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The ‘Karolinus’ of Egidius Parisiensis
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 29 July 2016
Extract
The Karolinus of Egidius Parisiensis, a twelfth/thirteenth-century poem in five books on the life and virtues of Charlemagne, has attracted the interest of a host of scholars, among them, M. J. J. Brial, Gaston Paris, Joseph Bédier, Paul Lehmann, Gaston Duchet-Suchaux, R. B. C. Huygens, and Paul Beichner. Only excerpts, however, have been printed, even though complete publication has been noted as an urgent desideratum. The full text both of the poem proper and of closely related annexes found in the manuscripts is presented hereunder, together with a study of the author and his work.
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References
1 Concerning Egidius Parisiensis see, in addition to the works cited infra in notes 2 and 6, the following: Lelong, Jacques, Bibliothèque historique de la France 2 (Paris 1669) p. 106 no. 16264 and p. 149 no. 16786; Leyser, Polycarp, Historia poetarum et poematum medii aevi (Halle 1721) 736–37, 750, 991–92; Saxius, Christopher, Onomasticon literarium siue nomenclator historico-criticus 2 (Utrecht 1777) 280; Duval, Amaury, in Histoire littéraire de la France 17 (Paris 1832) 39–40, 65–69; J. Fabricius, A., Bibliotheca latina mediae et infimae aetatis (Florence 1858) 1.22; Lalanne, Ludovic, Dictionnaire historique de la France 1 (Paris 1877) 915; Ch. Petit-Dutaillis, , Étude sur la vie et le règne de Louis VIII (1187–1226) (Bibl. de l'École des Hautes Études; Paris 1894) 12 n. 1, 13; Potthast, A., Bibliotheca historica medii aevi; Wegweiser durch die Geschichtswerke des europäischen Mittelalters bis 1500 (Berlin 1896; repr. Graz 1957) 1.18; Gröber, Gustav, Grundriss der romanischen Philologie 2.1 (Strassburg 1902) 376, 406; Molinier, A., Les sources de l'histoire de France (Manuels de bibliographie historique 3; Paris 1903) 3.7–8 no. 2224; Chevalier, U., Répertoire des sources historiques du moyen ǎge: Bio-bibliographie 1 (Paris 1905) 1789; Paris, G., Histoire poétique de Charlemagne (Paris 1905) 106–107; Delaborde, H.-F., ‘Note sur le Carolinus de Gilles de Paris,’ Mélanges Chatelain (Paris 1910) 195–203; Lehmann, Paul, ‘Das literarische Bild Karls des Grossen,’ in Sb. Akad. Munich (1934) 41–45 and a revised reprint in Lehmann's Erforschung des Mittelalters 1 (Stuttgart 1959) 186–89; Rall, Hans, Zeitgeschichtliche Züge im Vergangenheitsbild mittelalterlicher, namentlich mittellateinischer Schriftsteller (Historische Studien 322; Berlin 1937) 237–38; Berges, Wilhelm, Die Fürstenspiegel des hohen und späten Mittelalters (MGH, Schriften des Reichsinstituts für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde 2; Leipzig 1938) 296–97; Duchet-Suchaux, Gaston, ‘Le Carolinus de Gilles de Paris,’ École nationale des Chartes, Positions des thèses (1949) 53–56; R. Huygens, B. C., ‘Zur dritten Romreise des Egidius von Paris,’ Hommages à Max Niedermann (Collection Latomus 23; Brussels 1956) 179–83; F. Raby, J. E., A History of Secular Latin Poetry in the Middle Ages (Oxford 1934, 19572) 2.35 n. 2, 36 n. 2, 343; Potthast, A. (revised), Repertorium fontium historiae medii aevi <e>edd. Walther Holtzmann et al., 2 (Rome 1967) 135; Paul Beichner in his edition of Petrus Riga's Aurora (Notre Dame, Indiana, 1965) 1.xxi-xxiv. The Karolinus is listed in the Bollandists’ B(ibliotheca) H(agiographica) L(atina) no. 1605 and in Walther, Hans, Carmina medii aevi posterioris Latina 1 (Göttingen 1959) nos. 9313, 9492, 14649, 14713. See also infra pp. 220–222.edd. Walther Holtzmann et al., 2 (Rome 1967) 135; Paul Beichner in his edition of Petrus Riga's Aurora (Notre Dame, Indiana, 1965) 1.xxi-xxiv. The Karolinus is listed in the Bollandists’ B(ibliotheca) H(agiographica) L(atina) no. 1605 and in Walther, Hans, Carmina medii aevi posterioris Latina 1 (Göttingen 1959) nos. 9313, 9492, 14649, 14713. 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2 Bulaeus, (Du Boulay), Historia Universitatis Parisiensis 2 (Paris 1665) 738. Oudin, C., Commentarius de scriptoribus ecclesiae antiquis 2 (Leipzig 1722) 1723–24 [= PL 212.15–18], discusses Egidius Parisiensis.Google Scholar
3 On Gilo Parisiensis see esp.: Manitius, M., Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters 3 (Munich 1931) 668–70; Raby, , op. cit. (supra n. 1) 2.81–82. Gilo's historical poem, Historia gestorum uiae nostri temporis Hierosolymitanae (cf. Walther, , op. cit. [supra n. 1] 1 nos. 5788, 7459) may be found in PL 155.943–94.Google Scholar
4 Leyser, , op. cit. (supra n. 1) 750. The identification of the Karolinus-poet and the Aurora-redactor reposes on fragile evidence. It is, however, accepted by Duval, A., author of the two relevant chapters in Vol. 7 (1832) of the Histoire littéraire de la France and by Paul Beichner, C.S.C., editor of the recent editio princeps of the Aurora (for both scholars see supra, n. 1), and is assumed in all that here follows. If Leyser was right after all and the poet of the Karolinus was not the redactor of the Aurora, modifications are required in my account of Egidius Parisiensis. This writer, though the Karolinus was largely composed prior to 1200, may have seemed to Max Manitius too late for the third volume of his Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters, but Manitius (pp. 821–25) does deal with an ‘Aegidius Diakon in Paris’ in relation to the Aurora. Google Scholar
5 Concerning Petrus Riga see infra at n. 28 and (p. 318) on Captatio 24.Google Scholar
6 Edelstand, du Méril, Mélanges archéologiques et litéraires (Paris 1850) 312.Google Scholar
7 Concerning Egidius Corboliensis see infra (p. 319) on Captatio 25–28. A medieval prologue to the Aurora makes a point of distinguishing the two Egidii: ‘Quidam magister, Aegidius nomine, Parisiensis natione, non ille qui physicus fuit’ (<e>ed. Haur, B.éau, Notices et extraits 6 [1893] 296). Wright, F. A. and Sinclair, T. A., A History of Later Latin Literature (London 1931) 265, distinguish Egidius Parisiensis from Egidius Romanus but entitle the Karolinus incorrectly as Instructio Puerilis, calling its author an ‘educational writer.’ed.+Haur,+B.éau,+Notices+et+extraits+6+[1893]+296).+Wright,+F.+A.+and+Sinclair,+T.+A.,+A+History+of+Later+Latin+Literature+(London+1931)+265,+distinguish+Egidius+Parisiensis+from+Egidius+Romanus+but+entitle+the+Karolinus+incorrectly+as+Instructio+Puerilis,+calling+its+author+an+‘educational+writer.’>Google Scholar
8 Egidius, and not Aegidius, is the correct spelling of the name. Not only does the genitive Egidii appear in the opening title of both extant manuscripts of the Karolinus, but in introductory text C, verses 1–4, the poet says that his name consists (in the nominative) of seven letters.Google Scholar
9 Karolinus (hereafter abbreviated Kar.) 5.304–10, 339.Google Scholar
10 See the text of the bull infra pp. 201–202.Google Scholar
11 Text C, verse 10.Google Scholar
12 Verse 5 of the poem cited infra at n. 30: ‘Ille prior Remis, hic Parisiensis alumpnus,’ where ‘ille prior’ is Petrus Riga.Google Scholar
13 Captatio (hereafter abbreviated Capt.) 81–100.Google Scholar
14 Concerning him see infra on Kar. 5.173–303.Google Scholar
15 Capt. 64.Google Scholar
16 See Kar. 1.41–52, 5.173–303, Capt. 60–66.Google Scholar
17 Cf. Kar. 5.179–80, 330–32.Google Scholar
18 On this church see H. Cottineau, L., Répertoire topo-bibliographique des abbayes et prieurés (Mǎcon 1935–1970) 1.2214.Google Scholar
19 <e>Ed. Huygens, op. cit. (supra n. 1) 182–83, from Archives de France L 235 (16). Mr. Huygens kindly sent me his photograph of the manuscript of the bull after he published his article.Ed.+Huygens,+op.+cit.+(supra+n.+1)+182–83,+from+Archives+de+France+L+235+(16).+Mr.+Huygens+kindly+sent+me+his+photograph+of+the+manuscript+of+the+bull+after+he+published+his+article.>Google Scholar
20 Michael, , archbishop of Sens (1194–1199), and Maurice, bishop of Paris (1160–1196). See Huygens, , op. cit. 183 n.Google Scholar
21 That is, 1 April 1196.Google Scholar
22 The celebrated twelfth-century poet, whose principal work was the Alexandreis (<e>ed. Mueldener, F. A. [Leipzig 1863]), about the deeds of Alexander the Great. On Galterus see esp. Christensen, Heinrich, Das Alexanderlied Walters von Chǎtillon (Halle 1905); Manitius, , op. cit. (supra n. 3) 3.920–936; Raby, , op. cit. (supra n. 1) 2.72–80, 190–204; Hellegouarc'h, J., ‘Un poète latin du xiie siècle: Gautier de Lille, dit Gautier de Chǎtillon,’ Bulletin de l'Association Guillaume Budé, 4th ser., 1967, 95–115. I am currently finishing my work on a critical edition of the Alexandreis. Google Scholar
23 Philippis 12.887–88; <e>ed. Delaborde, H. F., Oeuvres de Rigord et de Guillaume le Breton 2 (Société de l'histoire de France; Paris 1885) 382.Google Scholar
24 Cf. Molinier, , op. cit. (supra n. 1) 7: Egidius ‘mourut avant 1224, date de la dédicace de la Philippide à Louis VIII,’ and Berges, , op. cit. (supra n. 1) 296; cf. also M. Brial, J. J., Recueil des historiens des Gaules 17 (1878) 289.Google Scholar
25 Text C, verses 1–10. Cf. infra, note on Kar. 5.377–85.Google Scholar
26 Like other poets Egidius indulged in light verse which has since been lost or remains unidentified. Petrus Blesensis, Guibertus de Nouigento, Fulcoius Beluacensis, Marbodus Redonensis, and Gilo Parisiensis, all, as young men, composed such nugae. Google Scholar
27 Egidius writes of his efforts in verse also in Kar. 5.377–85; see note ad loc. In Capt. 11–12 he again speaks of his Gallica gesta: ‘fateor scripsisse libellum/ Francorum laudes et Gallica gesta canentem.’ He calls his Karolinus a libellus also in Kar. 5.418, Epil. 2 and Capt. 157, 162, 168, 178, 202.Google Scholar
28 For the date, Beichner, op. cit. (supra n. 1) 1.xvii. In a dedicatory verse-letter to Odo, bishop of Paris, which belongs to Egidius’ second redaction of the Aurora (see Beichner, op. cit. 1.14 n. 10), Egidius speaks of his reasons for revising this poem. The letter is found in Beichner, op. cit. 1.14–16. The most pertinent lines are verses 17–28, 31–32:Google Scholar
Vulnificabat eum defectio magna libellum,
Cui neque que decuit ianua prima fuit.
Post faciens saltum, de paschali nichil agno
Dixit, in hoc languens deficiensque loco:
Forsan materia est nimis ardua uisa canenti,
Forsitan et fessus respuit auctor honus.
Quocirca, a sociis crebro multumque rogatus
Istum defectum tollere uelle, tuli.
Insuper, in libris Thobie, Iudith, et Hester,
Et Machabeorum mystica multa dedi;
Post toto ueteris suppleui corpore legis,
Vt magis aduerti quicquid abesset ibi. …
Deinde Euangelico quicquid quasi fessus omisit
Maxima supplendi cura laborque fuit.
29 Concerning Egidius’ revisions of the Aurora see Beichner, , op. cit. passim , esp. 1.xiv, xvii, xx, xxi, xxiii-xxiv, 8, 12–18, 99–100, [1], [7–8], [32–33]; 2.460, [48].Google Scholar
30 The verses below are edited ibid. 1.11. Cf. supra, n. 4.Google Scholar
31 Kar. 5.304–14. Cf. also Huygens, op. cit. (supra n. 1) 179, 182.Google Scholar
32 Capt. 177–219. Cf. also Kar. 4.372. The Karolinus was finished in 1200, probably before the treaty of Le Goulet (22 May): see on Kar. 5.126–30 infra. Google Scholar
33 See Capt. 177–219.Google Scholar
34 Cf. Kar. first section-title of Bk. 5; 5.419–423.Google Scholar
35 Duchet-Suchaux, op. cit. (supra n. 1) 55.Google Scholar
36 The Capetians, feeling insecure about their succession, tried to convey the notion that they were closely connected to their glorious predecessors, the Carolingian dynasty: cf. Leroux, Alfred, ‘La royauté française et le saint empire romain au moyen ǎge,’ Revue historique 49 (1892) 252; Delaborde, , op. cit. (supra n. 1) 195; Berges, , op. cit. (supra n. 1) 296; Duchet-Suchaux, , op. cit. 55.—Louis VIII's reputed double descent from Charlemagne: through Adela of Champagne, wife of Louis VII, the prince's grandfather; and through his mother, Isabella of Hainault, descended from Charles of Lorraine.Google Scholar
37 Cf. Kar. 1.43–46, 5.152–53.Google Scholar
38 Cf. Capt. 189–91.Google Scholar
39 Kar. 5.75–82.Google Scholar
40 On this minor literary genre, see Quain, A. E., ‘The Medieval Accessus ad Auctores,’ Traditio 3 (1945) 215–64; R. Huygens, B. C., ‘Accessus ad Auctores,’ Latomus 12 (1953) 296–311 and (ed.) Accessus ad Auctores … (Leiden 1970).Google Scholar
41 This was no doubt a book containing Einhard's biography of Charlemagne, Egidius’ chief source. See infra at n. 60.Google Scholar
42 Otherwise known as Guillelmus Armoricus (Brito).Google Scholar
43 Kar. 3.161–245.Google Scholar
44 See e.g. 1.82, 218–24; 5.419–20.Google Scholar
45 Kar. 2.430, 440.Google Scholar
46
Among the many works on the influence of Charlemagne may be mentioned: Rauschen, G.,
Die Legende Karls des Grossen im 11. und 12. Jahrhundert
(Publikationen der Gesellschaft für rheinische Geschichtskunde 7; Leipzig 1890); Hoffmann, Heinrich, Karl der Grosse im Bilde der Geschichtsschreibung des frühen Mittelalters (800–1250) (Historische Studien 137; Berlin 1919); Lehmann (cit. supra n. 1) in his 1934 paper and its revised 1959 re-issue; Folz, Robert, Le souvenir et la légende de Charlemagne dans l'empire germanique médiéval (Paris 1950); the papers of F. Ganshof, L., Prinz, F. et al., in Braunfels, W. (ed.), Karl der Grosse: Werk und Wirkung (Aachen 1965); Karl der Grosse, 4: Das Nachleben, <e>edd. Braunfels, W. and Schramm, P. E. (Düsseldorf 1967).edd. Braunfels, W. and Schramm, P. E. (Düsseldorf 1967).' href=https://scholar.google.com/scholar?q=Among+the+many+works+on+the+influence+of+Charlemagne+may+be+mentioned:+Rauschen,+G.,+Die+Legende+Karls+des+Grossen+im+11.+und+12.+Jahrhundert+(Publikationen+der+Gesellschaft+für+rheinische+Geschichtskunde+7;+Leipzig+1890);+Hoffmann,+Heinrich,+Karl+der+Grosse+im+Bilde+der+Geschichtsschreibung+des+frühen+Mittelalters+(800–1250)+(Historische+Studien+137;+Berlin+1919);+Lehmann+(cit.+supra+n.+1)+in+his+1934+paper+and+its+revised+1959+re-issue;+Folz,+Robert,+Le+souvenir+et+la+légende+de+Charlemagne+dans+l'empire+germanique+médiéval+(Paris+1950);+the+papers+of+F.+Ganshof,+L.,+Prinz,+F.+et+al.,+in+Braunfels,+W.+(ed.),+Karl+der+Grosse:+Werk+und+Wirkung+(Aachen+1965);+Karl+der+Grosse,+4:+Das+Nachleben,+
47 Cited from lat, B. N. 12419 by Hauréau, op. cit. (supra n. 7) 2 (1891) 99; cf. also ibid. 6 (1893) 263.Google Scholar
48 See Cohen, Norman, The Pursuit of the Millennium: A History of Popular Religious and Social Movements in Europe from the Eleventh to the Sixteenth Century (Fairlawn, New Jersey, 1957) 55.Google Scholar
49 See Cohen, , loc. cit. Google Scholar
50 See Cohen, , op. cit. 97.Google Scholar
51 On the canonization and the Vita Karoli, S. see Rauschen, , op. cit. (supra n. 46) esp. 3, 129–37; Folz, , op. cit. (supra n. 46) 214–21; and cf. BHL nos. 1603–04.Google Scholar
52 Egidius does include the Roland legend (2.353–400).Google Scholar
53 Of great interest is Egidius’ view of historical sources: see Capt. 118–150 and see summary of Capt. supra. Google Scholar
54 Capt. 137–39.Google Scholar
55 Capt. 140–41.Google Scholar
56 Cf. Kar. 4.413, 5.402–03, Capt. 134–35.Google Scholar
57 Kar. 4.21–28. Cf. Alcuinus’ enmity toward histriones: see infra, the note on 4.21–28.Google Scholar
58 Kar. 4.220.Google Scholar
59 Editions of these and other works mentioned in the paragraph will be named as the works are cited in the notes on the text.Google Scholar
60 On Einhard see particularly: Fridericus, Schmidt, De Eginhardo Suetonii imitatore (Bayreuth 1880); Manitius, , op. cit. (supra n. 3) 1 (1911) 639–46; Holder-Egger, O., ‘Zur Ueberlieferung von Einhards Vita Karoli Magni, ‘Neues Archiv 37 (1911–1912) 393–414; F. Ganshof, L., ‘Notes critiques sur Eginhard, biographe de Charlemagne,” ’ Revue belge 3 (1924) 725–58; Wevers, Margarethe, Einhards Vita Karoli Magni in der mittelalterlichen Geschichtsschreibung und Heldensage (Marburg 1929) — on pp. 60–64 she lists sixty-six medieval works that are indebted to Einhard but omits the Karolinus; Hellmann, Siegmund, ‘Einhards literarische Stellung,’ Historische Vierteljahrschrift 27 (1932) 40–110, reprinted in Hellmann's Ausgewählte Abhandlungen, <e>ed. Beumann, H. (Darmstadt 1961) 159–229; Kleinclausz, Arthur, Einhard (Annales de l'Université de Lyon, lettres, ser. 3, fasc. 12; Paris 1941) esp. 67–87; Folz, , op. cit. (supra n. 46) 4–10.ed. Beumann, H. (Darmstadt 1961) 159–229; Kleinclausz, Arthur, Einhard (Annales de l'Université de Lyon, lettres, ser. 3, fasc. 12; Paris 1941) esp. 67–87; Folz, , op. cit. (supra n. 46) 4–10.' href=https://scholar.google.com/scholar?q=On+Einhard+see+particularly:+Fridericus,+Schmidt,+De+Eginhardo+Suetonii+imitatore+(Bayreuth+1880);+Manitius,+,+op.+cit.+(supra+n.+3)+1+(1911)+639–46;+Holder-Egger,+O.,+‘Zur+Ueberlieferung+von+Einhards+Vita+Karoli+Magni,+‘Neues+Archiv+37+(1911–1912)+393–414;+F.+Ganshof,+L.,+‘Notes+critiques+sur+Eginhard,+biographe+de+Charlemagne,”+’+Revue+belge+3+(1924)+725–58;+Wevers,+Margarethe,+Einhards+Vita+Karoli+Magni+in+der+mittelalterlichen+Geschichtsschreibung+und+Heldensage+(Marburg+1929)+—+on+pp.+60–64+she+lists+sixty-six+medieval+works+that+are+indebted+to+Einhard+but+omits+the+Karolinus;+Hellmann,+Siegmund,+‘Einhards+literarische+Stellung,’+Historische+Vierteljahrschrift+27+(1932)+40–110,+reprinted+in+Hellmann's+Ausgewählte+Abhandlungen,+ed.+Beumann,+H.+(Darmstadt+1961)+159–229;+Kleinclausz,+Arthur,+Einhard+(Annales+de+l'Université+de+Lyon,+lettres,+ser.+3,+fasc.+12;+Paris+1941)+esp.+67–87;+Folz,+,+op.+cit.+(supra+n.+46)+4–10.>Google Scholar
61 Egidius used none of the anecdotes in Notker Balbulus’ Gesta Karoli Magni imperatoris, <e>ed. Haefele, H. F. (MGH, SS. rerum Germanicarum, noua ser. 12; Berlin 1959).ed.+Haefele,+H.+F.+(MGH,+SS.+rerum+Germanicarum,+noua+ser.+12;+Berlin+1959).>Google Scholar
62 Op. cit. (supra n. 60) 758.Google Scholar
63 On this Galterus see supra n. 22.Google Scholar
64 See my notes infra on the Karolinus verses cited throughout this paragraph.Google Scholar
65 <e>Ed. Beichner, op. cit. (supra n. 1) 1.16–17.Ed.+Beichner,+op.+cit.+(supra+n.+1)+1.16–17.>Google Scholar
66 Duchet-Suchaux, , op. cit. (supra n. 1) 55.Google Scholar
67 Ibid. Google Scholar
68 On P see Catalogus codicum manuscriptorum Bibliothecae Regiae 4 (Paris 1744) 213 and Samaran, C. and Marichal, R., Catalogue des manuscrits en écriture latine portant des indications de date, de lieu ou de copiste 2 (Paris 1962) 323 with plate xxiv (reproducing portions of fols. 18v and 19r). — L is described in Catalogue of Additions to the Manuscripts in the British Museum 1854–1860 (London 1875) 642. On the manuscripts of the Karolinus see also: Labbeus, Philippus, Nova bibliotheca MS. librorum (Paris 1653) 56–57; Oudin, , op. cit. (supra n. 2) 2.1723; Duval, , op. cit. (supra n. 1) 40; Lalanne, L., ‘Nom donné à la Marne par un poète du xiie siècle,’ B(ibliothèque de l') É(cole des) Ch(artes) 6 (= Tome 1, ser. 2; 1844/5) 171–72; Delaborde, , op. cit. (supra n. 1) 195–202, who gives (opp. p. 196) a reproduction of fol. viiv in P; Lehmann, op. cit. (supra n. 1) 42 (Sb.), 186 (Erforschung); Duchet-Suchaux, , op. cit. 53; Huygens, op. cit. (supra n. 1) 178–83. Concerning MS L see infra pp. 215–221 and n. 85.Google Scholar
68a Samaran, and Marichal, , loc. cit. , assign a closer dating, ‘1200 - vers 1203,’ but this reposes on unproved and in part unlikely assumptions.Google Scholar
69 This material is my text A.Google Scholar
70 Delaborde (see supra n. 68) gives a photographic reproduction of the page.Google Scholar
71 This verbal material is brought together as my text B.Google Scholar
72 These verses are my text C.Google Scholar
73 Samaran and Marichal loc. cit. (supra n. 68).Google Scholar
74 Lalanne, op. cit. (supra n. 1) 172 n., publishes from the codex a short poem, in the hand of Jean, ‘A son bon amy Pierre d'Archengier.’Google Scholar
75 Pierre Séguier became chancellor of France in 1635 and died in 1672; see Nouvelle biographie générale 43 (Paris 1864) 691–696. See the statements of Du Chesne and Labbeus infra n. 85.Google Scholar
76 Samaran and Marichal, loc. cit. (supra n. 68).Google Scholar
77 Text C, verses 11–17, and Epil. 13–15 make it clear that Egidius himself prepared the lists of popes (apart from the continuation) and other rulers, and no doubt the concomitant prefaces and historical summary is by him.Google Scholar
78 This prefatory matter is my text D.Google Scholar
78a Hand b continued the list to Clement IV, Hand c to Adrian IV, Hand d to Nicholas III, and Hand e to Nicholas IV.Google Scholar
79 This introductory passage is my text E.Google Scholar
80 I print in my notes on the Karolinus and as texts F-I, portions of the summary which are relevant to the poem. I add as text K a passage that seems more interesting than the rest of the rather stock summary.Google Scholar
81 Delaborde, op. cit. (supra n. 1) 202, sees in fortunatissimus a reference to Philip Augustus’ victory at Bouvines (1214), but in 1214, Louis would have been aged twenty-eight years and hardly a puer. Google Scholar
81a The list of English royalty, which includes William the Conqueror, on the left side of fol. 48v, terminates with ‘Iohannes tercio rex, Gaufridus comes Briton̄, Arturus puer.’ Arthur, count of Brittany, died in 1203.Google Scholar
82 In 1223 Louis would have been thirty-seven years old — not a puer. Google Scholar
83 Perhaps confusion between Egidius Parisiensis and Egidius Corboliensis — both men may have been regarded as one (see supra, at n. 7) — was responsible for joining their works together.Google Scholar
83a The drawings in L are more carefully detailed than in There, P. are other differences too. In L all four virtues are crowned; in P the upper two, Prudentia and Iusticia, are crowned while the lower two wear simple flat-topped hats. More of Egidius is shown in L, where, not as in P, he appears tonsured and bearded. In L Louis (labelled Ludouicus) is enthroned and holds a sceptre topped with a fleur-de-lis; in P the prince (labelled Lud.) sits on a bench.Google Scholar
84 Gilbert Ouy, M., who is devising a catalogue of the manuscripts that had belonged to St. Victor, Paris, kindly informed me by letters of 26 March 1957 and 29 May 1957 about the early history of the codex. The Grandrue catalogue, which Ouy, M. consulted for me, was prepared in 1514 and is now lat, B. N. 14767–68.Google Scholar
85 Huygens, , op. cit. (supra n. 1) 179, states that, so far as he knew, L was first mentioned by Paul Clemen. To be sure, Clemen, Die Porträtdarstellungen Karls des Grossen (Aachen 1890) 97 n. 8, speaks of the London text as ‘eine unbekannte Hs.’ But Grandrue had already listed the codex, and already in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries there were references to L as owned by Mentel. M. Dominicy, A., Ansberti familia rediviva (Paris 1648) 152, gives excerpts from the Karolinus with the remark ‘Communicauit humanissime C. uir Mantellus (!) regius medicinae professor.’ Du Chesne, A., Historiae Francorum scriptores 5 (Paris 1649) 323, mentions both P and L: ‘Cuius operis duo MS Codices Parish's reperiuntur: Alter quidem in instructissima Petri Seguerii, Franciae cancellarii illustrissimi, biblioteca: alter uero in illa, eaque selecta, quae est Iacobi Mentelii, uiri Patricii et Doctoris Medici Parisiensis.” The codex of Mentel is likewise noticed in Labbeus, loc. cit. (supra n. 68), in a manner reminiscent of Du Chesne: ‘Carolinus … Ex codd. Mss. Illustrissimi Franciae Cancellarii Petri Seguieri, Iacob: Mentelii Doctoris Medici Parisiensis, et aliorum; Nos fragmenta quedam iam edidimus.’ Labbeus does not clarify his ‘aliorum.’ See n. 116 infra on Labbeus’ publication of excerpts. L is also mentioned by Oudin, op. cit. (supra n. 2) 2.1723, and by Salmon, F. in an introductory letter to Schmincke, F. in Monimenta Hassiaca 1 (Kassel 1747), but Salmon refers to the verses quoted by Dominicy.Google Scholar
86 On this sale see Delisle, L., Le cabinet des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Nationale 2 (Paris 1874) 285.Google Scholar
87 See Delisle, , ‘Inventaire des manuscrits conservés à la Bibliothèque Impériale sous les Nos. 8823–11503 du fonds latin,’ BECh 24 (1862/63) 232.Google Scholar
87a Fol. 2 of the London MS has a note saying that the book was purchased 12 June 1858.Google Scholar
88 A copy of L was made in Paris by Marquard Gude (1635–1689): cf. Oudin, , loc. cit. (supra n. 85): ‘alium operis huius MS. codicem habuit Parisiis Jacobus Mentelius, quem transcripsit Marquardus Gudius manu sua, dum Parisiis haereret.’ Fabricius, J. A., loc. cit. (supra n. 1) bought Gude's copy: ‘Hunc [sc. Carolinum] proxime spero, luci daturus est Hermannus, V. C. Sminke in noua, quam parat, Eginhardi editione, cum illo enim lubens communicaui codicem MS. quem mihi redemeram ex sectione Gudiana.’ According to Mary Jane Miller, of the British Museum Department of Printed Books, in a letter to me (9 July 1969), the Karolinus occurs in Catalogus insignium ac praestantissimorum codicum MStorum … quos dum uiueret colligere licuit … Marquardo Gudio (Kiel 1709) 53 as Manuscripta Latina Biographica in quarto no. 320: ‘Carolinus Aegidii Parisiensis … Ex Bibliotheca Jacobi Mentelii manu Dn. Marquardi Gudii.’ Hermann Schminke did not use the Karolinus in his edition of Einhard (Utrecht 1711). Paul Lehmann, op. cit. (supra n. 1) 42 (Sb.), 186 (Erforschung), thought that the Gude copy should be found in the University Library of Copenhagen. In reply to a query about the Gude manuscript, Tue Gad of Det Kgl. Bibliotek, Copenhagen, informed me (letter of 30 November 1957) that no manuscript of a Carolinus or a Karolinus by Aegidius or Egidius is catalogued as forming part of either the old collections of the Royal Library or the collections of the University Library transferred to the Royal Library. The Karolinus is likewise not listed in Koehler, F. and Milchsack, G., Die Handschriften der Herzoglichen Bibliothek zu Wolfenbüttel 4: Die Gudischen Handschriften (Wolfenbüttel 1913). Gude's copy must, therefore, be presumed lost or destroyed.Google Scholar
89 Duval, , in Hist. litt. (cit. supra n. 1) 17.40.Google Scholar
90 Delaborde, , op. cit. (supra n. 1) 201–02.Google Scholar
91 Lehmann, , op. cit. (supra n. 1) 42 (Sb.), 186 (Erforschung).Google Scholar
92 Duchet-Suchaux, , op. cit. (supra n. 1) 53.Google Scholar
93 Berges, , op. cit. (supra n. 1) 296.Google Scholar
94 Samaran, and Marichal, , loc. cit. (supra n. 68).Google Scholar
95 Delaborde, , op. cit. (supra n. 1) 201–02.Google Scholar
96 Duchet-Suchaux, , op. cit. (supra n. 1) 53.Google Scholar
97 Ibid. 53: ‘L est une copie de P.’Google Scholar
98 Huygens, , op. cit. (supra n. 1) 181.Google Scholar
99 Ibid. 180–181.Google Scholar
100 Huygens, , op. cit. (supra n. 1) wrongly claims 556 verses for Book 1 in P.Google Scholar
101 Ibid. 181.Google Scholar
102 Cf. M. Colker, L., ‘Stichometry That Does Not Tally,’ Scriptorium 16 (1962) 85–89. I can now refer to two more cases, not mentioned in this article, in which the verse count of the author does not agree with what the manuscript tradition actually preserves. In his edition of the Ecbasis cuiusdam captiui (University of North Carolina Studies in the Germanic Languages and Literatures 46; Chapel Hill, N. C. 1964), Zeydel, E. H. declares (p. 17) ‘Frequently line 1224: Versus milleni centeni septuageni has perplexed scholars.’ Zeydel (ibid.) thinks that the solution is found by subtracting lines 852–905, which he regards as an interpolation, from 1224, without counting the rest of the epilogue, lines 1225–29. He voices the same views in ‘Betrachtungen über die “Ecbasis captivi,” ’ Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch 2 (Cologne 1965) 110. Another instance of the phenomenon is present in the Forma discendi of Hugo Spechtshart von Reutlingen, who gives as the count of his verses 740 (‘Dic septingentos uersus quater addito denos’), but the only complete text, in Basel University MS AX. 136, has 779 verses; see Steinberg, S. H., ‘The Forma Scribendi of Hugo Spechtshart,’ The Library 21 (1941) 264–78, who supposes (p. 270) that glosses or variant readings are responsible for the large verse-count in the Basel codex. Egidius produced a line count for his first redaction of the Aurora and then a new line count for his second redaction: see Beichner, , op. cit. (supra n. 1) 1.17.Google Scholar
103 See supra p. 212.Google Scholar
104 See Kar. 4.366–72. Cf. also 5.313–20.Google Scholar
105 Kar. 5.304–17. The bull which must have been drawn up at the close of Egidius’ business in Rome can be dated 1 April 1196. See supra at n. 21.Google Scholar
106 Capt. 202–19; cf. Kar. 5.314. See n. 32 supra. Google Scholar
107 An outstanding example is the Lambeth Palace copy (MS 200, fols. 60–113) of the De uirginitate by Aldhelmus, in which there is a picture of the author (ca. 640–709) presenting his work. To be sure, H. Todd, J., in his catalogue of the Lambeth manuscripts (London 1812), reproducing the picture as his frontispiece, dates (p. 25) the MS in the eighth century; but M. James, R. and Jenkins, C., A Descriptive Catalogue of the Manuscripts in the Library of Lambeth Palace (Cambridge 1932) 316, and N. Ker, R., Medieval Libraries of Great Britain (Royal Historical Soc. Guides and Handbooks 3; 2nd ed., London 1964) 193, say that the manuscript is of the tenth century.Google Scholar
108 Delaborde, , op. cit. (supra n. 1) 195, declares that L is a ‘manuscrit moins important que celui de Paris.’ See also n. 97 supra. Google Scholar
109 See n. 141 infra. Google Scholar
110 Folz, , op. cit. (supra n. 46) 278.Google Scholar
111 Lehmann, , Sb. (cit. supra n. 1) 43, 45, 52–54, 62–66, offers Capt. 134–35 (quae mimica — uulgi), Kar. 4.106–17, the incipit of the Kar., the first and last lines of Bks. 1 and 2, first line of Bk. 3, last line of Bk. 4, first line of Bk. 5, Capt. 223, Prol. with its heading and explicit, 3.279–415, 4.1–132, Capt. 161–76; the prose accessus (text A, P version), which Lehmann seems to attribute to Egidius; text C; the marginal headings of P that accompany the excerpts he publishes; tenors of Bks. 1–5 with their headings; incipits of Bks. 1–5. Only in time for the revision of his paper (cf. n. 1 supra) did he become aware of L, which he nonetheless did not use (cf. Erforschung 186 n. 6). In Erforschung (cit. supra n. 1) 188, 189, 194–201, he prints Capt. 134–35 (quae mimica — uulgi), 4.106–117, the incipit of the Kar., Prol. with its heading and explicit, the section-titles ‘De Horologio’ and ‘De magnanimitate et largitate Karoli’ at 3.246 and 3.272, 3.279–415, incipit of Bk. 4, tenor of Bk. 4, 4.1–132 (— duorum). Apart from the two section-titles, Lehmann does not print the relevant marginal headings of P in Erforschung. Google Scholar
112 Boulay, Du, op. cit. (supra n. 2) 2.526–527, who drew on L as well as P: cf. infra, appar. crit. on Capt. 22, 34, 40, 62.Google Scholar
113 Brial, , op. cit. (supra n. 24) 288–301, publishes from P (cf. p. 288): 5 tenor 1–8, 5.304–321, 411–413 (At tu —), text C 9–10, 5.338–339, then all of Bk. 5 (but not Epil.) and Captatio with its title. Brial's original 1817 edition was re-issued in the reprinting of Recueil des historiens tom. 17, in 1878, under the direction of Delisle, L. Potthast, , op. cit. (supra n. 1) xliii, says of the reprint ‘einen Wiederdruck … mit peinlichster Sorgfalt ausgeführt wurde.’Google Scholar
114 Michel, , La Chanson de Roland ou de Roncevaux du xiie siècle (Paris 1837) 243–44, prints 2.353–400, with the section-heading, and the main title of the work. Michel used L (cf. p. 244): cf. infra, appar. crit. on 2.353, 355, 388, 393, 394.Google Scholar
115 Chesne, Du, op. cit. (supra n. 85) 323–24, presents 5.304–08, 339–40, Capt. 8–76. He notices both P and L (see n. 85 supra) and certainly makes use of L: cf. infra, appar. crit. on Capt. 22, 34, 40, 62.Google Scholar
116 Labbeus, , Abrégé royal de l'alliance chronologique 2 (Paris 1651) 631–36, has 1.53–79, 2.105–12, 3.64–68, 4.148–60, 4.228–32, 5.105–109. Labbeus later mentions (cf. n. 85 supra) his use of P and L.Google Scholar
117 Duval, in op. cit. (supra n. 1) 17.39–42, 44–63, 65, publishes from P: Kar. 5.339, 374–82, 304–308; 4.363–72; ‘Hoc opus Aegidii [sic in Duval] Parisiensis habe’ (title of the picture of the presentation); 5.318–21; 1.62; Capt. 11–12 (Fateor — canentem); 1.9–12, 27–30, 47–50, 151–52 (adhuc—agebat), 184–91; ‘Aquitaniae detentorem’ of heading at 1.512; 1.527–36, 556–57 (ilium — duxit); 2.7–14, 45–48 (peruia — uitas), 90–96 (ipse — illis), 105–12 (ilium — aede), 113–23, 177–81, 283–91 (tunc — casus), 366–76, 386–92 (et soror — armis), 405–8 (e quibus — adeptus), 409–10, 417–20; 3.12–23, 44–48, 67–73, 137–41 (Tapsilo — ueniam), 246–49, 253–54, 264–67, 279–82 (Ecclesiarum — mundi), 297–309, 331–37 (Nocte — assistens), 392–400; 4.4–6 (sextam — uolentes), 18, 25–26 (nebulones — arcebat), 34–36, 51–76, 102–9, 148–57 (Librum — poni), 187–88, 319–21 (Semper — efficitur), 351–54, 361–62, 411–12 (Et quis — tulit); 5 tenor 1–5, 220–26 (sed — pudendum), 300–03 (prono — recti), 304 (Haec — Romulea), 411–13 (At tu — poetam); Capt. 134–39 (Que mytmica — fixos), 13–18; Capt. main title; 5 tenor 9–12, 47–48, 58–59 (longe — regia), 75–76/77 (Verum — Plus modicum scilicet si tam sufferret adiri), 78–85 (Quam — fallor), 152–54 (Rex — fama), 160–63, 173–75 (Et quid — illuc), 185–91 (quare — cleri); Capt. 22–23 (in sacris — historiis), 24 (in — sequentem), 26–27 (solo — Nominis), 23–24 (Petrum intepuisse dolemus in diuinis alta sequentem). Hist. litt. 16 (1892) 190–92 quotes Capt. 26–28, beginning at solo and omitting gerendus — mei. Google Scholar
118 Picard, in St. Bernard's Opera (Antwerp 1609) 2252, cites Capt. 22 (melico for metrico suggests that Picard used L) and (col. 2246) cites 4.198–203.Google Scholar
119 Dominicii, , op. cit. (supra n. 85) 152–153, quotes 1.351–56, 364–72, with the acknowledgment (p. 152) ‘Communicauit humanissime C. uir Mantellus regius Medicinae professor.’Google Scholar
120 Leyser, , op. cit. (supra n. 1) 992, quotes Capt. 25–27, probably from Du Chesne (see n. 115), whose edition is mentioned.Google Scholar
121 Oudin, , loc. cit. (supra n. 2), prints Prol. 1–2, 1 tenor 1–4. Cf. n. 85 supra. Google Scholar
122 Cange, Du, Glossarium mediae et infimae Latinitatis 5 (1885) 291, s. v. martus (martellus), gives 1.426–32, without naming his source for the text.Google Scholar
123 Fabricius, , op. cit. (supra n. 1) 20, reproduces, probably from a printed source, Capt. 28–31.Google Scholar
124 Waitz, , ‘Kleine Beiträge zur frankischen Geschichte,’ Forschungen zur deutschen Geschichte 3 (1863) 149, cites from Du Cange (cf. supra n. 122) Kar. 1.426–32, in discussing the name Martel.Google Scholar
125 Paris, , Histoire poétique de Charlemagne (Paris 1905) 295, prints from P (cf. 295 n. 6) 2.436–38; and on p. 257 n. 1 Paris produces, also from P, ‘tamen ante redactis sub iuga Narbone populis’ (2.402–403). Already in the 1865 edition of his book, Paris (p. 106), quoting Kar. 1.9–12, preferred melicis (106 n. 7) to Duval's melitis (cf. n. 117 supra) in Kar. 1.12.Google Scholar
126 Bellanger, , De magistro Gualthero ab Insulis dicto de Castellione (Angers 1877) 30–31, reprints from Brial small passages.Google Scholar
127 Gautier, , Les épopées françaises 3 (Paris 1880) 570 n. 8, offers 2.367–74, 375 (Marcia — fidit), 376, and the section-heading at 2.353–356 (with Va instead of Quarta): see p. 226 infra. Google Scholar
128 Pannenborg, , Zur Kritik der Philipis (Aurich 1880) 21–22, gives several short extracts from Brial.Google Scholar
129 Delaborde, , op. cit. (supra n. 1) 196–201, 201 nn. 1 and 2, excerpts: Prol., text A (Set ad hec omnia premittitur totali — spiritualibus bonis), text C, Capt. 11–12 (libellum — canentem), ‘Hoc opus Egidii Parisiensis habe,’ Epil., Capt. 202–11, 178, 199–200 (ubi — resoluit), Capt. title (stops before et), 4.363–72, Epil. 9–10 (carmen — est), text E (Famosas autem — personas; et forte usque ad Karolum — supponemus), text K. Cf n. 95 supra. Delaborde appears to have worked entirely from P.Google Scholar
130 Bédier, , Les légendes épiques 3 (Paris 1929) 378, gives Kar. 2.367–75 (— fidit), 376–80 (— Oliuerus), 386–88 (et soror — oppressit). Bédier apparently drew from the excerpts in Michel and Gautier (see supra nn. 114, 127), who are named just before his own extracts.Google Scholar
131 Lalanne, , op. cit. (supra n. 68) 169 nn. 1 and 2, 170, 172–73, 172 nn. 1 and 3, publishes 1.12, 47; 2.117–18 (— neptes), text A (pro eo quod hec historia — traditur insistentes); 3.164–216 (cum Gallia — quiete); 3.184 (gloss on Launia), 3.186 (gloss on Belgica), 3.180 (gloss on Neustria). Lalanne does not mention L and is only concerned with the readings of P.Google Scholar
132 Berges, , op. cit. (supra n. 1) 296, gives the main incipit, first line of Prol., first line of Bk. 1.Google Scholar
133 Huygens, , op. cit. (supra n. 1), who worked with both P and L (p. 181 n. 1), cites (pp. 179, 179 n. 1, 180–82): 5.304–14 (— mensibus); text C, verses 1–4; 1 tenor 13–14, 2 tenor 13–14, 3 tenor 13–14, 4 tenor 13–14, 5 tenor 13–14, Epil. 3–8; 5.429 (Si sapis), 430–33 (— officio).Google Scholar
134 Colker, , op. cit. (supra n. 102) 87–88, quotes a few lines of the Karolinus from Huygens.Google Scholar
135 Beichner, , op. cit. (supra n. 1) 1.xxi, gives 5.338–39 and Capt. 23–24 (et quem — sequentem), apparently according to the 1878 reprint of Brial (cf. Beichner 1.xxi n. 17): cf. n. 113 supra. Google Scholar
136 Lalanne, , op. cit. (supra n. 68) 169.Google Scholar
137 Beichner, , op. cit. (supra n. 1), repeatedly speaks adversely of Egidius as a reviser of Petrus Riga: see 1.xx, xxiii-xxiv, [1], [32–33]; 2.[48].Google Scholar
138 See n. 23 supra. Google Scholar
139 Brial, , op. cit. (supra n. 24) 288.Google Scholar
140 Potthast, , Bibliotheca historica, loc. cit. (supra n. 1); cf. Rep. font., loc. cit. (ibid).Google Scholar
141 Lehmann, , op. cit. (supra n. 1) 42 (Sb.), 187 (Erforschung).Google Scholar
142 Ibid. 43 (Sb.) 187 (Erforschung).Google Scholar
143 Ibid. 45 (Sb.) 189 (Erforschung).Google Scholar
144 Ibid. 43 (Sb.) 187 (Erforschung).Google Scholar
145 Ibid. 44 (Sb.) 188 (Erforschung).Google Scholar
146 Duchet-Suchaux, , op. cit. (supra n. 1) 55.Google Scholar
147 Le Carolinus de Gilles de Paris: Étude et édition. A summary of the thesis is printed in École des Chartes, Positions des thèses (1949) 53–56. Duchet-Suchaux indicated to Huygens, R. B. C. no interest in revising his thesis for publication but sent the thesis to Huygens, who was himself intending to edit the Karolinus. When Huygens learned that I had already started an edition of the poem, he very kindly ceased his work and microfilmed for me, with the author's permission, Duchet-Suchaux's thesis. I indicated by letter my intentions to Duchet-Suchaux, who graciously replied (letter of 29 November 1954) by wishing me good luck on the new edition of the Karolinus. Google Scholar
148 Duchet-Suchaux, typed thesis pp. 148–150, includes in his glossary of unusual words many that are far from uncommon, e.g. anxius, attentus, balista, lanx, natus. He errs (p. 149) in not identifying Laudunum as the city of Laon but as ‘substantif fabriqué sur laus laudis et synonyme de ce mot.’Google Scholar
149 Ibid. 19.Google Scholar
150 Ibid. 27.Google Scholar
151 See n. 1 supra. Google Scholar
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