¹ A recent example of this restrictive definition of the Reconquista is provided by Antonio Ubieto Arteta, Historia de Aragón: La formación territorial (Valencia 1981) 35. Google Scholar

² E.g., Repartamiento de Sevilla, ed. González, Julio, 2 vols. (Madrid 1951); M. D. Cabanes Pecourt and R. Ferrer Navarro, Libre de repartiment del regne de Valencia (Valencia 1979).Google Scholar

³ Durán Gudiol, Antonio, De la Marca Superior de al-Andalus al reino de Aragón, Sorbrarbe y Ribagorza (Huesca 1951) 123–28. Durán suggests that Serrablo may have been spared this disruption.Google Scholar

⁴ Colección diplomática de la Catedral de Huesca, ed. Durán Gudiol, Antonio, 2 vols. (Zaragoza 1965; hereafter CDHU) no. 14 (March 1, 1033).Google Scholar

⁵ Cartulario de San Juan de la Peña, ed. Ubieto Arteta, Antonio, 2 vols. (Valencia 1962–1963; hereafter CSJP) no. 58 (January 8, 1033).Google Scholar

⁶ For the development of the Aragonese system of 'tenancies,’ see José María Lacarra, 'Honores y tenencias en Aragón. Siglo xi,’ Cuadernos de Historia de España (Buenos Aires) 45–46 (1967) 151–90.Google Scholar

⁷ Fortresses had been established in the western sector, along the frontier with Muslim Tudela, at an earlier date, Sos in 1006, and Uncastillo in 1024. See Agustín Ubieto Arteta, Los ‘tenentes’ en Aragón y Navarra en los siglos XI y XII (Valencia 1973), ss.vv. Google Scholar

⁸ Although the primary documentation lies in the Cartulary of San Juan de la Peña, data from other collections must be used to develop the subject fully. Google Scholar

⁹ Jordán de Asso, Ignacio, Historia de la economía política de Aragón (1798; rprt Zaragoza 1947) 32–33.Google Scholar

¹⁰ On this phenomenon, see Lynn H. Nelson, 'Land Use in Early Aragon: The Organzation of a Medieval Economy,’ Societas: A Review of Social History 3 (1973) 115–28. Google Scholar

¹¹ Ubieto Arteta, Agustín, Toponímia aragonesa medieval (Valencia 1972) and Antonio Durán Gudiol, Geografía medieval de los obispados de Jaca y Huesca (Huesca 1962) provide indispensable tools. The villages following are cited in early sources; those italicized have survived into the modern period: Acencito, Aranda, Araña, Aranoviella, Artaso, Asso, Baón, Berdún, Biniés, Cabañas, Calconas, Cilla, Ena, Huértalo, Larosse, Latrasoe, Larota, Loroscella Majones, Navascués, Navariella, Nové, Ordanés, Ornate, Orrios, Presún, Santa Engracia, Tolosana, Trasveral, Veralvilla, and the monasteries of San Julián de Lavasal, San Martín de Cillas, Santa María de Fontfrida, and, possibly, San Salvador de Berne.Google Scholar

¹² 1:50000 Cadastral Map, Sheet Number 175. For the place-name 'Corrales Ena,’ see Luís Ariño Rico, Repertorio de nombres geográficos: Huesca (Zaragoza 1980) 95. Both Ubieto, Toponímia, map 30 and Durán, Geografía, map facing p. 56 place Ena on the left, rather than the right, bank of the Veral. Google Scholar

¹³ The proximity of the two settlements is suggested by the close interrelationships existing between the two. The Galindi, for example, appear to have been major landowners in both sites. The boundaries of Ena probably ran to Veral river, and so Baón probably lay on the other side of the Majones. See Ubieto, Toponímia, map 30, which confirms the latter location. Google Scholar

¹⁴ CSJP no. 35 (1013). Google Scholar

¹⁵ Ibid. Google Scholar

¹⁶ Colección diplomática de San Andrés de Fanlo (958–1270), ed. Canellas López, Ángel (Zaragoza 1964; hereafter cited as FANLO) no. 30 (March 16, 1054). The document does not provide direct evidence that Senior Jimeno Cardelli was a resident of Baón, but his presence in Senior Iñigo Cardelli's village of Belarra and the sharing of an uncommon patronymic is weighty evidence that they were brothers. Jimeno would have been too young to be cited in the CSJP charters but would probably have resided either at home in Baón or as a ward in the household of a nearby infanzón. Google Scholar

¹⁷ CSJP no. 168 (ca. 1061). The same reasoning for including Jimeno Cardelli among the residents of Baón applies to Mancio; see n. 16 above. Google Scholar

¹⁸ CSJP no. 157 (1060). This document establishes Domna Toda Iñiguez as the daughter of Senior Iñigo Cardelli. Although the marriage apparently occurred after the Cardelli's move to Belarra, Toda was probably born in Baón. Google Scholar

¹⁹ CSJP no. 35 (1013). Google Scholar

²⁰ CSJP no. 147 (1058). Google Scholar

²¹ CSJP no. 157 (1060). Jimeno Aznárez also claimed residence in Ena; see Eduardo Ibarra Rodríguez, Documentos correspondientes al reinado de Sancho Ramirez. II. Desde ĪLXII hasta ĪLXXXXIIII años. Documentos privados procedentes de la Real Casa y monasterio de San Juan de la Peña (Zaragoza 1913) no. 68 (1068). Google Scholar

²² CSJP no. 177 (1035–1064). This document, similar in form and content to that following, fixes a close relationship between Domna Sancha and Senior Aznar Galíndez, almost certainly that of brother and sister. Google Scholar

²³ CSJP no. 35 (1013). Google Scholar

²⁴ Ibid. Google Scholar

²⁵ Ibid. Google Scholar

²⁶ CSJP no. 41 (1025). Google Scholar

²⁷ Ibid. Google Scholar

²⁸ CSJP no. 35 (1013). Google Scholar

²⁹ CSJP no. 41 (1025). Google Scholar

³⁰ CSJP no. 35 (1013). Google Scholar

³¹ The omission of the honorific does not necessarily mean that the individual mentioned was not of the infanzón class. Compare CSJP no. 99 (1049) with CSJP no. 111 (October 11, 1054), with reference to Senior Jimeno Iñiguez of Botaiola. Google Scholar

³² That Aznar Galíndez had a living brother is attested by CSJP no. 50 (dated 1020–1030; actually 1035–1036). Google Scholar

³³ For a brief discussion of Sancho Galíndez' career, see Durán, De la Marca Superior 182–83. Sancho's genealogy is uncertain. Agustín Ubieto Arteta, 'Aproximación al estudio del nacimiento de la nobleza aragonesa (siglos xi y xii ): Aspectos genealógicos,’ Homenaje a don José María Lacarra (Zaragoza 1977) 7–54 on 20 would make Sancho the son of Senior Jimeno Garcés, but this cannot have been the case. Ubieto's citation of Pascual Galindo Romeo, 'Sos en los siglos xi–xii,’ Universidad (Zaragoza) 1 (1924) 81–114 on 93 does not support this position; note too that Sancho did not bear Jimeno's name as his patronymic. Arguments for a fraternal relationship between Sancho Galíndez and Aznar Galíndez are: (1) that Aznar Galíndez did indeed have a brother, (2) that Aznar's father regarded the name Sancho highly since he gave it to Aznar's sister, (3) that Aznar himself valued the name since he gave it to both a son and a daughter, (4) that both Aznar and Sancho Galíndez valued the name Jimeno since they each gave it to a son, and (5) that both held the cult of Mary, not exceedingly popular in Aragon at the time, quite highly. The church of Baón, Aznar's property, was dedicated to Mary as was the church of Berdún and the nearby monastery of Fontfrida; this suggest a local popular tradition of venerating the Virgin. The church of Iguacel, Sancho Galíndez' great spiritual project, completed in 1072, was dedicated to Mary also. See CSJP no. 157 (1060) and Ibarra, Documentos de Sancho Ramírez no. 50 (1080). Finally, Sancho began to rise in royal favor in 1043, the approximate year of Aznar's death. The evidence is admittedly circumstantial but it is more persuasive than any other suggestions which have been advanced concerning the family of Sancho Galíndez.Google Scholar

³⁴ An Iñigo Cardelli witnessed the foundation charter of Santa María de Fontfrida, near Salvatierra, in 921; see CSJP no. 12 (October 1, 921). Other citations to Cardiels may be found in GSJP no. 14 (928) and José María Lacarra, 'Textos navarros del Codice de Roda,’ Estudios de la Edad Media de la Corona de Aragón 1 (1945) 193–283 on 236. Google Scholar

³⁵ CSJP no. 35 (1013). Google Scholar

³⁶ CSJP no. 40 (1025). Google Scholar

³⁷ CSJP no. 35 (1013). Google Scholar

³⁸ CSJP no. 140 (June 1, 1057). Google Scholar

³⁹ CSJP no. 120 (1055). Google Scholar

⁴⁰ See Nelson, Lynn H., 'The Aragonese Pardina: Its Etymology and Function,’ Bulletin of the Faculty of Arts and Letters of the University of Benghazi 7 (1975) 31–51.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Note that Jimeno Aznárez still possessed the church in 1060; see CSJP no. 157 (1060). Google Scholar

⁴² On the legal status of the Aragonese village, see Nelson, ‘Land Use’ 122–23 and n. 35. Google Scholar

⁴³ Presún had only three householders, CSJP no. 10 (saec. x); Surba had six properties, but probably only three householders, Cartulario de Siresa, ed. Ubieto Arteta, Antonio (Valencia 1960) no. 11 (saec. x); Cabañas appears to have numbered five households, CSJP no. 32 (saec. x), and CSJP no. 35 (1013). Although these figures are minimums, so too are the seven households credited to Ena-Baón.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ The following figures are admittedly estimates and assume that when only sons are cited there were an equal number of unmentioned daughters. On the other hand there is no assurance that all children of a given individual were mentioned in surviving documents so that the results err, if anything, on the conservative side.Google Scholar

Parent Children cited Estimated children

Galindo 3 3+

Cardiel 5 10

García Oriol 3 6

Sancho Galíndez 4 4

Galindo Atones 3 6

Mancio of Cabañas 4 4+

Oriol Iñiguez 4 4+

Aznar Galíndez 3 3+

⁴⁵ For village populations, see Thomas F. Glick, Islamic and Christian Spain in the Early Middle Ages: Comparative Perspectives on Social and Cultural History (Princeton 1979) 86 and n. 80. Google Scholar

⁴⁶ For the importance of transhumance to Aragonese husbandry, see Nelson, ‘Land Use’ 124–26. Google Scholar

⁴⁷ CSJP no. 50 (dated 1020–1030; actually 1035–1036) lists Lope Alvarez 'de Kakaviello.’ For his marriage to Domna Blasquita, see CSJP no. 41 (1025). Google Scholar

⁴⁸ For the identification of the Roman bridge at Triste with the medieval crossing at Cacabiello, see Manuel Gómez de Valenzuela, La vida cotidiana en Aragón durante la Alta Edad Media (Zaragoza 1980) 125. Google Scholar

⁴⁹ CDHU no. 15 (April 14, 1035). The names of the villages attest their relationship to the old Roman road system: Salamaña = Sala Magna, or great hall; Centenero = watch-tower. Google Scholar

⁵⁰ CSJP no. 50 (dated 1020–1030; actually 1035–1036). Google Scholar

⁵¹ See CSJP no. 60 (March 1033). Google Scholar

⁵² The activities of the settlers from the Llano de Ansó have been mentioned by Durán, De la Marca Superior 145, but he fails to note how large a proportion of them came from Ena-Baón. Google Scholar

⁵³ CSJP no. 69 (August 22, 1036). Google Scholar

⁵⁴ The other route, from Biescas to Broto, lies some distance to the north and is not only more rugged, but also more subject to blockage by snow. Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Antonio Ubieto Arteta, 'Gonzalo, rey de Sobrarbe y Ribagorza,’ Pirineos 8 (1952) 299–325. Although an excellent study, the author's thesis regarding the date and circumstances of Gonzalo's death is unacceptable. See my article ‘The Aragonese Acquisition of Sobrarbe and Ribagorza’ (in press). Google Scholar

⁵⁶ CSJP no. 81 (February 13, 1043). Google Scholar

⁵⁷ CSJP no. 178 (1035–1064). Both this and the preceding document can be dated more precisely than does the printed edition. Aznar would not have granted property in Aragon to a Sobrarban monastery before the annexation of Sobrarbe in the spring of 1043, and it is most probable that he was dead before the end of the year. The extreme date for his death is December 1046. Thus, the charters must be dated between late 1043 and the end of 1046. Google Scholar

⁵⁸ See Ubieto, Los tenentes 160. Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Madrid, Madrid, Academia de Historia, Cod. 213b, Becerro de Leire, pp. 64–67 (April 23, 1044).Google Scholar

⁶⁰ CSJP no. 177 (1035–1064). For a more precise dating, see n. 57 above. Google Scholar

⁶¹ CSJP no. 140 (June 1, 1057). Google Scholar

⁶² CSJP no. 157 (1060). It seems clear that Jimeno married Toda after her departure from Ena-Baón, since he calls her father Senior Iñigo Cardelli de Belarra, rather than de Baón, as he would have done had the marriage been celebrated when Iñigo was still a resident of Baón. Google Scholar

⁶³ As senior of Baón, CDHU no. 29 (1063); as senior of Ena, Ibarra, Documentos de Sancho Ramírez no. 68 (1068). Google Scholar

⁶⁴ CSJP no. 64 (1020–1035). Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Note that she possessed Sancho Alvarez' portion of Lerés. See Cartulario de San Millán de la Cogolla (759–1076), ed. Ubieto Arteta, Antonio (Valencia 1976) no. 428 (1075).Google Scholar

⁶⁶ She was already a mother in 1035, but since she lived until 1075, she could not have been born much before 1000. Google Scholar

⁶⁷ In Cartulario de San Millán no. 428, dated (1075), she refers to Queen Andregoto (ca. 900-ca. 972) as her exavuncula, which probably means the sister of her great-grandmother. Queen Andregoto's sister was Blasquita, wife of Senior Iñigo López of Estigi and Zillegita; see José Maria Lacarra, ‘Textos navarros del Códice de Roda’ 232 and 244–45. Google Scholar

⁶⁸ A house in Biescas, CSJP no. 50 (dated 1020–1030; actually 1035–1036); Bernués and the church of San Salvador de Pueyo, SCJP no. 64, (1020–1035); property in Larbesa, CSJP no. 106 (1053); the village of Serzum, CSJP no. 147 (1058?); the monastery of San Salvador de Bernués and property in Sutirana, Artasona, Pardinilla, and Lerés, Cartulario de San Millán no. 148 (1075); properties in Sarasa, Ordolés, and Botaya Maior, Ibarra, Documentos de Sancho Ramírez no. 39 (1075). Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Although the earliest mention of his presence in Botaya is CSJP no. 86 (February 11, 1045), he was probably there earlier. Google Scholar

⁷⁰ CSJP no. 147 (1058?). The editor notes that the date is assigned due to a final protocol added in a thirteenth-century hand to the eleventh- or twelfth-century copy in MS Facultad de Derecho de la Universidad de Zaragoza, Libro Gótico. MS Madrid, Archivo Histórico Nacional, San Juan de la Peña, carpeta 719, no. 4 has no such clause and was probably copied from an original which lacked a final protocol. Domna Andregoto was a widow in 1035/1036, and it seems likely that a marriage was arranged for her as soon as possible. The document may date from as early as 1037. Google Scholar

⁷¹ Ubieto, , Los tenentes 160. Sancho Aznárez received a sizable payment of horses from Sancho Galíndez in about 1063, but the circumstances of the transaction cannot be determined; see CDHU no. 31 (1062–1063).Google Scholar

⁷² A Senior Sancho Aznárez appears in Aragonese charters until about 1093, but FANLO no. 73 (1083) shows this to have been a homonym, that of Senior Sancho Aznárez de Biescas. Google Scholar

⁷³ CSJP no. 73 (1039). Google Scholar

⁷⁴ FANLO no. 22 (c. 1039). The location of Estaún is unclear. Canellas, FANLO 34 places it between Ordovés and Excusaguás, whereas Ubieto, Toponímia 92 locates it about five kilometers east of Azáñigo on the Gállego river. Google Scholar

⁷⁵ GSJP no. 157 (1060). Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Tilander, Tilander, Los Fueros de Aragón, según el manuscrito 458 de la Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid (Lund 1937) 135.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ FANLO no. 22 (c. 1039). Google Scholar

⁷⁸ CSJP no. 157 (1060). Google Scholar

⁷⁹ For Mancio, see CSJP no. 168 (1061); for Jimeno, see FANLO no. 30 (March 16, 1054). Google Scholar

⁸⁰ CDHU no. 22 (1062). Google Scholar

⁸¹ CSJP no. 73 (1039). Google Scholar

⁸² García is not mentioned as tenant in Uncastillo until CSJP no. 139 (April 24, 1057), but the last mention of the previous tenant is CSJP no. 111 (October 1054). Google Scholar

⁸³ Eduardo Ibarra Rodríguez, Documentos correspondientes al reinado de Ramiro I, desde ĪXXXIV hasta ĪLXIII … (Zaragoza 1904) no. 50 (1054). Google Scholar

⁸⁴ GSJP no. 120 (1055). Google Scholar

⁸⁵ Ibid. Google Scholar

⁸⁶ See Jordán de Asso, Historia de la economía política 180–84. Ricardo del Arco y Garay, 'Los despoblados de la zona pirenaica aragonesa,’ Pirineos 2 (1946) 5–26 supports this general thesis. Google Scholar

⁸⁷ Cartulario da Santa Cruz de la Serós, ed. Ubieto Arteta, Antonio (Valencia 1966) no. 37 (December 31, 1170).Google Scholar