¹ The first page of the article on Moses in AA.SS.Boll. (Sept. II, 6) has remained the only study on the history of the devotion to St. Moses. The necessity of a modern investigation of this subject will be realized at the reading of the paragraph on the ‘posthumous glory’ of the Saint in the article on Moses by Thomas à Kempis Reilly O.P. in Catholic Encyclopedia, 597. Moses is omitted in the study, otherwise most valuable, on the history of the devotion to Old Testament saints in Eberhard Nestle's Marginalien und Materialien (Tübingen 1893). II, 60f. See also Glower, S., “Scriptural Figures in the Liturgy,’ in Clergy Review 24 (1946) 617.Google Scholar

Leclercq's article in Dict. d'Archéol. Chrét. et de Liturg. 11, 1648–89, is entirely iconographical; of the various subjects treated in ancient Christian art, the following are of special interest to the present study: no. 5, Passage through the Red Sea; no. 11, Moses on Mt. Sinai. For the medieval iconography of OT saints, see Künstle, Karl, Ikonographie der christlichen Kunst (Freiburg 1928) 265–320, especially the representations of Moses in the London Alcuin Bible and in the Bible of Charles the Bald (ibid. 228f.). I shall not concern myself in this article with addenda from Irish art, a subject the difficulties of which may be realized at considering what is supposed to be representations of Moses on the Cross of Castledermot (Eric. Sexton, H., Irish Figural Sculpture [1946] 50) or on the Cross of Connor (Royal Soc. Antiqu. Irel. 32 [1902] 245).Google Scholar

² See also the Brussels Martyrology quoted by de Sollier in his edition of Usuard, , AA.SS.Boll. June VI (1715), 2nd ed. (1886) 461f. Google Scholar

³ For the tradition of word ‘legislatoris’ see below.Google Scholar

⁴ Loc. cit. = PL 124, 435.Google Scholar

⁵ Quentin, Henri, Les martyrologes historiques (Paris 1908) 349, 439 and 587.Google Scholar

⁶ PL 114, 1032. Moses's name is accordingly not found in the martyrology of Rabanus (PL 110, 1166) nor in the Willibrord calendar ( Kenney, J., The Sources for the Early History of Ireland [N.Y. 1929] 479; bibliographical references given by Kenney will not be repeated).Google Scholar

⁷ Martyrologium Hieronymianum , ed. Quentin, , comment. Delehaye, , AA.SS.Boll. Nov. II, 2 (1931) 41f. Google Scholar

⁸ Bradshaw Society (henceforth abbreviated BS) vol. 47; page number in calendar and martyrologies will not be given, unless the reference is not found under its date.Google Scholar

⁹ BS 58, 8 and 135; Nestle, , op. cit. 62. MS R(awlinson)¹, the best copy of Félire Oengusso (early 15th century) has for January 19th a note stating that ‘Marius et Martha Rome cum duobus filiis Audifax et Ambacuc marterio coronati sunt, ut Grigorius in Romano Marterilogio sapit’ (BS 29, 48).Google Scholar

¹⁰ That the Old English Martyrology (EETS, 1900) has an entry for Habakkuk on January 20th, as the Index p. 242 says, seems to be an error; no OT saint is referred to in that work.Google Scholar

¹¹ Les martyrologes 587 note 4; 323: from Bede's Chronicle. Due to his erroneous ideas on the relationship between Florus and Ado, de Sollier assumed again that this addition was made by the latter.Google Scholar

¹² BS 32, 15.Google Scholar

¹³ One of these MSS goes back to the early 15th century, the other is in the hand of Michael O'Clery (BS 62, 30 note 19 and xiii f.). ‘Abacuc’ appears as leader of the lesser prophets in the litany suggested to St. Maignenn of Kilmainham by St. Maelruain of Tallaght (O'Grady, . Sylva Gaedelica [1892] I, 41; a reference to ‘Ambacuc’, a contemporary of St. Kieran of Clonmacnoise, ibid. 416 and II, 453).Google Scholar

¹⁴ Vitae Sanctorum Hiberniae, ed. Plummer, (1910, henceforth abbreviated VSH) I, 84, 145 and II, 67. (Bethada Naem nErenn, the Irish lives of Irish Saints, ed. Plummer, [1922] will be abbreviated BNE).Google Scholar

¹⁵ VSH I, 227; II, 122 (addition in Rawlinson MS) and 143 (in analogy to the spelling adopted in the Roman liturgy for the son of Marius?).Google Scholar

¹⁶ Par. lv; Colgan, , Trias Thaumaturga (Louvain 1643) 77.Google Scholar

¹⁷ BS 9, 16.Google Scholar

¹⁸ In Beda, but not in Wandelbert (PL 121).Google Scholar

¹⁹ See below note 50.Google Scholar

²⁰ Quentin, , op. cit. 438 says that the name of Gideon was entered before that of Josua, see below.Google Scholar

²¹ See below p. 242f. — In a note on the entry in Tall., Best-Lowlor said: ‘Iesu naue and Gideon appear in a gloss on Oengus’ (BS 68, 68 and 164). However, in its marginal note to Oe. for September 1, MS F merely says: ‘7 ihs. mac aue nó Iesu mac Nuin’ The crossing of the Jordan under Josuah's leadership is almost as frequently referred to as the passage through the Red Sea, e.g. Vita Sti. Carthagi, VSH I, 197 (not in the Irish version) and in the two instances quoted below notes 99 and 100.Google Scholar

²² Martyr. Hieron., ed. cit. 359 has only the Crucifixion and Conception of Christ and the Passion of St. James. I have dealt with this entry in a special article in Irish Eccle. Record (1948) 332–46. See also de Sollier, , op cit. 157.Google Scholar

²³ BS 47, 11.Google Scholar

²⁴ BS 29, 275. See below, note 76.Google Scholar

²⁵ Oengus' litany (see below) speaks, in literal analogy to the prayer Libera, Domine, of the Commendatio animae of Isaac's rescue ‘de lámaib a thar’: ‘de manu patris sui Abrahae.’ Google Scholar

²⁶ BS 10, 19. Warren suggests ‘Lazarus.’ Google Scholar

²⁷ See below, p. 255.Google Scholar

²⁸ In the verse following upon that relating to Moses, the litany of Oengus refers — again in analogy to the prayer Libera, Domine — to the rescue of the ‘maccu de camino ignis’ (BS 29, 286).Google Scholar

²⁹ See below p. 239f. and 245f.Google Scholar

³⁰ With regard to what I shall have to say (p. 251f.) on the significance of references to OT saints in Irish-Continental literature, I mention that the miraculous birth of St. Cadroe (AA.SS.Boll. March I, 474) is compared with Samuel's birth from Anna.Google Scholar

³¹ PL 131, 1147.Google Scholar

³² See the articles in Catholic Encycl. on Ado, Florus and Wandelbert, and Quentin, , Les martyrologes 415f. Google Scholar

³³ Quoted AA.SS.Boll. Sept. II, 6 and June VI, 461. See note 35.Google Scholar

³⁴ I assume Irish influence even in the description given by Wandelbert of Eliseus, Abdias and David as ‘vates’ (PL 121, 610). The Vulgate never uses this word. Its direct equivalent is Irish ‘faith’ (‘prophet’). The exact meaning of the Irish words for the choirs of saints should be studied (see Kenney, , op. cit. [n.6] 2) The fact that Ireland was the first Western country to develop a vernacular ecclesiastical terminology is still far from being sufficiently appreciated. The word ‘vates’ occurs also in the hymns for the Office of All Saints.Google Scholar

³⁵ See below p. 253.Google Scholar

³⁶ See below p. 250f. and note 50. As in the tradition of the Blessed Virgin, in that of St. Moses the association with bodily relics was excluded (similarly with regard to Enoch and Elias).Google Scholar

³⁷ BS 13, 78; Kenney, , op. cit. no. 91, i.Google Scholar

³⁸ Biographical Dictionary of the Saints (St. Louis 1924). See below note 57.Google Scholar

³⁹ Quentin-Delehaye 176, and BS 68, 145; for the following: 135.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Colgan, , Acta Sanctorum Hiberniae (Louvain 1645) 396.Google Scholar

⁴¹ The verse for March 1st is also quoted in the preface to Oe. in MS L(auds) 610 as a specimen of the metre of this work: ‘Moysi, Dabíd’ (the spelling usually given to the prophet).Google Scholar

⁴² For the significance of the addition of parentage to foreign saints see below p. 252. De Sollier, , loc. cit. quotes a Hagenau Martyrology: ‘Moysi prophetae, qui fuit filius Amra et Yocabeth.’ I have never encountered the name of Moses' mother in the Irish references to him.Google Scholar

⁴³ BS 9, 4.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ The Martirologe in Englysshe (1526), BS 3, 138 and 154. I hope to deal elsewhere with this most curious record of late medieval devotion to OT saints.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ “A feast of All the Saints of Europe,’ Speculum 21 (1946) 50ff. and ‘The Meaning of All Saints,’ Mediaeval Studies 10 (1949) 147-161.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ BS 10, 88.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ BS 29, 284ff. Google Scholar

⁴⁸ The litany of St. Amand ( Delisle, , “Mémoire sur d'anciens sacramentaires,’ Mémoires de l'Académie des Inscriptions [1891] 362) added the name of Samson to the Stowe diptychs.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ BS 29, 286 note 8.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ For the connection between the Epilogue of Oe. and the Commendatio animae see Gougaud, in Ephemerid. Liturg. 49 (1935) 3ff. and my article on ‘Abel's place in the Liturgy,’ Theological Studies 7 (1946) 126-30 and 140f. For the tradition of this association compare:Google Scholar

Libera, Domine Oe. St. Brendan's Life Google Scholar

Libera, Domine, BNE I, 73 VSH I, 123 Google Scholar

animam servi tui Domine, libera nos 7c. i. A ticcerna, sáer do mhuinter Google Scholar

sicut liberasti David de manu. Goliae amail sóersai David de gail claidib Góli amhail do sáerais Dauid o lamhaibh Golías sicut liberasti David de manu Golie gigantis Google Scholar

Danielem de lacu leonum Daniél assin chuithi leoman Ionás de brú céti magni Ionas a broind a mhíl móir (follows the story of the monster's emitting a fiery ball from its gullet). Daniel de faucibus leonum in lacu Jonam prophetam de ventre ceti magni cum esset ibi tribus diebus et totidem noctibus.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Kenney, , op. cit. no. 582; BS 13, 26.Google Scholar

⁵² To most of these names etymologies are added : ‘Moisi aquaticus interpretatur qui de Nilo flumine sumptus est.’ Another note adds: ‘.i. populus Israel’ (see BS 19, 14).Google Scholar

⁵³ Compare ‘Moysi mac Amra as he went tre muire Ruaidh’ in the Irish Life of St. Brendan (BNE I, 81 = VSH I, 140).Google Scholar

⁵⁴ See above note 42.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Below, pp. 246 and 252.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ See my articles cited above, note 45.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Only the Bollandists' article on Aaron (July I, 7-11), to this day the best study on Western devotion to OT saints in general, has visualized these distinctions. Séjourné in his article “Culte des Saints,’ DThC 14 (1939) 872ff. suggests that this was more or less the historical order of the development of the cult of saints. — How far the cult of OT saints has fallen into oblivion even in Ireland may be seen from the first English translation of the Roman Martyrology published in Ireland (Dublin 1846) : in the Index, OT saints are listed without the word ‘Saint,’ Aaron e.g. as ‘high priest,’ David as ‘prophet.’ Moses is the only saint in the whole work to be described as ‘Holy’ rather than ‘Saint’ Google Scholar

⁵⁸ In the Roman Ritual and Pontifical there are numerous prayers starting with the words ‘Deus, qui Moysi’ These indicative references are foreshadowed by the prayers included in the lives of Irish saints (see e.g. below, note 99). The Bobbio Missal has a preface ‘de Abraha’; ‘V.D. qui Abrahae famolo tuo unicum filium in sacrificium tibi victimam esse voluisti’ (BS 58, 149), and the Life of St. Flannan contains a similar prayer ‘Deus qui beato Patriarchae Abrahae’ with a reference to the ‘immolatio Isaac’ (Anal. Bolland. 46 [1928] 138).Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Kenney n. 555, BS 32, pp. xxxiv and xxvi.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ See above, note 57 To the examples given by the Bollandists, I may add that in the Merovingian calendar from Reichenau, published by Delisle, , op. cit. 313 (compare ibid. 356, the calendars of St. Vaast and Corbie), Aaron is mentioned, although his feast was certainly not celebrated; incidentally, this calendar also contains references to St. Brigid and St. Patrick. In Ireland, the Drummond calendar (Kenney no. 566) occupies a similar position between calendars in the strict sense of the word and martyrologies or ‘félire’ (a word not to be rendered by ‘festologies’!). It contains all the OT saints common to the later Usuardian tradition, including the ‘Martyrology’ of Christ Church Dublin (ed. Crosthwaite, John C., Dublin 1844). Beleth's Rationale unambiguously stated that the Machabees were the only OT saints whose feast was celebrated universally (PL 202 146); in fact, he says (ibid. 134) : ‘Animadverte ergo quod festa sanctorum Veteris Testamenti ut Abraham, Isai, Iacobi, Davidis, Danielis et aliorum in Graecia et Venetiae [since the 11th century] coluntur, habentque isthic suas ecclesias.’ Google Scholar

⁶¹ Warren, , The Liturgy and Ritual of the Celtic Church (Oxford 1881), a work which more than any other was instrumental in establishing the misconception of a ‘Celtic’ Church, of which Bishop disposed in his note to the Book of Cerne (below, note 68).Google Scholar

⁶² Above, note 48.Google Scholar

⁶³ Batiffol, P, History of the Roman Breviary (1912) 85.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ See my article on St. Abel, above, note 50.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ BS 13, 134; Kenney no. 101.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ BS 68, 110.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ BS 62, 30ff. Google Scholar

⁶⁸ This list and the distinction between and is derived from the Antiochian liturgy (Apostol. Const. VIII; Brightman, F. W., Liturgies Western and Eastern [1896] I, 17f.). Compare the beginning of the list of OT saints in the Stowe ‘diptychs.’ The Oratio Sti. Gregorii (PL 101, 590) invokes Abel, Seth, Henoch, Noah, Melchisedech, Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, Joseph, Job, Moses, Josuah (‘quem elegit Deus post Moysen’). The Book of Cerne (ed. A. Kuypers [1902] 103), in its version of this prayer (see below p. 246) places Abel after Isaac and omits Seth, Melchisedech, Joseph, Job, and Josuah (see also note 81). Compare also the Turin gloss (Stokes, , Thesaurus Palaeo-Hibernicus [1901] I, xxii and 493) to Mk.14: ‘Et educunt ilium ut crucifigerent eum’: ‘Hic educitur Abel adest Isaac et Abracham adest Joseph hic adest Moyses cum virga et serpente suspenso in ligno’ (Irish gloss: ‘i.e. that brazen serpent which the Children of Israel upraised in deserto’) ‘Eleseus Jonas in ventrem caeti triduo missus.’ Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Book of Cerne 80ff. Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Henoch, Elias, the patriarchs (Leabar Brecc adds: ‘septem’) and the prophets. see above, note 46.Google Scholar

⁷¹ 85.

⁷² 91. ‘In meritis prophetarum’ omitted in the parallel version in Roy. 2.A.XX (ibid. 211; see below).Google Scholar

⁷³ Ibid. 106.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Ibid. 118.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Ibid. 114.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Ibid. 224. The Epilogue to Oe. (BS 29, 274f.) gives the following summary of the saints commemorated in the body of the work: Archangels, the nine choirs of angels, ‘drong rerach (the troop of ancestors) im Nóe,’ ‘drong faithe im Easaiae’, ‘uasalathraig la hAbraham’, apostles and martyrs.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ BS 62, 78ff.; Kenney no. 548: 10th century.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ BS 62, 2ff. Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Wandelbert described Abraham as ‘exemplum fidei’ (Oct. 9) and Job as ‘patiendi exemplum’ (May 10). Similarly, in the comparison between Irish and foreign saints (Kenney no. 277), several saints, instead of being assigned to their respective choir, are described by their most outstanding quality: ‘Job patientiae, Jeremias sapiens’ etc. (see below, note 90). The Bobbio Missal (BS 58, 150) has a litany stating that Christ was prefigured by ‘noe, abraham fidelissimus patriarcha, issac gloriosissima hostia patris, Joseph ***, moyses laudabilis dux (for ‘dux’ see below, p. 257f.), david patriarcha, salome fons sapientiae, isaias,’ leader of all the prophets; and John the Baptist, Stephen, Peter and Paul. Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Above, note 68, see also my article on Abel (above, note 50), and the article by Séjourné (above, note 57).Google Scholar

⁸¹ So the Book of Cerne version of the Oratio Gregorii. The version ascribed to Alcuin however (above, note 68) has:Google Scholar

‘sanctus Abel, Seth, Enoch, Noe, / Melchisedech rex, / fidelis Abraham, / justus Isaach, Jacob, Joseph, Job, / beatus Moyses.’ For similar lists see the Office, second Nocturn of November 7th and third Nocturn of December 12th.Google Scholar

⁸² BS 13, 82.Google Scholar

⁸³ Ed. Stokes, W (1887) 62, 257, 482.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Thaumaturgus, Gregorius, lectio iv of his Office says, was compared, according to St. Basil, with Moses, the Prophets and the Apostles.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ I leave it to Celtists to study the variety of obscure expressions used in this instance; in Oengus' entry for July 1, Aaron is called ‘sab sruithe’, ‘mighty in wisdom’ Google Scholar

⁸⁶ BNE I, 20 and VSH I, 74. On all these lives of Irish saints see Kenney, , op. cit. Google Scholar

⁸⁷ BNE I, 42: ‘Maoisi’, and VSH I, 86.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ AA.SS. Boll. Aug. VI, 604f. Google Scholar

⁸⁹ BNE I, 291, and VSH I, 171.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ A comparison with ‘supplantans vicia ut Jacobus’ in the Vita Sti. Barri (VSH I, 74) shows that these parallelisms are not too specific. See above, notes 79 and 81.Google Scholar

⁹¹ See below p. 254f.; Stokes, W., Thesaurus I, 417. A late influence of this passage may be traced in the description of Christ in the 17th-century Irish version of the (late 13th-century) Epistola Lentuli (ed. Flower, R. in Essays and Studies for Eoin McNeill [Dublin 1940] 26): ‘gentle, affable, winsome, mild, ceannsa coinnircit’ (the Latin simply says: ‘blandus et amabilis’).Google Scholar

⁹² VSH I, 17.Google Scholar

⁹³ Kenney no. 135, V4: 8th or 9th century. Hermathena no. 50 (1937) 141f.; handwriting of the 12th century. In my investigations on the parallelism with Moses in the early Patrician tradition, I was assisted by my friend Dr. Ludwig Bieler. — The introduction to the Vita IV Sti. Patricii seems to have been known to William Tyraeus, an Irish priest, who in 1617 published at Douai his Panegyricus Sti. Patricii, the most extensive exposition ever given of the parallelism between Moses and St. Patrick (pp. 69ff. and 90-130). Tyraeus traces similar parallels with other OT saints (see below, p. 251).Google Scholar

⁹⁴ In this respect, the Life of St. Carthage (BNE I, 291f.) rather likens St. Patrick to David, in allusion to I Reg. 16:11.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ Anal. Boll. 1 (1882) 550 and Stokes, , Vita Tripartita I, 23 and II, 435. The Brussels MS of Murchu says that St. Patrick celebrated the first Easter ‘in nostra Aegiptia huius insolae velut quondam Gesseon celebratum est’ (ibid. 277) = Probus cap. xxxi (Colgan, , Trias 49). See below, note 109.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ BS 58, 51; see also note 58 above.Google Scholar

⁹⁷ VSH II, 81; Kenney no. 224 — Lectio iv of the Office for the feast of St. Columbanus in the Proprium Hiberniae (first published in 1765), till 1916 expressly described as taken from the Benedictine Breviary, contains the words : ‘Fontis quem e petra velut alter Moyses eduxerat, unda recreatus.’ This is one of the few passages not found in the present-day Office for St. Columbanus' feast in the diocese of Chur in Switzerland, which otherwise agrees with that prescribed for Ireland (see my article, “Columbanus in the Liturgy,’ Irish Eccles. Record, V, 62 [1943] 309).Google Scholar

⁹⁸ See notes 53 above and 111 below.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ AA.SS. Boll. Febr. I, 159.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ Messingham, , Florilegium (1624) 213. See above, note 21.Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ VSH I, 91.Google Scholar

¹⁰² VSH II, 109, 112.Google Scholar

¹⁰³ Colgan, , Acta 280. See below p. 18, my note on the Milan gloss to Ps. 148.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ BNE I, 214.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ BNE I, 4 and VSH I, 10. Also in the Milan glosses ( Stokes, , Thesaurus I, 277, 316, 327f., 424 and 444).Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ McNeill, Eoin, Celtic Ireland (1920) 28.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ O'Grady, , Catalogue of Irish Mss in the British Museum I, 56.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ McKenna, L.S.J., Dán Dé (1930) 31, 98.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ ‘Imitatus est jejunio mystico Moysen adhuc naturale lege constructum vel Eliam prophetam sub lege constitutum sed potissimum Jesum Christum’ (Jocelin par. clxxi, Colgan, , Trias 102). It will be remembered that in the Irish Litany of Jesus (above, p. 244) Moses appeared as the leader of those who had intelligence of the written law, and Elias of those who understood the prophetic law. — Jocelin has further parallels between Moses and Patrick. ‘Induratum est cor regis Leogarii sicut quondam Pharaonis cor Moysi’ (par. xxxix, Colgan, , Trias 75). See below, note 156.Google Scholar

¹¹⁰ BNE I, 187, 222, 224.Google Scholar

¹¹¹ Stokes, , op. cit. 475.Google Scholar

¹¹² Ibid. 446.Google Scholar

¹¹³ Par. xxvi; Colgan, , Trias 70.Google Scholar

¹¹⁴ BNE I, 104 and II, 100 and 338.Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ In Oengus' entry for November 13th (‘Ré notlaicc aird aurgaiss dogné init corgaise’: ‘Before high Christmas thou shouldst make great prayer at the beginning of fasting’). Stokes inserted in his translation the word ‘(Moses’)’ before the last word (where he actually has ‘lent’) : BS 29, 234. A note in the Rawlinson MSS to the reference made on January 7th to ‘corgais Issu’ says that this ‘Lent of Jesus’ was in springtime, whereas ‘corgus Moysi’ was in summer (see Plummer's note, VHS I, cxx).Google Scholar

¹¹⁶ xv. Compare St. Bernard's Sermo 2 in St. Malachiam (PL 183, 489).Google Scholar

¹¹⁷ Stokes, , Vita Tripartita 331.Google Scholar

¹¹⁸ Ibid. 500; see also my reference to the relic of Moses in Christ Church Dublin, below, note 139.Google Scholar

¹¹⁹ Stokes, , op. cit. 295.Google Scholar

¹²⁰ Par. xxxiii; Colgan, , Trias 66.Google Scholar

¹²¹ VSH II, 262.Google Scholar

¹²² Kenney no. 134.Google Scholar

¹²³ Colgan, , op cit. 23. Compare also Kenney, , op. cit. p. 333 note 137, and see the references made in Oe. MS F and the Drummond Kalendar to the presence of Moses at the Transfiguration.Google Scholar

¹²⁴ See my paper, “The Literary Tradition of Irish Saints in the Order of Canons Regular of the Lateran,’ Comparative Literature Studies 17/18 (1945) 20ff. and 19 (1946) 17ff. Peter Reade S.J., in the dedication of his Commentaria in Libris Machabaeorum (Lugdun. 1651) par. 17 (see my paper, ‘The Machabees and the Irish,’ Irish Monthly (1947) 1ff.) also referred to the parallelism with St. Patrick.Google Scholar

¹²⁵ See notes 97 and 88. Outstanding for their richness in references to Moses and other OT parallels are the Vitae Sti. Wilfridii (MGH SS rer. Mer. 6, 194: ‘sicut Moyses in rubo’; 207: 'Pharao, Moyses, Hur, Aaron, Jesu Naue, David, Goliad,; 221, 226: ‘Moyses et Aaron’), Sti. Remigii (ibid. 3, 269f., 280, 282, 296: ‘Moyses legis lator’; 316 and especially 327f : comparison with saints of the OT and NT in which Moses appears three times) and Sti. Amandi (ibid. 5, 463: ‘Moysaica lex’; 465: ‘Moyses legis lator’, and especially 468: the apotheosis of the saint with the angels, the Blessed Virgin, Abraham and the patriarchs and apostles, Abel and all the martyrs, ‘Moyses et Aaron cum sacerdotibus,’ Samuel and David with the prophets and singers).Google Scholar

¹²⁶ PL 131, 1021.Google Scholar

^126a MGH SS ver Mer. 4, 123.Google Scholar

^126b Ibid. 137 and 270: ‘Continentia Noe, fides Abrahae cum exemplo patriarcharum necnon et Mosaicis signis recitabantur’; 303: among the chief subjects of the saint's preaching was: ‘Egressio filiorum Israhel de Aegypto et transitus per Mare Rubrum legisque latio per Moysen’ (in both instances follow references to the kings and prophets).Google Scholar

^126c Ibid. 5, 601 and Kenney no. 319.Google Scholar

¹²⁷ AA.SS.Boll. March I, 476.Google Scholar

¹²⁸ AA.SS.Boll. Oct XIV, 392; 386: a particularly long exposition of ‘Exi de terra tua’ and other parallels to Abraham.Google Scholar

¹²⁹ BNE I. 44 and 20, note. In the life of St. Sennan ( Stokes, , Lismore Lives 54) St. Patrick is called ‘primfaith innsi hEireann primapstal.’ Google Scholar

¹³⁰ See my paper cited above, note 50.Google Scholar

¹³¹ See above p. 240f.Google Scholar

¹³² Compare Bede's Prologus David filii Jesse in the Milan glosses (Kenney no. 202), the genealogy of Melchisedech in the hymn Sen Dé, Oe. MS R¹ for March 1st (above p. 238), notes 21, 53.Google Scholar

¹³³ Kenney, p. 336.Google Scholar

¹³⁴ Note 114.Google Scholar

¹³⁵ O'Grady, , Catalogue 106.Google Scholar

¹³⁶ Die irische Kanonensammlung (2nd ed. Leipzig 1885) xiv f.; Kenney no. 82.Google Scholar

¹³⁷ Revue Celtique 30 (1909) 223; Kenney no. 83.Google Scholar

¹³⁸ Colgan, , Acta 803f. Google Scholar

¹³⁹ The Martyrology of Christ Church 3. See the note ‘Moisi in tabulas in xl diebus’ in Book of Armagh 170b (Stokes, , Thesaurus I, 496).Google Scholar

¹⁴⁰ Above p. 237f. Google Scholar

¹⁴¹ Above note 76. A gloss in the Book of Armagh to Pelagius' exposition of Rom. says that Paul reached the faith ‘ante doctrinam Moysis Lex per Moysen data’ ( Stokes, , Thesaurus I, 495).Google Scholar

¹⁴² Par. viii, AA.SS.Boll. March II (2nd ed.) 551.Google Scholar

¹⁴³ Colgan, , op. cit. 633f.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁴ Kenny no. 568; BS 10, 1, 8, 29. I hope to treat elsewhere of Moses' place in the present-day Roman liturgy; this antiphon reminds of the antiphon ‘Pueri Hebreorum’ of Palm Sunday and of the second of the Improperia on Good Friday.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁵ Op. cit. p. 102f. and Stokes, , Thesaurus I, xv.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁶ Stokes, , Thesaurus 212.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁷ Ibid. 278.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁸ Ibid. 374.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁹ Ibid. 417.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁰ Ibid. 481.Google Scholar

¹⁵¹ Kenney no. 461.Google Scholar

¹⁵² Stokes, , Thesaurus 515.Google Scholar

¹⁵³ Ibid. 567.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁴ Colgan, , Acta 576.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁵ Stokes, , Thesaurus 599. To the passage : ‘No one could look upon Barre's hand because of its radiance’ (BNE I, 19), Plummer noted: ‘The idea that Barre's hand after contact with Our Lord shone with intolerable radiance, is no doubt taken from the story of Moses’ (ibid. II, 325f.).Google Scholar

¹⁵⁶ Stokes, , Thesaurus 615. Compare Jocelin's remark that King Laoghaire resisted Patrick as ‘Jannes et Mambres resisterunt Moysi’ (Par. lx; Colgan, , Trias 78), see above note 109.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁷ Stokes, , Thesaurus 707.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁸ Ibid. 8 and 54.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁹ The Ancient Laws of Ireland I (Dublin 1865) 21ff. and d'Arbois de Jubainville, H., Introduction à l'Etude de la littérature celtique (Paris 1883) 291-5. Mac Firbisigh's treatise on ‘The seven orders of wisdom’ said that ‘the highest degree was that reached through knowledge of the decalogue which God gave da Maoisis’ (O'Curry, E., Lectures on the Mss Materials [1861] 495).Google Scholar

¹⁶⁰ McNeill, J. in Proc. Roy. Irish Academy 28 (1910) 123ff. and O'Curry, . op. cit. 53ff. Google Scholar

¹⁶¹ Ed. Martin Freeman, A., Revue Celtique 41 (1924) 306. In the Irish version of Nennius (ed. Hamel, [Dublin 1932] 2) the chapter ‘De sex aetatibus’ (which refers to Moses) was omitted.Google Scholar

¹⁶² Macalister's edition III, 134f. and 195.Google Scholar

¹⁶³ I.16f. (ed. Irish Text Society II, 16f. and Index sub ‘Maoise’). One of the most beautiful reflections of this whole tradition is the last verse of Mangan's poem Kathleen Ny-Houlahan (from the Irish of William Heffernan) which takes the form of an indirect invocation of Moses.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁴ Plummer's edition of Historia Eccles. I, 403.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁵ ‘Moyses mac Amra do thaisech tuathi Dé’ (Atkinson's edition, 265 and 72); also in the Irish life of St. Columba (Stokes, , Lismore Lives 20). See also Windisch's dictionary to Irische Texte. Moses is referred to as glantoisech in the 11th-cent. Saltair na Rann (Kenney no.609; Stokes' ed. 72f.); the whole chapter on the patriarchs (v.2306ff.) is of fundamental importance to the study of OT saints in Irish literature.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁶ Plummer, , op. cit. 390.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁷ Ibid. 411.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁸ See above p. 247ff.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁹ Colgan, , Trias 28. ‘Inter saeculares (personas) in primis dux populi erat Moses’: Beleth (see above, note 60) PL 202, 26. ‘Hebraeorum dux’ is referred to in a fly-leaf in the Martyrology of Donegal (Todd's edition, p. xxxix).Google Scholar

¹⁷⁰ Colgan, , op. cit. 78.Google Scholar

¹⁷¹ VSH II, 60f.; Kenney no. 164: late. In the Life of St. Kieran of Saighir, MS Egert. 112, the king of Ossory is referred to as ‘taoisech da mhuintir’ (‘leader of the people’), ‘ba he in taoisech’ (‘he was a leader’) (O'Grady, , Silva, I, 8). The hymn of St. Fechin says: ‘Fuit monachorum dux et pater trecentorum’ (Colgan, , Acta 132f.). ‘Taoiseach da mhuintir’ (with regard to Philip of Macedonia) in Keating's Three Shafts of Death (ed. Bergin, , Dublin 1931, lines 259 and 2807), a work also particularly rich in references to Moses (see index).Google Scholar

¹⁷² PL 159, 999.Google Scholar

¹⁷³ See my paper, “Cataldus Rachau,’ Mediaeval Studies 8 (1946) 217ff. Google Scholar

¹⁷⁴ Colgan, , Acta 467.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁵ See note 172.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁶ Atkinson's edition of the Book of Homilies , 159.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁷ Ibid. 66. In the Life and Death of Hercules (Irish Text Society 38, Dublin 1939) Greek heroes are referred to as ardthaeisech. ‘Ulixes’ is described as toisech Gregach (38, 78): the words ‘taeisech do Ghregachaibh’ (116), however, are translated by ‘a Greek captain’; in verse 2308 we have ‘taeisech na lunga’ (‘of the ship’) and p. 72 ‘toisigh na cathdrach’ (‘of the city’).Google Scholar

¹⁷⁸ Book of Homilies 124, 136, 147, 180, 346.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁹ Ibid. 113.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁰ Pending the publication of letter T of the Irish Dictionary of R. Ir. Acad. see Dinneen, .Google Scholar

¹⁸¹ Egerton MS 111 fol. 63 ( O'Grady, , Catalogue 383); the passage in question is 2nd column verso, 4th stanza, but I leave it to Celtists to study it in detail.Google Scholar

¹⁸² E.g. Venedy, J., Irland (Leipzig 1844) I, 104 (this —the first part of V.'s work —was not included in the Dublin translation) and de Feuillide, Capo, L'Irlande (Paris 1859) I, 32. In his funeral oration on O'Connell, Father Ventura said that ‘like Moses, O'Connell liberavit gentem suam a perditione.’ During the funeral service in Sta. Maria della Valle, inscriptions were displayed bearing the words of Ex. 3:9-11 and Jos. 1:16 ( McCabe, , The last days of O'Connell [Dublin 1847] 133f., 168 and 118f.). See my contribution, ‘Continental Opinion,’ in O'Connell (Dublin 1949). —In his article, ‘The Word Taoiseach’ (Irish Times, 24 March 1948, to my knowledge the only monograph on this word) M. J. Lennon tried to prove that this was the recognized title of the leader of a sept or fine (tuath, see note 165 above). From Ancient Laws of Ireland (V, 439 and glossary, 760), it is obvious that toisech was not a definite title in Ireland, and accordingly, this word does not occur in the various lists of the grades of the secular hierarchy, published by J. McNeill in Proc. Roy. Irish Acad. 36C (1923) 265ff. In Scotland, there is more evidence of a definite and official use of this word ( Cameron, John, Celtic Law [1937] 126, 169, 186). Robertson (Scotland and the Early Kings 1, 24, 237 and 240) felt that in Scotland the position of the toisech was similar to that of the majordomo (dux Francorum).Google Scholar

¹⁸³ See my papers quoted above, note 45.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁴ See above, p. 246.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁵ See my paper quoted above, note 50.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁶ I am fully aware of the fact that only by establishing the sources of this Irish tradition and by investigating its place within ecclesiastical literature between the eighth and the twelfth centuries, can the extent and significance of this tradition be fully appreciated. To do this, was outside the scope of this paper and beyond my research facilities.Google Scholar