. 3v): “D(omine) Petrisse et Geysle sor(oris) n(ostr)e dicte Ruedweinnin dederunt red(ditus) 10 sol.” (MGH, Necr. 5:81). An earlier entry in A-KN 79 indicates also a “Katherina Rudweinnin in claustro d(omin)arum” (ibid., 5:84).Google Scholar

41 Fischer, , “Catalogus,” 266.Google Scholar

42 Who the “vrawen von Czelking” (Zelking) may have been is unclear. There is no mention in the necrologies of any women from this place. Nor is there any mention of the von Czelking family at large in the documents published during the nineteenth century. The Klosterneuburg necrologies are published in MGH, Necr. 5:3–105. For the published documents from the Klosterneuburg Stiftsarchiv, see Fischer, Maximilian, Merkwürdigere Schicksale (n. 2 above); idem, ed., Codex Traditionum Ecclesiae Collegiatae Claustroneuburgensis, Fontes Rerum Austriaca, Zweite Abtheilung: Diplomataria et Acta 4 (Vienna, 1851); and Zeibig, , Urkundenbuch (n. 2 above). While not referring to this specific manuscript, the following notice from the bequest of Kaspar Waldner (2 November 1456) testifies to the circulation of liturgical manuscripts among women religious in the region: “Item seiner fraun zu Closterneuburg ein puch genant ein epistler und ain newen fuchsein rokh…. Item ain mettenpuch und ein diurnal derselben fraun sun” (Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge Österreichs, Nachtrag zu Band 1, Niederösterreich , ed. Uiblein, Paul [Vienna, 1969], 24–25).Google Scholar

43 A-KN 957 (Fischer, “Catalogus,” 263), A-KN 961 (ibid., 263–64), and A-KN 973 (ibid., 265). Johannes Volkra does not appear in the Klosterneuburg necrologies, nor does he appear in the medieval documents published during the nineteenth century (see n. 42 above). His name does appear in the list of canons affirming the election of Simon Heyndl as prior in 1451 (A-KNa Urkunde 1451-VII-28). Non-liturgical manuscripts assigned by Fischer to the women include A-KN 845, which contains sermons by Peter Eckl von Haselback copied in the late fifteenth century, and A-KN 954, which contains the Regel der Closterfrauen copied in the late fifteenth or early sixteenth century. See Table 3b for further details.Google Scholar

44 A-KN 961, fol. 9r. This anathema is found also in A-KN 957, fol. 214v and in A-KN 973, fol. 351r.Google Scholar

45 See n. 38 above.Google Scholar

46 Additional non-liturgical manuscripts attributed to the women of Klosterneuburg in the Zettelkatalog include A-KN 859, a sixteenth-century copy of A-KN 845, and A-KN 955, which contains a German Rule of St. Augustine and the statutes for the canonesses of Klosterneuburg copied in 1458. See Table 3b for further details.Google Scholar

47 See nn. 55 and 56 below.Google Scholar

48 One additional manuscript containing the music for Mass can also be associated with Klosterneuburg's women: A-KN 588, a fourteenth-century gradual, includes an inhabited initial showing a canoness praying to the Virgin and Child. See the discussion of “Other Evidence of Women's Usage,” pp. 119–20.Google Scholar

49 In addition to A-KN 1000 are A-KN 996, A-KN 997, A-KN 999, A-KN 1001, A-KN 1003, and A-KN 1004.Google Scholar

50 AH 43 (Leipzig, 1903). An earlier volume, AH 4 (Leipzig, 1888), includes hymns from both A-KN 1000 and A-KN 996, although without assignment to the women of Klosterneuburg. Volume 43 adds to this list A-KN 997, 999, and 1001. All are cited here as “Hymn. ms. S. Mariae Magdal. Claustroneoburgen. saec. 13/14. Cod. Claustroneoburgen.” (see, for example, AH 43:29 and 236). The reason for the attribution to the women is not given. Neither A-KN 1003 nor A-KN 1004 is included among the manuscripts known to the editors of the Analecta Hymnica. Google Scholar

51 Stäblein, Bruno, Hymnen (I): Die mittelalterlichen Hymnenmelodien des Abendlandes, Monumenta Monodica Medii Aevi 1 (Kassel, 1956). The Klosterneuburg manuscripts are treated in pages 565–78. A musical edition of the hymn melodies found in A-KN 1000 is provided in pages 209–247. Four decades later, Stefan Engels could credit only two of the hymnals (A-KN 1000 and A-KN 999) to the use of Klosterneuburg. In a footnote, he mentions only that the additions in A-KN 999 were written by the same scribe as the additions in A-KN 1000, which belonged to the women. See Engels, Stefan, “Studien zur mittelalterlichen Liturgie im Stift Klosterneuburg,” Heiliger Dienst 50 (1996): 192 n. 24.Google Scholar

52 A-KN 996 and A-KN 1000, for example, begin with the hymns per annum followed by the hymns for Advent and Christmas, whereas A-KN 997, A-KN 999, A-KN 1001, A-KN 1003, and A-KN 1004 reverse this order. The manuscripts are largely consistent in the hymns contained, although not all manuscripts contain all hymns. A-KN 1003 ends during the hymns for the feast of St. Augustine and is missing the hymns for the remainder of the liturgical year, including those for the commons.Google Scholar

53 Stäblein, , Hymnen , 566. Details are provided in his discussion of the individual melodies (ibid., 566–78).Google Scholar

54 Most of the Klosterneuburg hymnals show this preference. Only A-KN 996 and A-KN 1003 show a preference for ‘e’ over ‘f’ and ‘b’ over ‘c’. For A-KN 996, Stäblein (ibid., 566) notes: “Die Melodiefassungen unterscheiden sich von 1000 durch Bevorzugung von E (h) statt F (c), besonders in Verbindungen vie EF und änlichen.” Some scholars have attached deeper significance to these melodic differences, seeing such differences as indicative of differing traditions. Stefan Engels (“Die Notation” [n. 4 above], 46), for example, wonders: “[w]arum aber sollten für ein einziges Kloster so viele Hymnare geschrieben worden sein, und noch dazu in verschiedenen melodischen Fassungen?” Given the overall similarity in the repertories of these manuscripts and the differences between this repertory and those of the men and of the diocese, these melodic disagreements appear not to indicate differences in provenance and/or usage.Google Scholar

55 Included among the manuscripts listing the hymns for the men of Klosterneuburg are three psalter/hymnals that provide music and the hymnal sections of the Klosterneuburg breviaries. A-KN 601 is a fifteenth-century psalter/hymnal that, along with A-KN 600, a psalter/hymnal copied around 1400, contains the complete cycle of Klosterneuburg hymns. A-KN 599, copied in the fourteenth century, is also a psalter/hymnal but contains the hymns for Vespers only. Among the breviaries containing independent hymn sections are A-KN 590, copied in the early fourteenth century, A-KN 602 and A-KN 1199, both copied also during the fourteenth century, and A-KN 1189, A-KN 1192, A-KN 1193, and A-KN 1195, all copied in the late fifteenth-century. Hymns are also indicated in situ both in the breviaries and in the ordinals.Google Scholar

56 The usage for the men is drawn from the breviaries listed in n. 55 above and A-KN 61, a breviary copied between 1451 and 1467 (see n. 98 below), as well as the ordinals, A-KN 635, A-KN 983, A-KN 1014, and A-KN 1213. The usage for the women is drawn from the eight antiphoners discussed below. See Tables 4 and 5 for additional details.Google Scholar

57 Hymns of St. Agnes (“Agnetis beate virginis”) and St. Margaret (“O rex benigne”), for example, are included in the hymnals, while the antiphoners call for “Virginis proles” from the Common of Virgins. See Table 4.Google Scholar

58 The hymn “Salvete flores martyrum” is listed in the hymnals for the Octave of Holy Innocents but is used in the antiphoners for the Office of the Holy Innocents itself. See Table 4.Google Scholar

59 Chevalier, Ulysse, Repertorium Hymnologicum , 3 vols (Louvain, 1892–1904), 2:604, no. 19487.Google Scholar

60 Ibid., 2:531, no. 18233.Google Scholar

61 Ibid., 2:214, no. 13311.Google Scholar

62 Ibid., 1:288, no. 4791.Google Scholar

63 Ibid., 3:100, no. 36683.Google Scholar

64 Ibid., 2:96, no. 11385.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

65 Ibid., 2:249, no. 13874 CrossRefGoogle Scholar

66 Ibid., 2:48, no. 10658.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

67 Ibid., 2:732, no. 21608.Google Scholar

68 AH 43:235–36, no. 392.Google Scholar

69 AH 4:94–95, no. 163 and 165.Google Scholar

70 AH 43:29, no. 41.Google Scholar

71 These include A-KN 1010, A-KN 1012, and A-KN 1013 from the mid-twelfth century and A-KN 589, A-KN 1011, A-KN 1015, A-KN 1017, and A-KN 1018 from the fourteenth century. See also Table 2. The most thorough discussion of these antiphoners is provided by Lacoste, “The Earliest Klosterneuburg Antiphoners” (n. 4 above). The contents of these antiphoners are indexed and are available at CANTUS: A Database for Latin Ecclesiastical Chant (http://cantus.gregorian-chant.org). The index for four of these manuscripts was published as Lacoste, Debra, Four Klosterneuburg Antiphoners: Augustiner-Chorherren Stiftsbibliothek, 1013, 1012, 1017, and 1018. Printouts from an Index in Machine-Readable Form. A CANTUS Index (Ottawa, 1998). Also containing the same form of musical notation is a short fifteenth-century antiphoner, A-KN 1007, which contains the music for the Offices of the late medieval feasts of the Visitation of Mary, St. Anna, and St. Dorothy. These Offices are added also to the fifteenth-century processional A-KN 1005. See the discussion of the processionals below, pp. 110–14.Google Scholar

72 Among others, Froger, Le Graduel (n. 4 above), 33∗; Huglo, Michel, “Bilan de 50 années de recherches (1939–1989) sur les notations musicales de 850 à 1300,” Acta Musicologica 62 (1990): 224–59, esp. 241–42; Praßl, , “Psallat Ecclesia Mater” (n. 8 above), 11; and Klugseder, “Studien” (n. 7 above), 14.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

73 Schmidt, Rudolf Wolfgang (“Die Frage nach der Herkunft des Cod. Vindob. palat. 13314 und die Problematik seines Sequenzrepertoires,” Jahrbuch des Stiftes Klosterneuburg, Neue Folge, 12 [1983]: 43–62) suggested the Augustinian priory at Reichersberg am Inn as the intended destination for these manuscripts. Flotzinger, Rudolph (“Zu Herkunft und Datierung der Gradualien A-Gu 807 und Wien 13314,” Studia Musicologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 31 [1989]: 57–80), on the other hand, argued in favor of the priory of St. Nikola bei Passau as both the point of origin and the destination. Stefan Engels (“Die Notation” [n. 4 above], 44–46), posited no particular location but asserted nonetheless that the antiphoners did not reflect the liturgical order of Klosterneuburg.Google Scholar

74 E.g., Lacoste, , “The Earliest Klosterneuburg Antiphoners,” 118–26.Google Scholar

75 Klugseder, , “Studien,” 30–39.Google Scholar

76 See n. 4 above.Google Scholar

77 A-KN 1013 contains the liturgy from Advent to Ascension. A-KN 1012 covers the summer cycle, beginning with Pentecost and including the Sundays after Pentecost, the Common of the Saints, and the chants from the Old Testament books used during the summer months. Added to the manuscript is a partial Office of St. Catherine (Vespers only).Google Scholar

78 The fourteenth-century antiphoners are described in detail by Lacoste, , “The Earliest Klosterneuburg Antiphoners,” 65–94.Google Scholar

79 A-KN 1017 contains the liturgy from St. Nicholas to Holy Saturday. A-KN 1018 covers the summer cycle, beginning with Easter and including the Sundays after Pentecost and the chants from the Old Testament books used during the summer months. Also included are the Common of the Evangelists and the Common of the Saints, as well as a funeral Office and appended Offices of the Eleven Thousand Virgins and St. Acacius. Both A-KN 1017 and A-KN 1018 conclude with a series of Invitatory tones. Lacoste, (“The Earliest Klosterneuburg Antiphoners,” 73) notes that the two manuscripts, while complementary, were written by two distinct groups of scribes.Google Scholar

80 The Office of St. Catherine is misplaced here and appears in the middle of the commons. See Lacoste, , “The Earliest Klosterneuburg Antiphoners,” 148.Google Scholar

81 These additions are curious in that the dates for these appended feasts do not fall within range of dates for the feasts covered by these manuscripts. For a full listing of the additions to these manuscripts, see n. 144 below.Google Scholar

82 The Major Vigil is found in A-KN 1003 and the Minor Vigil in A-KN 1004. Both are contained in A-KN 1001. A-KN 999 does not include the Office of the Dead but adds the Office of the Finding of St. Stephen and the Office of St. Dorothy. A-KN 1004 includes the Office of the Finding of St. Stephen as well. See n. 144 below.Google Scholar

83 Lacoste, , “The Earliest Klosterneuburg Antiphoners,” 126.Google Scholar

84 Ibid., 126–40.Google Scholar

85 Engels, , “Die Notation” (n. 4 above), 45.Google Scholar

86 A discussion of the three breviaries reflecting aspects of the women's liturgy is given below.Google Scholar

87 While fragments from earlier antiphoners have survived along with several manuscripts preserving only a select group of Offices, only one complete antiphoner reflecting the men's use survives. This antiphoner, copied between 1420 and 1424 with additions from around 1450, is contained in four volumes, A-KN 65–68. See Haidinger, , Katalog (n. 38 above), 1:114–26.Google Scholar

88 Klugseder notes that the complete Office of the Finding of St. Stephen is missing in the antiphoners as well. While A-KN 1018 includes but three antiphons for the Office (fol. 88r), the complete Office is found in A-KN 589, fols. 54v-58r and in the additions to the hymnals A-KN 999, fols. 122r–133v and A-KN 1004, fols. 109r–117v. The opening initial for the Vespers antiphon “Ostendit Sanctus Gamaliel” in A-KN 1004 is inhabited by a praying nun flanked by dragons (fol. 109r). The Office in both A-KN 999 and A-KN 1004 includes German rubrics. See Klugseder, , “Studien” (n. 7 above), 39.Google Scholar

89 Klugseder, , “Studien,” 38. The Office of St. Benedict (“Praeclarum”) is included in the twelfth-century antiphoners A-KN 1010, fols. 81v-84r and A-KN 1013, fols. 90v-94r, and in the fourteenth-century antiphoners A-KN 1011, fols. 138v-143v; A-KN 1015, fols. 112r–116r; and A-KN 1017, fols. 106r–110v. The Office of St. Benedict given in the ordinals of the canons is drawn from the Common of Confessors (A-KN 1213, fol. 55r; A-KN 635, fol. 40v; A-KN 983, fol. 44v; and A-KN 1014, fol. 43v).Google Scholar

90 Compare, for example, A-KN 1213, fols. 47v-48r (Conversion of St Paul) and fols. 118v-119v (Commemoration of St. Paul).Google Scholar

91 Psalterium et Breviarium iuxta chorum ecclesiae Pataviensis (Augsburg, 1490), 1, fols. 155v-157v (D-Mbs Ink B-878 [olim L.impr.membr.18–1,1/7, GW 5425]). See n. 174 below for additional details.Google Scholar

92 This was first noted by Klugseder, , “Studien,” 36–37. Aside from the unique pattern of liturgical items composing the Office, Klugseder observes also that the invitatory antiphon and the responsories for Matins are themselves unique to these antiphoners. The Office of the Commemoration of St. Paul (30 June) is found also in A-KN 1012 and A-KN 1018, from the twelfth and fourteenth centuries respectively. These settings correspond to those of the canons' manuscripts and to the canons' settings of the Conversion of St. Paul. Google Scholar

93 See Hiley, David, “Early Cycles of Office Chants for the Feast of Mary Magdalene,” in Music and Medieval Manuscripts, Paleography and Performance: Essays Dedicated to Andrew Hughes , ed. Haines, John and Rosenfeld, Randall (Aldershot, 2004), 369–99, esp. 390–97. The version of the Office found in the manuscripts of the men and of Passau cathedral is consistent with the version found throughout south Germany and Austria (Hiley's Series E), while the version found in the eight antiphoners is unique among those surveyed by Hiley (Hiley's Series F).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

94 Klugseder, , “Studien,” 39.Google Scholar

95 Ibid. Google Scholar

96 In the CANTUS database (n. 71 above), these are listed as belonging to the Octave of the Assumption. Given the correspondence of these responsories to the incipits within Matins for the Office of the Assumption and with the listings provided in the fourteenth-century antiphoners and breviary, these appear more properly to belong to the Office of the Assumption rather than its octave. See Table 9a.Google Scholar

97 The listing provided by the CANTUS database gives thirty-six antiphons. Twelve of these are incipits that were added in the bottom margins of fols. 48r and 49r and are excluded here. Two antiphons listed before this series, assigned by CANTUS to Lauds for the Octave of the Assumption, are assigned here to the post-Assumption series rather than to the octave. See Table 9b.Google Scholar

98 On A-KN 61, see Haidinger, , Katalog (n. 38 above), 1:106–9Google Scholar

99 On the ways that the Song of Solomon was understood in the Middle Ages, see Ann Matter, E., The Voice of My Beloved: The Song of Songs in Western Medieval Christianity (Philadelphia, 1990) and Astell, Ann W., The Song of Songs in the Middle Ages (Ithaca, NY, 1990). Of the series of Marian antiphons used at Cluny, twelve of seventeen were drawn from the Song of Solomon. These are treated by Steiner, Ruth, “Marian Antiphons at Cluny and Lewes,” in Music in the Medieval English Liturgy: Plainsong and Mediaeval Music Society Centenial Essays , ed. Rankin, Susan K. and Hiley, David (Oxford, 1993), 175–204. On pages 200–201, she discusses the nomination by Fr. Chrysogonus Wadell of William of Volpiano (962–1031) as the likely composer for the Song of Solomon antiphons.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

100 Ann Yardley treats this theme in chapter 6 of Performing Piety (n. 10 above), “The Consecration of Nuns,” 159–78. Arguing against this, however, is the fact that the profession ceremony for the canonesses of Klosterneuburg did not draw on this imagery. The rite of profession for Klosterneuburg's women, in fact, followed the same form as that for lay brothers, with the profession itself given in German rather than Latin. This rite, including the Professio conversorum et monialium, is given in the ritual A-KN 629, fols. 151r–158r.Google Scholar

101 Jansen, Katharine Ludwig, The Making of the Magdalen: Preaching and Popular Devotion in the Later Middle Ages (Princeton, 2000), 177.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

102 The necrology in A-KN 79, fols. 76v-107v contains entries through the late fifteenth century. The numbers cited here are from the column Fratres et sorores only and exclude entries from the Familias column. Included among the designations found among the other thirty-one entries are soror nostra; magistra, soror nostra; decana, soror nostra; inclusa, soror nostra; monialis; sanctamonialis; and conversa. A-KN 79 is necrology “A” in MGH, Necr. 5:5–78. On A-KN 79 see Haidinger, , Katalog , 1:171–76.Google Scholar

103 See the discussion on the altars in the women's church below, p. 132–33. The authors would like to thank our anonymous reviewer for noting this connection.Google Scholar

104 See n. 144 below for a listing of the additions to this manuscript.Google Scholar

105 The earliest setting of this Office in the list given by the editors of the Analecta Hymnica (AH 28:256–59 [no. 93]) is found in a thirteenth-century antiphoner from the Benedictine monastery of St. Lambrecht, Graz, Universitätsbibliothek, MS 134, fols. 416r–419r. While the Office is found also in Karlsruhe, Badische Landesbibliothek, MS Aug. 60, fols. 192v-195v, parts of which date to the twelfth century, the section containing the Office of the Eleven Thousand Virgins dates from the fifteenth. See Hain, Karl, “Ein musikalischer Palimpsest,” (PhD diss., University of Freiburg [Switzerland], 1924), 21–29.Google Scholar

106 The Osterspiel was first noted by Bernhard Pez in his Thesaurus anecdotorum novissimus, 6 vols. (Augsburg, 1721–29), 2:53. A century later, Franz Kurz, librarian at the priory of St. Florian, sought help from Maximillian Fischer at Klosterneuburg in locating the Osterspiel referenced by Pez. Fischer was unable to locate the manuscript and referred Kurz instead to the Visitatio sepulchri contained in A-KN 629. Kurz published the text of the Visitatio sepulchri from this manuscript as Beylage Nro. 1 in his study, Österreich unter Herzog Albrecht IV (Linz, 1830), 425–27. On the “rediscovery” of the Osterspiel in the early twentieth century, see Pfeiffer, Hermann, “Klosterneuburger Osterfeier und Osterspiel,” Jahrbuch des Stiftes Klosterneuburg 1 (1908), 1–56, esp. 1–8. Pfeiffer also provided a facsimile of the Osterspiel as an appendix to the Jahrbuch. Fischer's inability to locate the manuscript is curious, since the Ordo Paschalis is clearly indicated in Fischer's own catalog entry for manuscript 574 (Fischer, “Catalogus” [n. 38 above], 160–61). The Thomas Office of this manuscript is treated by Slocum, Kay, Liturgies in Honor of Thomas Becket (Toronto, 2004), 121–22, 137, 140, 145, and 151–54. The Catherine Office of this manuscript has yet to receive scholarly attention.Google Scholar

107 The Office of Corpus Christi is typically bundled with the Office of St. Catherine in the appendices of the other antiphoners and hymnals. In A-KN 589, the Office of Corpus Christi is entered in its correct liturgical position in the liturgy of the time.Google Scholar

108 For a full listing of the additions to these manuscripts, see n. 144 below.Google Scholar

109 This trope is found in all of the settings for the Catherine Office found among the antiphoners and the additions to the hymnals. Debra Lacoste had some difficulty assigning this item due to its lack of clear rubrication in the antiphoners that served as the basis for her study. See Lacoste, , “The Earliest Klosterneuburg Antiphoners” (n. 4 above), 168–74. In A-KN 999, fol. 98v and A-KN 1003, fol. 87v, though, this item is given the label Benedicamus. In addition, A-KN 999 follows the Office of St. Catherine with the Alleluia for the Mass of St. Catherine and two sequences for the feast, “Virgo parens Christi” and “Sanctissime virginis votiva.” While the sequence “Sanctissime virginis votiva” was widespread among Austrian Mass manuscripts, “Virgo parens Christi” is found only here. See the lists of sequences provided by Praßl, “Psallat Ecclesia Mater” (n. 8 above), 22–344. This list is available online in searchable form at the site run by the musicology division of the Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaft (Musicalische Quellen des Mittelalters in der Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek): http://www.oeaw.ac.at/kmf/cvp/austriaca/prassl/index.php.Google Scholar

110 Ottosen, Knud, The Responsories and Versicles of the Latin Office of the Dead (Aarhus, 1993), 182. Of the Klosterneuburg manuscripts, Ottosen considered only A-KN 1010 and A-KN 1011. He did not include settings of the Offices from any of the manuscripts that can be associated specifically with the men.Google Scholar

111 Ibid., 182, 181, and 193, respectively.Google Scholar

112 The verse to the final responsory is not provided notation in any of the Klosterneuburg manuscripts. Two manuscripts (A-KN 1001 and A-KN 1011) leave the final responsory out altogether.Google Scholar

113 A comparison of the arrangement offered by Ottosen and the modification proposed here with the arrangements offered in Ottosen's catalog (ibid., 95–201) shows no matches. Neither does a search conducted through the online database for the Office of the Dead, which includes a number of sources not considered in Ottosen's book, produce additional matches. The online database for the Office of the Dead can be consulted at the Cantus Planus site at the University of Regensburg: http://www-cgi.uni-regensburg.de/Fakultaeten/Musikwissenschaft/Cantus/Ottosen/index.html Google Scholar

114 Ottosen, , Responsories and Versicles , 263.Google Scholar

115 Music for the canons' version of the Visitatio sepulchri is preserved in the fifteenth-century antiphoner, A-KN 66, fols. 134v-137v; the fourteenth-century rituales, A-KN 628, fols. 83v-85r and A-KN 629, fols. 103r–105r; and two fifteenth-century manuscripts preserving the rites for Holy Week, A-KN 1210, fols. 43r–47v and A-KN 1211, fols. 59r–62r. These, along with the numerous unnotated manuscripts containing this rite, will be treated in our forthcoming study on the sepulcher ceremonies at the churches of Klosterneuburg, to be published by Brepols Press in the series Disciplina Monastica: Studies on Medieval Monastic Life, ed. Boynton, Susan and Cochelin, Isabele. The fragmentary Visitatio sepulchri attached to the binding of A-KN 1005 includes the texts from the line “Quis revolvet” through “Cernitis o socii.” Music is provided only for the first line, “Quis revolvet,” through the word hostio. A thirteenth-century setting of the Visitatio sepulchri is given with its music also in A-Wn 1717, a manuscript that conforms to Klosterneuburg practice for the most part but diverges in two critical respects and is not considered here. See n. 160 below.Google Scholar

116 The Hirsau version of the Visitatio sepulchri is found in the following manuscripts from Hirsau, Admont, Prüfening bei Regensburg, Rheinau, Strasbourg, St. Emmeram, and Zwiefalten: Hirsau D-Sl theol. et phil. 4° 249, fols. 79v-80r (15th-c. ordinal, LOO 233) Admont A-A 6.2°, fol. 143r (14th-c. breviary, LOO 178) Prüfening bei Regensburg D-Mbs lat. 23037, fol. 176r–v (12th-c. breviary, LOO 311a) Rheinau CH-Zz Rheinau 80, pp. 118–119 (ca. 1120 ordinal, LOO 315) CH-E 757, fols. 60r–65v (ca. 1600 processional, LOO 316) Strasbourg GB-Lbl Add. 23922, fols. 41v-42r (ca. 1220 processional, LOO 341) F-SEL 81, fol. 83r (ca. 1346 directorium) Agenda sive Exequiale Sacramentorum et eorum, que in ecclesiis Parrochialibus aguntur (Strasbourg, 1513), fols. 75r–78v (1513 agenda, LOO 344) Agenda Ecclesiae Argentinensis (Cologne, 1590), pp. 251–255 (1590 agenda, LOO 345) St. Emmeram D-Mbs lat. 14741, fol. 207r (14th-c. breviary, LOO 322) D-Mbs lat. 14183, fols. 50v-51r (1435 breviary, LOO 323) D-Mbs lat. 14428, fol. 57r–v (1435 ordinal, LOO 324) Zwiefalten D-Sl Bibl. 4° 36, fols. 122v-123v (ca. 1150 antiphoner, LOO 379). Similar versions combining elements of both the Type 1 and the Type 2 texts along with “Dicant nunc Judei” are found also in a manuscript of uncertain provenance: A-Wn lat. 1890, fol. 163r–v (ca. 1200 antiphoner, LOO 186) and in another likely from Augsburg: D-BAs lit. 10, fols. 90r–97v (early 12th-c. cantatorium, LOO 185). On mixed forms of the Visitatio sepulchri , see Norton, , “Type 2 Visitatio Sepulchri” (n. 13 above), 90–95. On the use of “Dicant nunc Judei” elsewhere, see de Boor, Helmut, Die Textgeschichte der lateinischen Osterfeiern, Hermaea germanistische Forschungen 4 (Tübingen, 1967), 113–18.Google Scholar

117 In particular, the settings of the Hirsau form of the Visitatio sepulchri include a textual variant for the line “Non est hic,” ending with the words “surrexit de sepulchri.” This variant is found in the following manuscripts from St. Gall, Rheinau, and Reichenau: St. Gall CH-SGs 381, p. 247 (late 10th-c. troper, LOO 78) CH-SGs 484, p. 111 (10th-c. troper, LOO 79) CH-SGs 391, p. 37 (ca. 1000 antiphoner, LOO 80) CH-SGs 339, pp. 106–7 (ca. 1015 graduale, LOO 81) CH-SGs 387, pp. 57–58 (ca. 1040 antiphoner, LOO 82) CH-SGs 376, pp. 196–97 (ca 1020 antiphoner, LOO 83) CH-SGs 374, pp. 100–101 (11th-c. graduale, LOO 84) CH-SGs 388, pp. 204–5 (12th-c. antiphoner, LOO 85) CH-SGs 360, pp. 31–32 (12th-c. versus sangallensis, LOO 327) CH-SGs 525, p. 394 (14th-c. miscellany, LOO 328) CH-SGs 384, p. 240 (14th-c. breviary, LOO 329) CH-SGs 1262, pp. 142–43 (1583 ordinal, LOO 330) CH-SGs 1290, fols. 22r–24r and 134r–v (1582 processional, LOO 331) CH-SGs 1296, pp. 24–27 (1631 processional, LOO 332) Rheinau CH-Zz Rheinau 97, fols. 16v-17r (11th-c. troper, LOO 77) CH-Zz Rheinau 132, fol. 9r (11th-c. troper, CT/Easter, 41/15) Reichenau D-BAs lit. 5, fol. 45r–v (1002 troper, LOO 314). On the distinction between the Type 1 and Type 2 Visitatio sepulchri , see Norton, Michael, “Of ‘Stages’ and ‘Types’ in Visitatione Sepulchri,” in Drama in the Middle Ages: Comparative and Critical Essays, Second Series , ed. Davidson, Clifford and Stroupe, John H. (New York, 1991), 61–105.Google Scholar

118 D-DS 871, fol. 84v (mid-13th-c. Cologne, St. Kunibert cantatorium, LOO 227).Google Scholar

119 F-LA 215, fol. 129r–v (12th-c. Laon ordinal, LOO 109).Google Scholar

120 D-MZp D.100, fols. 35v-38v (ca. 1500 Mainz processional, LOO 257).Google Scholar

121 CH-SGs 360, pp. 31–32 (12th-c. St. Gall hymnal/processional, LOO 327).Google Scholar

122 F-T 792, fols. 301v-302v (late 13th-c. Troyes ordinal, LOO 170).Google Scholar

123 E-VI 131, fol. 38v (12th-c. Urgel ordinal, LOO 64).Google Scholar

124 F-Pn lat. 1234, fol. 10v (14th-c. Uzès ordinal, LOO 173).Google Scholar

125 E-VI 134 (84), fol. 17r (LOO 71).Google Scholar

126 On Augustinian spirituality see Bynum, Carolyn, “The Spirituality of Regular Canons in the Twelfth Century: A New Approach,” Medievalia et Humanistica 4 (1973): 3–24 and Fassler, Margot, Gothic Song: Victorine Sequences and Augustinian Reform in Twelfth-Century Paris (Cambridge, 1993), especially chapter 9, “The Augustinians of Paris and the Politics of Reform,” 187–210, and chapter 10, “Hugh of St. Victor's Vision of the Church,” 211–40. On the notion of “progressive revelation” in the Type 2 Visitatio sepulchri , see Norton, , “The Type 2 Visitatio Sepulchri,” 189–240. The Salzburg form of the Type 2 Visitatio sepulchri is found in numerous manuscripts stemming from Salzburg itself, Chiemsee, Seckau, and Diessen. Other related settings are found in Klosterneuburg, Ranshofen, and elsewhere. See the discussion provided by Norton, “Type 2 Visitatio Sepulchri,” 48–139, especially that on 129–30 and the tables on 60–64, 66–69, 111–21, and 127–28 for a more complete view.Google Scholar

127 Ibid., 148–49 and 214–15.Google Scholar

128 A-Iu 610, fols. 182v-183r (15th-c. breviary, LOO 627).Google Scholar

129 D-Mbs lat. 11909a, fols. 31r–34r (15th-c. processional, LOO 659); D-Mbs 11090b, fols. 31r–34r (15th-c. processional, LOO 658); and D-Mbs lat. 11735, fols. 62r–63r (15th-16th-c. ordinal, LOO 660) Google Scholar

130 D-ERu 141 (417), fols. 11r–16v (ca. 1550 antiphoner, LOO 486) and D-Bsb theol. lat. 4° 87b, fols. 34v-35v (1537 rituale, LOO 533).Google Scholar

131 Of the manuscripts used by the men of Klosterneuburg that contain the Visitatio sepulchri (see n. 115 above), only A-KN 628 includes the double Alleluia, where it is added with notation in the right margin (fol. 85r). Google Scholar

132 D-Bkk 78 B.16, fols. 294v-296v (1286 Origny, Ste. Benoite ordinal, LOO 303); F-SQ 86, pp. 298–99 (ca. 1316 Origny, Ste. Benoite miscellany, LOO 303A); and D-KA Geo. 1, fol. 189r (15th-c. Villingen, St. Georg antiphoner, LOO 363). The Villingen setting of “Dicant nunc Judei” includes a triple Alleluia.Google Scholar

133 GB-Lbl Arundel 156, fol. 35r (ca. 1220 gradual from the diocese of Würzburg, LOO 371). This setting of “Dicant nunc Judei” also includes a double Alleluia.Google Scholar

134 See Norton, , “Type 2 Visitatio Sepulchri,” 80–82.Google Scholar

135 D-BAs lit. 5, fol. 45r–v (1002 Reichenau troper, LOO 314).Google Scholar

136 CH-Zz Rheinau 132, fol. 9r (11th-c. Rheinau troper, CT/Easter, 41/15).Google Scholar

137 CH-SGs 384, p. 240 (14th-c. St. Gall breviary, LOO 329).Google Scholar

138 GB-Lbl Add. 30848, fol. 125v (11th-c. Silos breviary, LOO 461).Google Scholar

139 D-DS 394, fols. 309v-310r (ca. 1320 Liège breviary, LOO 250) and B-TOb Liber ordinarius, fols. 63v-64v (1435 copy of 12th-13th-c. Tongeren ordinal, LOO 346).Google Scholar

140 Pass, Walter, “Zwei unbekannte Wiener Visitatio-Sepulchri Fragmente aus der ersten Hälfte des 13. Jahrhunderts,” in Festschrift Othmar Wessely zum 60. Geburtstag , ed. Angerer, Manfred (Tutzing, 1982), 447–77. A facsimile is given on 448–50. This fragment was formerly in the binding of Vienna, Schottenstift, Kodex 127 (116). This fragment presents two distinct settings for the Visitatio sepulchri. The first, on fol. 1v, includes the text of the Type 1 Visitatio sepulchri, including the antiphons “Et dicebant ad invicem” and “Et recordate sunt.” Music is given for all lines except for the three lines of the central dialogue (“Quem queritis,” “Jesum Nazarenum,” and “Non est hic”). The second setting, on fols. 1v-2r, includes the texts and melodies of the Type 2 Visitatio sepulchri. This latter setting is related both textually and musically to the version of the ceremony used at Salzburg, including the singing by the people of “Christ ist erstanden” at the ceremony's conclusion.Google Scholar

141 A-Wn lat. 1890, fol. 163r–v (LOO 186). This setting also includes the lines “Ad monumentum venimus,” “Currebant duo simul,” and “Cernitis o socii” characteristic of the Type 2 Visitatio sepulchri. See n. 116 above.Google Scholar

142 For example, the lines assigned to the Marys are sung by men at both the convents of Essen (D-ESm, MS 19, pp. 80–84 [late 14th-c. ordinal, LOO 564] and D-DÜl C.47, fols. 75r–79v [15th-c. ordinal, cited in Weier, Joseph, “Die Osterfeier im ‘Liber Ordinarius’ de Stiftes Essen,” Das Münster am Hellweg: Mitteilungsblatt des Vereins für die Erhaltung des Essener Münsters 31 (1978): 21–28]) and Origny Ste. Benoite (D-Bkk 78.B.16, fols. 294v-296v [1286 ordinal, LOO 303] and F-SQ 86, pp. 298–99 [1316 miscellany, LOO 304]). We would like to thank Melanie Batoff for the updated reference to the Essen manuscript, which was known earlier simply as “Liber ordinarius der Stiftskirche.” The text of this ordinal was published as Franz Arens, Die Liber ordinarius der Essener Stiftskirche: Mit Einleitung, Erläuterunen und einem Plan der Stiftskirche und ihre Umgebung im 14. Jahrhundert (Paderborn, 1908).Google Scholar

143 GB-Ouc 169, pp. 121–24 (Barking ordinal copied between 1363 and 1376, LOO 770) and CZ-Pu VI.E.13, pp. 3–4 (12th-c. St. George ordinal, LOO 798). The text of the Barking ordinal is published as Tolhurst, John, The Ordinale or Customary of the Benedictine Nuns of Barking Abbey (London, 1927–28).Google Scholar

144 The additions to the hymnals include: A-KN 999, fols. 97v-143v The Offices of St. Catherine, Corpus Christi, the Finding of St. Stephen, and St. Dorothy A-KN 1001, fols. 116r–125v The Office of the Dead (Minor and Major Vigils) A-KN 1003, fols. 86v-129r The Office of St. Catherine, the Office and Mass of Corpus Christi, the Office of the Dead (Major Vigil), the Office of St. Margaret (partial), and the Office of the Eleven Thousand Virgins A-KN 1004, fols. 106v-38v The Office of the Dead (Minor Vigil) and the Offices of the Finding of St. Stephen, St. Catherine, Corpus Christi, and St. Acacius The additions to the antiphoners include: A-KN 1012, fols. 151v-152v The Office of St. Catherine (Vespers only) A-KN 1011, fols. 229r–247r The Offices of St. Catherine and Corpus Christi and the Office of the Dead (Major and Minor Vigils) A-KN 1015, fols. 175v-191r The Offices of St. Catherine and Corpus Christi and the Office of the Dead (Major and Minor Vigils) A-KN 1018, fols. 234r–262r The Office of the Eleven Thousand Virgins, the Office of the Dead (Major Vigil), the Office of St. Acacius, and miscellaneous antiphons and reponsories for various feasts Google Scholar

145 “Das puech ist der vrawen von Czelking in dem vrawen Chloster das Newnburch” (fol. 275r). See n. 42 above.Google Scholar

146 Fol. 85v ends with a rubric indicating the antiphon for Vespers of the Sunday after Trinity Sunday. The remaining text is erased. Following this, several folios appear to have been removed from what was likely the Sunday after Trinity. The folios inserted here, now comprising fols. 86r–95v, were copied by the second scribe and include the Offices of Corpus Christi and St. Acacius.Google Scholar

147 Fol. 109v ends with the antiphon for the Magnificat for Vespers: “Suavissime universorum.” A single folio, copied by the same scribe as the insertions now comprising fols. 86r–95v, has been inserted here. The inserted folio, now 110r–v, includes on the recto the antiphon “Fidelis sermo,” intended here as a substitute for the Magnificat antiphon found on fol. 109v and the invitatory antiphon “Ploremus coram domino.” Fol. 110v is blank. Fol. 111r continues with the invitatory antiphon “Stellam Christum.” See Table 7.Google Scholar

148 The Office of Mary Magdalene, for example, follows that of Passau (see Table 7), while the Office of St. Catherine follows that Salzburg (see Table 11).Google Scholar

149 Corpus Christi (A-KN 982, fols. 86v-93r), St. Acacius (A-KN 982, fols. 93r–95v), St. Egidius (A-KN 982, fols. 193v-195r), and the Eleven Thousand Virgins (A-KN 982, fols. 195v-197r).Google Scholar

150 This Office is found also in the antiphoners discussed above. Among the manuscripts used by the men, this Office is drawn from the Common of Confessors. See Klugseder, , “Studien” (n. 7 above), 38.Google Scholar

151 A-KN 991, fol. 193r and A-KN 982, fol. 275r.Google Scholar

152 A-KN 991, fol. 193r and A-KN 982, fol. 275v.Google Scholar

153 A-KN 982, fol. 275r.Google Scholar

154 Ibid., fol. 276r.Google Scholar

155 Ibid., fol. 277r.Google Scholar

156 Ibid., fol. 277v.Google Scholar

157 A-KN 991, fol. 174v and A-KN 982, fol. 172v.Google Scholar

158 “Crux fidelis” is normally included in the Good Friday rites given in the rituales: A-KN 628, fols. 42r–43v; A-KN 629, fols. 60v-61r; and A-KN 1021, fols. 45r–46r. “Crux fidelis” is included in each of the hymnals discussed above.Google Scholar

159 See n. 176 for further details.Google Scholar

160 This placement is found in a group of breviaries whose outlines for the liturgical year are nearly identical. These include A-Wn lat. 1717 and A-KN 969 (thirteenth century), A-KN 592 and A-KN 1200 (fourteenth century), and A-KN 977 and A-KN 1172 (fifteenth century). All preserve the same abbreviated form of the Visitatio sepulchri seen in A-KN 1200 as well. Only A-Wn lat. 1717 includes musical notation, employing unheighted German neumes. The musical setting for the opening lines of the ceremony in A-Wn lat. 1717 does not correspond to that found in other Klosterneuburg manuscripts. The setting of the line “Quem queritis,” in particular, appears to follow the outline of the Type 1 melody rather than that of the Type 2 melody. On similar mixtures of Type 1 and Type 2 texts and melodies, see Norton, , “Type 2 Visitatio Sepulchri“ (n. 13 above), 90–95.Google Scholar

161 Huglo, Michel, Les Manuscrits du Processional, vol. 1, Autriche à Espagne (Munich, 1999), 8–11. A-KN 1006 is a nearly exact copy of A-KN 995 and preserves the omissions, misorderings of ceremonies, and insertions and additions found in the earlier manuscript. A-KN 1005 corrects the ordering of ceremonies, completes those left incomplete, and includes the added processions in their proper liturgical order.Google Scholar

162 Huglo describes the notation of A-KN 1005 as “Notation messine tardive” (ibid., 10) and that of A-KN 1006 as “Notation messine gothique” (ibid., 11). Huglo also includes A-KN 998 among the Klosterneuburg processionals due to its seventeenth-century library inscription (ibid., 9–10). This manuscript, however, comes from the Augustinian priory at St. Florian. See Carr, Amelia and Norton, Michael, “New Sources for the Visitatio Sepulchri at Klosterneuburg,” Early Drama, Art, and Music Review 15 (1993): 83–90.Google Scholar

163 For example, the following description is found in AH 43:29 (no. 42): “Process. ms. S. Mariae Magdalenae saec. 14 Cod. Claustroneoburg. 995.” Google Scholar

164 Engels, , “Die Notation” (n. 4 above), 42, 44, 49, 51, and 52 and Klugseder, , “Studien” (n. 7 above), 17 and 28. Klugseder, , following Huglo, includes A-KN 998 among his list of processionals for the men. See n. 162 above.Google Scholar

165 Klugseder, While (“Studien,” 28–30) includes a section on processions in his study of Klosterneuburg liturgical manuscripts, his focus is on the processions included in the graduals, including those for Palm Sunday and the Mandatum, rather than those in the processionals.Google Scholar

166 A-KN 1213, fols. 171v-177r; A-KN 635, fols. 108r–111r; and A-KN 983, fols. 132r–136r.Google Scholar

167 Froger, , Le Graduel (n. 4 above), 33∗.Google Scholar

168 Lacoste, , “The Earliest Klosterneuburg Antiphoners” (n. 4 above), 124.Google Scholar

169 Flotzinger, , “Zu Herkunft” (n. 73 above), 59.Google Scholar

170 Röhrig, , “Das kunstgeschichtliche Material” (n. 19 above), 139. The notice for the dedication was first published in 1868 but was not picked up by later scholars. See n. 19 above.Google Scholar

171 A-KNa HS 191, fols. 90v-91r: “Dominica postquam fest. S. Stephani habetur dedicatio monasterii monialium ad S. Maria Magdalena vesp., contio, officium, etc.” This same notice is found in A-KN 1026A, fol. 55r (copied 1576) and A-Wn lat. 15078, fol. 43v (copied 1594). All three manuscripts bear the title “Ordinationes Chori Neuburg quae partim ex Directorio partim extra ipsum excerptae atquae annotata sunt.” This notice was first reported by Schabes (Alte liturgische Gebräuche [n. 34 above], 181) but was not picked up by later scholars.Google Scholar

172 The assignment of the sermons to the Saturday rather than the Sunday of the feast of the Dedication of the Church corresponds to the later practice of providing a sermon in conjunction with Vespers. See note 171 above.Google Scholar

173 This item is one of four sermons listed as “Sermo de dedicatione ecclesie” in the Zettelkatalog's entry for A-KN 880 ([n. 38 above] 5:167–68). While only the first two are specifically identified with the women's church, the four sermons are grouped together between sermons for St. Bartholomew (24 August) and the Nativity of Mary (8 September).Google Scholar

174 The printed Passau breviary of 1490 lists the following for the procession for the Dedication of the Church: the antiphon “Asperges me Domine,” the responsories “Terribilis” and “Visita quesumus domine,” and the hymn “Hoc in templo.” “Hoc in templo” is the penultimate verse of the hymn for the Dedication of the Church, “Urbs beata Jerusalem.” Breviarium Pataviensis (Augsburg, ca. 1490), 2, fol. 138v (D-Mbs Ink B-878 [olim L.impr.membr. 18–2,3/6, GW 5425]). The second volume is missing its title page and consists of three independent units, each foliated separately. The opening section, foliated from 1 to 68, is a psalter. The middle section, foliated from 1 to 250, is an ordinal (plenary breviary) and provides a description for the summer liturgy of the Passau cathedral, including Offices, processions, and Masses from the feast of the Ascension to the octave of St. Andrew. The final section, foliated 1 to 26, contains items from the commons. The folio number given above is from the middle section of the book.Google Scholar

175 On the issues confronted by Prior Stefan, see Rill, Gerhard, “Die Pröpste des Stiftes Klosterneuburg von der Gründung bis zum Ende des 14. Jahrhunderts,” Jahrbuch des Stiftes Klosterneuburg, Neue Folge , 1 (1961): 58–62.Google Scholar

176 In the men's antiphoner, A-KN 68, the Office of the Dedication of the Church (fols. 56r–69v) is preceded by the Office of St. Maurice (22 September) and followed by the Office of Sts. Cosmas and Damian (27 September). This arrangement is found in the series of breviaries listed in n. 160 above and in the women's breviary, A-KN 1200 (see p. 109).Google Scholar

177 A-KN 628 (ca. 1330, contains unheighted neumes); A-KN 629 (ca. 1330, contains Bohemian notation); A-KN 1021 (fifteenth century, some Gothic notation added interlinearly and in the margins); A-KN 1022A (fourteenth century, some unheighted neumes inserted interlinearly); A-KN 1022B (fourteenth century, Bohemian notation — same music scribe as A-KN 629); A-KN 1209 (1550, Gothic notation); A-KN 1210 (fifteenth century, Holy Week only, Gothic notation); and A-KN 1211 (fifteenth century, Holy Week only, Gothic notation).Google Scholar

178 Haidinger, , Katalog (n. 38 above), 1:180.Google Scholar

179 A-KN 1021 is primarily a text-only manuscript. Gothic notation on lines is added in the margins and interlinearly on a number of occassions. For example, music for “Expedit nobis” for Palm Sunday is provided in the bottom margin of fol. 15v. The Kyrie of the Easter Vigil Mass is given in the top margin and between the first and second lines on fol. 58r. Unheighted neumes are also added on occasion. Fols. 54v-55r contain occasional neumes for several items of the Easter Vigil.Google Scholar

180 On Klosterneuburg's Protestant phase, see Röhrig, , “Protestantismus” (n. 31 above).Google Scholar

181 A-KN 1022A, fols. 33v, 34r, 34v, 36r, and 37r; A-KN 1022B, fols. 69v, 70r, 70v, 72v, and 73v.Google Scholar

182 A-KN 1022A, fol. 33v and A-KN 1022B, fol. 69v.Google Scholar

183 A-KN 1022A, fol. 34r and A-KN 1022B, fol. 70r.Google Scholar

184 A-KN 1022A, fols. 33v, 36r, and 37r; A-KN 1022B, fols. 69v, 72v, and 73v.Google Scholar

185 “Cantores dicunt versum: ‘Unus autem ex ipsis Cayphas nomine dum esset pontifex anni illius prophetavit dicens.’ Usque illuc quod prelatus imponat: ‘Expidit vobis ut unus moriatur homo pro populo et non tota gens pereat’” (A-KN 629, fol. 15r and A-KN 1021, fol. 16v).Google Scholar

186 A-KN 1022A, fol. 9r and A-KN 1022B, fol. 18r.Google Scholar

187 “Tunc prelatus adorans crucifixum imponent antiphonam: ‘Scriptum est enim’” (A-KN 629, fol. 21v and A-KN 1021, fol. 22v). The insertion of the Adoration of the Cross into the Palm Sunday procession at Klosterneuburg is treated by Schabes, Leo, “Dramatisierte liturgische Gesänge,” Musica Divina 7 (1919): 129–32.Google Scholar

188 “Tunc sacerdos adoret crucifixum clero cantante antiphonam: ‘Scriptum est enim’” (A-KN 1022A, fol. 15r; A-KN 1022B, fol. 25r; and A-KN 628, fol. 15v).Google Scholar

189 “Ordo in cena domini nona dicta ignis excutitur de lapide [A-KN 1021: silice] a prelato in loco foris basilica ita ut ex eo possit candela accendi. Sine choro cum ministris sollempnit indutis Benedicitur. Subtile dalmaticam chorale cappam rubeas deferentes ac palmas in manibus tenentes et benedictur ignis hoc modo. ‘Oremus …’” (A-KN 629, fol. 26r and A-KN 1021, fol. 26v).Google Scholar

190 “Ordo in cena domini. In cena domini hora nona quando dies longiores sunt seu hora quinta quando breviores. Facient ignem excuti de lapide in loco foris basilicam. Ita ut ex eo possit candela accendi et benedicitur ignis hoc modo: ‘Oremus …’” (A-KN 1022B, fol. 26v and A-KN 628, fols. 16v-17r).Google Scholar

191 “Perlecta passione descendat prelatus cum ministris in mediam ecclesiam” (A-KN 629, fol. 56v).Google Scholar

192 “Perlecta passione incipiat sacerdos orationes per variis necessitatibus” (A-KN 1022B, fol. 37r).Google Scholar

193 “Interim dum hec canuntur prelatus cum dyacono et subdyacono. Deinde duo presbyteri qui crucem produxerunt. Exinde tres ministri altaris. Deinde reliquus chorus et pacta trina genuum flectione de osculentur lignum crucis dicentes sub silentio antiphona: ‘Tuam crucem …’” (A-KN 629, fol. 60v and A-KN 1021, fol. 45r).Google Scholar

194 A-KN 1022B, fol. 41r.Google Scholar

195 “Post communione prelatus cum ministris et clero procedant ad locum aptum ubi positum est sepulchrum portantes crucifixum” (A-KN 629, fol. 71r and A-KN 1021, fol. 46v). This rubric is found in more or less the same form in the breviaries (A-KN 61, fol. 191r and A-KN 590, fol. 296v) and in the ordinals (A-KN 635, fol. 55r; A-KN 983, fol. 63v; A-KN 1014, fol. 65r; A-KN 1213, fol. 71r). See Lipphardt, Walther, Lateinische Osterfeiern und Osterspiele , 9 vols. (Berlin, 1976–90), 3:984–85, 988–89, 993–94, 996, 999–1000, 1003–4, and 1007–8.Google Scholar

196 “Quando autem sepulchrum paratur cantent responsorium” (A-KN 1022B, fol. 43r).Google Scholar

197 “In sancta nocte antiquam sonentur matutine, prelatus aliquibus sibi adiunctis corpus dominicum et crucem de sepulchri tollant cum devotione et reverentia, adolentes et aspergentes ea, ac canentes sub silencio responsorium: ‘Surrexit pastor bonus’” (A-KN 629, fol. 102r and A-KN 1021, fol. 59v). This rubric is found in more or less the same form in the breviaries (A-KN 61, fol. 192v and A-KN 590, fol. 299v) and in the ordinals (A-KN 635, fol. 57r; A-KN 983, fol. 66v; A-KN 1014, fol. 68r; A-KN 1213, fol. 82v). See Lipphardt, , Lateinische Osterfeiern , 3:985–86, 989, 993–94, 996–97, 1000–1001, 1004–5, and 1009. Modified versions of this ceremony are found in manuscripts from the late sixteenth century (A-KNa HS 191, fol. 51r–v; A-KN 1026A, fol. 40r; A-KN 1209, fols. 92v-94v; A-H 180, fol. 33v; A-Wn lat. 15078, fol. 26r–v).Google Scholar

198 “Ad visitandum sepulchrum domini ante matutinas crux [corpus in margin above] tollant cum summa devocione et reverencia, adoleatur et aspergatur ac cantetur sub silencio hoc Responsorium: ‘Surrexit pastor bonus’” (A-KN 1022B, fol. 63r).Google Scholar

199 “Sabbato sancto pasche. Prelatus sive sacerdos cum ministris induti sollempnissimus vestimentis procedant ad benedicendum igne. Prosequente se clero et interim vii psalmam cantate” (A-KN 1022B, fol. 46r–v). A-KN 628, fol. 45r also contains this rubric, although it substitutes “presbyteri” for “prelatus.” Google Scholar

200 “Sabbato sancto pasche. Hac die primo mane ornetur ecclesia omnibus ornamentis et incensilibus suis et parentur ad baptismum omnia et ad divinum officium neccesaria. Hora nona dato signo conveniant ministri altaris et parent se vestimentis sollempnibus. Dictaque nona procedant ad ignem excussum ex filice palmas in manibus tenentes. Septem psalmam canentes et cruce et aqua benedicta et incenso et benedicat ignem humili voce incipiens ‘Dominus vobiscum’” (A-KN 629, fol. 72v and A-KN 1021, fol. 49r).Google Scholar

201 Several manuscripts from Klosterneuburg intended for male use in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries also include German rubrics. Both A-KN 1210 and A-KN 1211, which contain the music for the rites of Holy Week, include rubrics in German. The three late sixteenth-century ordinals (A-KNa HS 191, A-KN 1026A, and A-Wn 15078) also employ German rubrics throughout. The earliest of these ordinals was, according to Schabes (Alte liturgische Gebräuche [n. 34 above], 12), likely intended for use by a lay sacristan.Google Scholar

202 Klugseder, , “Studien” (n. 7 above), 36 and 38.Google Scholar

203 Further differences between the twelfth- and fourteenth-century antiphoners are documented by Lacoste, , “The Earliest Klosterneuburg Antiphoners” (n. 4 above), 126–50.Google Scholar

204 “Messine” was the term used by most early scholars. Corbin, Solange (“Neumatic notations, IV, 4: Western Europe – Lorraine,” in The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians , ed. Sadie, Stanley, 20 vols. [London, 1980], 13:137) proposed the label “Lorraine” or “Lotharingian,” as this more closely represented the area where the notation is first found. David Hiley (Western Plainchant: A Handbook [Oxford, 1993], 349) proposed the label “Laon” after the earliest witness (F-LA 239). The technical details of this notation have been extensively treated by others and are not treated here. With regard to A-Gu 807 in particular, see Froger, Jacques, Le Graduel (n. 4 above), esp. 32∗–35∗ and Rumphorst, Heinrich, “Handschrift A-Gu 807 (Klosterneuburg),” Beiträge zur Gregorianik 31 (2001): 79–109. The notation in the Klosterneuburg antiphoners is treated by Lacoste, “The Earliest Klosterneuburg Antiphoners,” 95–117. Other discussions can be found in Janka Szendrei, “Linienschriften des zwölften Jahrhunders auf süddeutschem Gebiet,” in Cantus Planus: Papers Read at the Fourth Meeting – Pécs, Hungary (Pécs, 1992), 17–30 and Engels, , “Die Notation” (n. 4 above).Google Scholar

205 The twelfth-century graduale A-Gu 807 has spawned much discussion, speculation, and controversy over the last century. It is impractical to confront its many issues here, and we hope to deal with these in a subsequent study. The bibliography is long, although summaries are provided by Huglo, Michel, “Bilan de 50 années” (n. 72 above), 224–59 and Huglo, Michel and Haggh, Barbara, “Notes sur l'origine du Graduel de Graz, UB 807,” Dies est leticie: Essays on Chant for Janka Szendrei , ed. Hiley, David and Kiss, Gábor (Ottawa, 2008), 295–305. The most thorough study of the manuscript is that by Jacques Froger, Le Graduel. Google Scholar

206 Lists of fragments containing musical notation similar to that found in the Klosterneuburg manuscripts are provided by Froger, , Le Graduel , 34∗–35∗ and Lacoste, , “The Earliest Klosterneuburg Antiphoners,” 104–5. Facsimiles for several of these examples are provided by Szendrei, Janka, “Linienschriften,” 19 and 23–25. Additional fragments were located by Robert Klugseder, and many of these are provided as computer image files on the CD accompanying his published dissertation, Quellen des gregorianischen Chorals für das Ofizium aus dem Kloster St. Ulrich und Afra Augsburg, Regensburger Studien zur Musikgeschichte 5, ed. Horn, Wolfgang and Hiley, David (Tutzing, 2008). The complete list of fragments is given as “Anhang 2” (pp. 218–20).Google Scholar

207 Froger, , Le Graduel , 34∗–35∗.Google Scholar

208 Klugseder, , Quellen , 68–69 and 71–76.Google Scholar

209 The Klosterneuburg women did maintain a school for girls, although the nature of the education provided is not known. Several recent studies treating education in general and music education in particular within other female communities might shed some light on the practice of the Klosterneuburg women. The education of girls at the Benedictine convent at Ebstorf, for example, is treated in Schlotheuber, Eva, “Ebstorf und seine Schülerinnen in der zweiten Hälfte des 15. Jahrhunderts,” in Studien und Texte zur literarischen und materiellen Kultur der Frauenklöster im späten Mittelalter , ed. Schlotheuber, Eva, Eisenmann, Falk, and Honemman, Volker, Studies in Medieval and Reformation Thought 99 (Leiden, 2004), 169–221. A late-medieval music treatise from Ebsdorf is treated by Gümpel, Karl-Werner, “A Didactic Music Treatise from the Late Middle Ages: Ebstorf, Klosterarchiv, MS V,3,” in Music in the Theater, Church, and Villa: Essays in Honor of R. L. Weaver and N. W. Weaver , ed. Parisi, S. (Sterling Heights, MI, 2000), 51–64. The musical education of girls in English convents is treated by Yardley, Anne B., “The Music Education of Girls in Medieval English Nunneries,” in Young Choristers, 650–1700 , ed. Boynton, Susan and Rice, Eric (Woodbridge, UK, 2008), 49–67. The music education for women and girls in more recent monastic practice is treated in several recent studies: Reardon, Colleen, “Cantando tutte insieme: Training Girl Singers in Early Modern Sienese Convents,” ibid., 195–215; Cyrus, Cynthia J., “The Educational Practices of Benedictine Nuns: A Salzburg Abbey Case Study,” in Music Education in the Middle Ages and Renaissance , ed. Murray, Russell A., Weiss, Susan Forscher, and Cyrus, Cynthia J. (Bloomington, IN, 2010), 249–61; and Baade, Colleen, “Nun Musicians as Teachers and Students in Early Modern Spain,” ibid., 262–83. While she does not talk of the musical education of nuns per se, Yardley (Performing Piety [n. 10 above], 73–94) does discuss the necessity of musical literacy for nuns and some of the problems that could result from its absence.Google Scholar

210 For example, A-KN 73 (late 13th-century gradual) and A-KN 628 (ca. 1330 rituale).Google Scholar

211 A-KN 629, another rituale copied ca. 1330, is the earliest of the canons' manuscripts to use pitch notation. It uses a form of Bohemian notation written by a scribe familiar with mensural notational practices. On the notation used in A-KN 629 and A-KN 1022B, see Ristory, Heinz, “Die Handschrift MS 629: Ein früher Quellenbeleg für Partialmensuration?” Jahrbuch des Stiftes Klosterneuburg, Neue Folge, 14 (1992), 131–41 and Engels, , “Die Notation,” 50–51.Google Scholar

212 Most are listed as conversa, soror nostra. See n. 102 above.Google Scholar

213 The full text of the Charta visitationis of 1419 is given in Schmidgruber, Anton, “Beiträge zur Geschichte Klosterneuburgs in der ersten Hälfte des 15. Jahrhunderts” (PhD diss., University of Vienna, 1951), 98–127. Portions of the document are translated into German by Davy, “Die Augustiner-Chorfrauen” (n. 2 above), 40–42 (after Leyrer, “De Monialibus” [n. 2 above], fols. 135v-137v).Google Scholar

214 The rite of profession is given in A-KN 629, fols. 158v-160v. As in the rites of the sick and dying in A-KN1022A and A-KN1022B, word endings have been altered to accommodate females. The statement of profession is given in German and is the same as that required for lay brothers and lay sisters (fol. 160r). The rites for the sick and dying are found in A-KN 1022A, fols. 30r–43v and A-KN 1022B, fols. 66r–74v. See the discussion on rituales above, pp. 114–19.Google Scholar

215 On the interior configuration of women's churches during the Middle Ages see Hamburger, Jeffrey, “Art, Enclosure and the Cura Monialium: Prolegomena in the Guise of a Postscript,” Gesta 31 (1992): 108–34. More recent entries include Jeffrey Hamburger, Marx, Petra, and Marti, Susan, “The Time of the Orders, 1200–1500: An Introduction,” in Crown and Veil (n. 10 above), 41–75 and Jäggi, Carola and Lobbedey, Uwe, “Church and Cloister: The Architecture of Female Monasticism in the Middle Ages,” in ibid., 109–31.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

216 Röhrig, , “Das kunstgeschichtliche Material” (n. 19 above), 166: “Item im frawncloster zu den peichtstuelen sind gangen zumachen 11 tagw. Per 16 facit 5 sol. 26 den” (A-KNa Rechnungsbuch 4/1, fol. 38r) and “Item die peichstül im frawncloster zu beslahen 8 pentl., rigl und ringl etc. facit 5 sol.” (A-KNa Rechnungsbuch 4/1, fol. 38v).Google Scholar

217 On the history and aftermath of Periculoso , see Makowski, Elizabeth, Canon Law and Cloistered Women: Periculoso and Its Commentators, 1287–1545 (Washington, DC, 1997). The 1301 document reads in part: “Relying especially on the apostolic mandate included in the body of law, we direct, and in this we are advising very strictly, that this same Cloister of Holy Nuns be perpetually enclosed” (“Innitentes eciam mandato apostolico in corpore iuris clauso mandamus, eciam districte precipimus, vt idem Claustrum sanctimonialium in continua sit clausura”). The 1301 statute is given by Zeibig, Urkundenbuch (n. 2 above), 1:68–72. This requirement was reinforced in another statute six years later. The 1307 statute is given ibid., 106–7.Google Scholar

218 Other destinations included the chapel of St. Kunigund (“ad sanctam Chunigundem”), which was attached to the Stiftsspital, and the “capella speciosa” (often just “ad capellam” or “ad capellam pulchram”), which was dedicated to St. John the Baptist. Consecrated in 1222, the “capella speciosa” was one of the first Gothic structures in Austria. Built by Duke Leopold VI with money that his father had received from the ransom of Richard the Lionhearted, it was deconsecrated in 1787 and dismantled in 1799. Its stones were reused for the imperial Schloss Laxenburg and its chancel removed to the Wolfgangkirche in Kirchberg am Wechsel (Seeger, Ulrike, Zisterzienser und Gotikrezeption: Die Bautätigkeit des Babenbergers Leopold VI. in Lilienfeld und Klosterneuburg [Munich, 1997], 116–66). See also Nussbaum, Norbert, German Gothic Church Architecture (New Haven, 2000), 41–42. On the dismantling of the chapel and its later reuse, see Schabes, , Alte liturgische Gebräuche (n. 34 above), 35–36.Google Scholar

219 Specifically, the canons are directed to sing the respond “Vidit Maria duos angelos” (CAO 7885a) as they reach the entrance to (or enter) the women's church, and the canonesses sing its verse (“Dicit eis quia”). The prior then sings the verse “Dimissa sunt” with its Alleluia. Both “Vidit Maria” and “Dimissa sunt” are drawn from the Office of St. Mary Magdalene. “Vidit Maria” is taken from Matins, sung during the second Nocturn of the canons' Office and the third Nocturn of the earliest of the women's Offices (A-KN 1012). It is included among the additional responsories for Matins in the later women's antiphoners (A-KN 1018 and A-KN 589). “Dimissa sunt” is the verse to the responsory “Accessit ad pedes Jesu” (CAO 6016), which is sung during Vespers in both the liturgy of the canons and that of the canonesses (see Table 7). It is unclear whether the specification for the interactions within the women's church found in the Easter procession held generally. The rubrics for the processions to the women's church later in the year do not include this level of detail. However, the details for the Easter procession may well have served as a template for those that followed.Google Scholar

220 Zeibig, , Urkundenbuch 1:68–72. Probably due to this prohibition, the processions given in the ordinals and breviaries, the earliest of which was copied in the first part of the fourteenth century, give alternate destinations for the procession for the feast of the Nativity of Mary (8 September). The canons are directed either to the women's church (“ad dominas” or “ad mulieres”) or to the “capella speciosa” (“ad capellam” or “ad capellam pulchram”). Alternate responsories are also provided. If the procession goes to the women's church, the antiphon “Maria plorans” (CAO 7129, from the Office of Mary Magdalene) is sung. If the procession goes to the capella, the responsory “Inter natos mulierum” (CAO 6979, from the Office of John the Baptist) is sung. A-KN 590, fol. 395r–v; A-KN 1213, fol. 176r–v; A-KN 635, fol. 110v; A-KN 983, fol. 135r–v; A-KN 1014, fol. 115r (see Table 12b).Google Scholar

221 Zeibig, , Urkundenbuch , 1:72. “Thema tale est quedam domus sanctimonialium ord. s. Augustini Canonicorum regularium sita penes Monasterium virorum dicti ordinis ex antiqua consuetudine introduxit, vt in festo nativitatis gloriose virginis Marie dicti monasterii virorum (nostri videlicet) patrone liceat monialibus dicte domus processionaliter ire ad ecclesiam virorum ordinis ejusdem, et ibi divinum officium decantare, nunc queritur.” The letter is preserved in A-KNa K230 no. 56 fol. 272v N. R. Google Scholar

222 “Mane facto post Salve Regina cum funere ad dominas vadant, missam pro defuncto audiant” (A-KN 629, fol. 135v; A-KN 1021, fol. 86r; A-KN 635, fol. 113r). The word audiant is from the perspective of the men, which suggests that the chants were sung by the women. See also Schabes, , Alte liturgisiche Gebräuche , 79.Google Scholar

223 A-KN 629, fol. 136r; A-KN 1021, fol. 86r; A-KN 635, fol. 113v (ibid., 80).Google Scholar

224 On the Charta visitationis of 1419, see n. 213 above.Google Scholar

225 The new procedure is reflected in A-KN 58, fols. 35v-36r (ca. 1420 customary). See also Schabes, , Alte liturgische Gebräuche , 79.Google Scholar

226 “Dum fabricator” is provided neither music nor space for music, which generally indicates that the item was to be sung by the women (A-KN 1022B, fol. 41r).Google Scholar

227 The ordinals for the women at Essen and at Barking, for example, offer numerous examples where the nuns and the clerics upon whom they depended interacted, particularly in processions and in the rites of Holy Week. On the Essen and Barking ordinals, see nn. 142 and 143 above. See also the discussion of processions in Yardley, Performing Piety (n. 10 above), 113–58. Since both houses were houses for royal women led by an abbess rather than part of a double house under the titular control of the custos dominarum, it is difficult to know to what extent customs for the women of Klosterneuburg can be extrapolated from those of the royal convents.Google Scholar

228 The earliest notice associating the women's church at Klosterneuburg with Mary Magdalene is an account book entry from 1492: “Item de constructione sarcophagi quo ad sacramentum Corporis Christi dedi virginibus ad Sanctam Mariam Magdalenam 3 tal. 7 sol” (A-KNa Rechnungsbuch 5/6, fol. 8v [cited in Röhrig, “Das kunstgeschichtliche Material” (n. 19 above), 175]). The association, though, likely goes back to the mid-twelfth century, if not to the foundation of the church itself. On the problems associated with the association of the women's church with St. Mary Magdalene, see Davy, , “Die Augustiner-Chorfrauen” (n. 2 above), 37–38. See the discussion of Mary Magdalene as patron in the treatment of women's liturgical practice below.Google Scholar

229 Starzer, , Geschichte (n. 2 above), 389. It was this state of affairs that likely prompted Richard Perger to assert the association of the women's church with the Virgin rather than Mary Magdalene (“Klosterneuburg im Mittelalter,” in Klosterneuburg: Geschichte und Kultur, vol. 1, Die Stadt , ed. Röhrig, Floridus [Klosterneuburg, 1993], 186).Google Scholar

230 Similarly, when processing to the “capella speciosa,” which was dedicated to St. John the Baptist, the canons sang a responsory from the Office of St. John the Baptist. See the procession for the Nativity of Mary in Table 12b. The canons also processed to the “capella speciosa” for the feast of St. John the Baptist on 24 June.Google Scholar

231 See n. 24 above.Google Scholar

232 Schabes, , Alte liturgisiche Gebräuche , 32. These five altars are the last of the thirty-five altars listed in A-Wn lat. 15078, fol. 50v.Google Scholar

233 A similar arrangement was present in the nuns' church at the double monastery of Admont. An inventory of the abandoned church building made in 1619 indicated that the church was spacious and contained five altars, with a sixth altar in the gallery that had been deconsecrated. In addition, there was a colossal crucifix that hung from the triumphal arch. See Wichner, , “Die ehemalige Nonnenkloster” (n. 16 above), 303.Google Scholar

234 Davy, , “Die Augustiner-Chorfrauen,” 78.Google Scholar

235 See n. 228 above.Google Scholar

236 On the Passionsaltar , see Brucher, Günter, ed., Geschichte der bildenden Kunst in Österreich, vol. 2, Gotik (Munich, 2000), fig. p. 164 and Catalogue No. 275, p. 537 and Fritzsche, Gabriela, Die Entwicklung des ‘Neuen Realismus’ in der Wiener Malerei: 1331 bis Mitte des 14. Jahrhunderts, Dissertationen zur Kunstgeschichte 18 (Vienna, 1983), 86–91. Equally reasonable, however, is the idea that this altarpiece belongs to the Holy Cross altar in the main church, suggested in Floridus Röhrig, Stift Klosterneubuerg und seine Kunstschätze (St. Pölten, 1984), Abb. 46.Google Scholar

237 Davy, , “Die Augustiner-Chorfrauen,” 78. See also Pauker, Wolfgang and Benesch, Otto, Die Gemäldesammlung des stiftlichen Museums, Katalog der stiftlichen Kunstsammlungen 1 (Klosterneuburg, 1937), 91–93, who attribute the painting to a Viennese Master working around 1490.Google Scholar

238 Brucher, , Geschichte der bildenden Kunst , pl. p. 67 and Catalogue No. 71, p. 325–26. Röhrig, Floridus, “Zur Herkunft der Klosterneuburger Madonna,” Wiener Jahrbuch für Kunstgeschichte 46/47 (1993/94): 594–601.Google Scholar

239 Drexler, , Das Stift Klosterneuburg (n. 23 above), 221–22. Drexler's somewhat tentative association of the altar with the women's church was taken as certain by subsequent scholars. See also Pauker, and Benesch, , Die Gemäldesammlung, 71–75 and Lothar Schultes, Die gotischen Flügelaltäre Oberösterreichs, vol 1, Von den Anfängen bis Michael Pacher (Linz, 2002), 124–25.Google Scholar

240 Pauker, and Benesch, ( Die Gemäldesammlung , 71) correct Drexler's earlier reading of 1476.Google Scholar

241 Perger, Richard, “Die Frueauf-Gemälde im Klosterneuburger Stiftsmuseum — im Kunsthandel erworben?” Jahrbuch des Stiftes Klosterneuburg, Neue Folge, 16 (1997): 183.Google Scholar

242 Norton, , “Type 2 Visitatio Sepulchri“ (n. 13 above), 127–30 and 162–88.Google Scholar

243 A-KN 590, fol. 300v (early fourteenth-century breviary, LOO 598).Google Scholar

244 Dienst, Heide, “Agnes: Herzogin, Margräfin, Landesmutter,” in Der heilige Leopold: Landesfürst und Staatssymbol; Stift Klosterneuburg, 30. März-3. November 1985 , ed. Röhrig, Floridus and Stangler, Gottfried, Katalog des niederösterreichischen Landesmuseums, Neue Folge, 155 (Vienna, 1985), 23.Google Scholar

245 Jakob, Hermann, Die Hirsauer: Ihre Ausbreitung und Rechtstellung im Zeitalter des Investiturstreits (Cologne, 1961), 71–72. See also Störmer, Wilhelm, “Die Hausklöster der Wittelsbacher,” in Glaser, Hubert, Wittelsbach und Bayern, vol. 1.1, Die Zeit der frühen Herzöge: Von Otto I. zu Ludwig dem Bayern (Munich, 1980), 139–50.Google Scholar

246 Fischer, , Merkwürdigere Schicksale (n. 2 above), 2:3. The debates about the foundation date of the priory are summarized in Röhrig, Leopold III. der Heilige (n. 11 above), especially chapter 5, “Die Gründung des Stiftes Klosterneuburg,” 77–90.Google Scholar

247 The earliest evidence associating Agnes with the women's church dates from the fourteenth century. In one of two representations of Agnes in the Klosterneuburg cloister glass (ca. 1330–1335), she is depicted uncrowned but veiled and holding a model of a church, likely that of the women of Klosterneuburg, (Röhrig, Floridus, “Katalog,” in Der heilige Leopold , 154 [no. 39]. The image is given on p. 155.). See also Frodl-Kraft, Eva, Gotische Glas-Malereien aus dem Kreuzgang in Klosterneuburg, Klosterneuburger Kuntschätz 3 (Klosterneuburg, 1963), 41 (no. 18). A detail from the image that excludes the church is provided by Frodl-Kraft as color plate number 5. While Röhrig associates the church model directly with the church of the canonesses, Frodl-Kraft sees the association as likely although not certain.Google Scholar