Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-dlnhk Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-25T07:08:41.300Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

The Internal Forum and the Literature of Penance and Confession

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  29 February 2016

Joseph Goering
Joseph Goering*
Affiliation:
University of Toronto
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

When Dante ascended to the Sphere of the Sun, he was directed by St. Thomas Aquinas to consider a circle of shining lights. One of the lights, St. Thomas tells him, is Gratian, “who served the one and the other court so well that it gives pleasure in Paradise” (che l'uno e l'altro foro / aiutò sì che piace in paradiso [Paradiso 10:104–5]). The allusion to two “courts” (fora) would have puzzled Gratian, but to both Thomas and Dante it would have had a clear reference to the two broad arenas in which the Church's canon law was operative: the external forum of ecclesiastical courts (sometimes known as the “contentious forum”) and the internal forum of conscience and of penance. This new way of describing the Church's legal competence had been invented in the decades immediately following the publication of Gratian's magisterial textbook (ca. 1140), and it would have important consequences for the history of medieval canon law in the years to come.

Type
Articles
Information
Traditio , Volume 59 , 2004 , pp. 175 - 227
Copyright
Copyright © 2004 by Fordham University 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 See Mostaza, A., “Forum internum — forum externum: (En torno a la naturaleza juridica del fuero interno),” Revista Española de derecho canonico 23 (1967): 253–331, at 258 n. 15; 24 (1968): 339–64. Note that the term “internal forum” is not a medieval usage; forum internum was used in the post-Tridentine church to refer to what was called the forum poenitentiae or poenitentiale, or the forum conscientiae in the Middle Ages. This essay was originally written in 1992 for the multi-volume History of Medieval Canon Law , ed. Hartmann, W. and Pennington, K. (Washington, DC, in progress). The publication of the volume of the History in which it was to appear has been unavoidably delayed, and it was thought best to publish a revised and updated version of the essay here. I have attempted to integrate recent publications in the body of the essay, but four general surveys deserve special mention as appearing too late for adequate incorporation. They are: Muzzarelli, Maria Giuseppina, Penitenze net Medioevo: Uomini e modelli a confronto (Bologna, 1994); Biller, Peter and Minnis, A. J., eds., Handling Sin: Confession in the Middle Ages (York, 1998); Rusconi, Roberto, L'ordine dei peccati: La confessione tra Medioevo et età moderna (Bologna, 2002); Langholm, Odd, The Merchant in the Confessional: Trade and Price in the Pre-Reformation Penitential Handbooks (Leiden, 2003).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

2 For a general orientation to the internal forum see: Capobianco, P., “De ambitu fori interni in iure ante Codicem,” Apollinaris 8 (1935): 591–605; 9 (1936): 364–74; Mörsdorf, K., “Der Rechtscharakter der iurisdictio fori interni,” Münchener theologische Zeitschrift 8 (1957): 161–73; Fries, B., Forum in der Rechtssprache, Münchener theologische Studien 3, Kanonistische Abteilung 17 (Munich, 1963); Mostaza, , “Forum internum — Forum externum”; Trusen, W., “Forum internum und gelehrtes Recht im Spätmittelalter: Summae confessorum und Traktate als Wegbereiter der Rezeption,” Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, Kanonistische Abteilung 57 (1971): 83–126.Google Scholar

3 Thomas Aquinas distinguishes the two fora in terms of their relative formality in his Scriptum super Sententiis, 4.18.2.2.1 ad 2: “Ad secundum dicendum quod sacerdotes parochiales habent quidem jurisdictionem in subditos suos quantum ad forum conscientiae, sed non quantum ad forum judiciale; quia non possunt coram eis conveniri in causis contentiosis. Et ideo excommunicare non possunt, sed absolvere possunt in foro poenitentiali. Et quamvis forum poenitentiale sit dignius, tamen in foro judiciali major solemnitas requiritur; quia in eo oportet quod non solum Deo, sed etiam homini satisfiat” ( S. Thomae Aquinatis Scriptum super Sententiis magistri Petri Lombardi , ed. Maria Fabianus Moos, P. [Paris, 1947], 956, no. 158).Google Scholar

4 See Le Bras, G., Institutions ecclésiastiques de la chrétienté médiévale, 2 vols., Histoire de l'église depuis les origines jusqu'à nos jours 12 (Paris, 1959–64), 1:109–12; Silano, Giulio, “Of Sleep and Sleeplessness: The Papacy and the Law, 1150–1300,” in The Religious Roles of the Papacy: Ideals and Realities, 1150–1300 , ed. Ryan, C. (Toronto, 1989), 343–61.Google Scholar

5 “Omnis utriusque sexus fidelis, postquam ad annos discretionis pervenerit, omnia sua solus peccata confiteatur fideliter, saltern semel in anno proprio sacerdoti, et iniunctam sibi poenitentiam studeat pro viribus adimplere” (canon 21, Conciliorum oecumenicorum decreta, ed. Alberigo, J. et al. [Bologna, 1972], 245). For an English translation of the Bologna edition, with the same pagination, see Decrees of the Ecumenical Councils , ed. Tanner, Norman P., 2 vols. (London, 1990).Google Scholar

6 See Maccarrone, M., “‘Cura animarum’ e ‘parochialis sacerdos’ nelle costituzioni del IV concilio lateranense (1215): Applicazioni in Italia nel sec. XIII,” in Pievi e parrocchie in Italia nel basso Medioevo (Sec. XIII–XV): Atti del VI Gonvegno di Storia della Chiesa in Italia, Firenze (21–25 Sett. 1981), 2 vols., Italia Sacra: Studi e Documenti di Storia Ecclesiastica 35 (Rome, 1984), 1:81–195, esp. 160–66; Beriou, N., “Autour de Latran IV (1215): La naissance de la confession moderne et sa diffusion,” in Pratiques de la confession: Des Pères du désert à Vatican II (Paris, 1983), 73–93; Avril, J., “A propos du ‘proprius sacerdos’: Quelques réflexions sur les pouvoirs du prêtre de paroisse,” in Proceedings of the Fifth International Congress of Medieval Canon Law, Salamanca (Vatican City, 1980), 471–86.Google Scholar

7 Hostiensis discusses at length the various statuses of penitents, beginning with the pope (“Papa cui teneatur confiteri”), and delineates the characteristic sins of each group; Summa aurea , “De poenitentiis et remissionibus” 15–44 (Venice, 1574; repr. Turin, 1963), cols. 1769–94.Google Scholar

8 “Unusquisque sacerdos catholicus tenet locum Dei viventis, et loco Dei potest absolvere poenitentem” (Hostiensis, , Summa aurea, “De poenit. et remiss.” 15, col. 1770).Google Scholar

9 The classic studies are: Teetaert, A., La confession aux laïques dans l'Eglise latine depuis le VIII e jusquau XIV e siècle (Bruges and Paris, 1926); Anciaux, P., La théologie du sacrement de pénitence au XII e siècle (Louvain, 1949); Hödl, L., Die Geschichte der scholastischen Literatur und der Theologie der Schlüsselgewalt: Die scholastische Literatur und die Theologie der Schlüsselgewalt von ihren Anfängen bis zur Summa aurea des Wilhelm von Auxerre, Beiträge zur Geschichte der Philosophic und Theologie des Mittelalters 38.4 (Münster, 1960). An excellent summary is found in Baldwin, J. W., Masters, Princes and Merchants: The Social Views of Peter the Chanter and His Circle, 2 vols. (Princeton, 1970), 1:50–59.Google Scholar

10 “Dic quod sacerdos parochialis ex quo sibi cura animarum commissa est ab aliquo episcopo sine alia licentia speciali potestatem habet audiendi confessiones parochianorum suorum, excommunicandi et absolvendi, exceptis prohibitis, quia in his consistit curam” (Hostiensis, , Summa aurea, “De poenit. et remiss.” 14, col. 1766).Google Scholar

11 “Si quis autem alieno sacerdoti voluerit iusta de causa sua confiteri peccata, licentiam prius postulet et obtineat a proprio sacerdote, cum aliter ille ipsum non possit solvere vel ligare” (canon 21, Conciliorum oecumenicorum decreta, 245). The older practice urged penitents to seek out several confessors or to choose the most qualified priest available. The classic authority was (Ps.) Augustine: “Qui vult confiteri peccata ut inveniat gratiam querat sacerdotem qui sciat ligare et solvere” (Decretum Gratiani, De pen. D. 6, canon 1). The practice of choosing one's own confessor continued, alongside the required annual confession to one's “proper priest,” throughout the Middle Ages and was enshrined in one of the most popular medieval didactic poems, the Peniteas cito, peccator of William de Montibus; see Goering, J., William de Montibus (ca. 1140–1213): The Schools and the Literature of Pastoral Care , Studies and Texts 108 (Toronto, 1992), 121 (lines 27–29). For a discussion of the canonical literature on the choice of confessors, see Hödl, L., “Die sacramentale Busse und ihre kirchliche Ordnung im beginnenden mittelalterlichen Streit um die Bussvollmacht der Ordenspriester,” Franziskanische Studien 55 (1973): 330–74, at 332–40.Google Scholar

12 Cf. 4 Lateran, , canon 27, Conciliorum oecumenicorum decreta, 248.Google Scholar

13 See Hödl, , Schlüsselgewalt, passim.Google Scholar

14 See Hartridge, R. A. R., A History of Vicarages in the Middle Ages (Cambridge, 1930).Google Scholar

15 See Boyle, L. E., “The Constitution ‘Cum ex eo’ of Boniface VIII: Education of Parochial Clergy,” Mediaeval Studies 24 (1962): 263–302; idem, “Aspects of Clerical Education in Fourteenth-Century England,” in The Fourteenth Century, Proceedings of the State University of New York Conferences in Medieval Studies, ed. Szarmach, P. E. and Levy, B. S. (Binghamton, NY, 1977), 19–32; both are reprinted in idem, Pastoral Care, Clerical Education and Canon Law, 1200–1400, Variorum Reprints (London, 1981); Goering, J., “The Changing Face of the Village Parish: The Thirteenth Century,” in Pathways to Medieval Peasants , ed. Raftis, J. A. (Toronto, 1981), 323–33.Google Scholar

16 For example, the canons of St. Victor and of Ste. Geneviève became confessors to the student population in Paris, and both major and minor penitentiaries in the papal curia heard confessions of pilgrims to Rome (see below).Google Scholar

17 Haines, R. M. prints a typical episcopal license granting a noble couple permission to choose their own confessor for two years in Ecclesia anglicana: Studies in the English Church of the Later Middle Ages (Toronto, 1989), 51–52. For numerous examples from the papal curia in the fifteenth century, see the volumes of the Repertorium poenitentiariae Germanicum (Tübingen, 1996–); Schmugge, Ludwig, “Cleansing on Consciences: Some Observations regarding the Fifteenth-Century Registers of the Papal Penitentiary,” Viator 29 (1998): 345–61, at 359–60.Google Scholar

18 For confession in hospitals see the Libellus pastoralis de cura et officio archidiaconi, printed under the name of Raymund of Peñafort in the Catalogue général des manuscrits des bibliothèques publiques des départements de France, ed. Ravaisson, F., 1 (Paris, 1849), 592–649, at 634–41. On guilds and confraternities see Meersseman, G.-G., Ordo Fraternitatis: Confraternitate e pietà dei laici nel medioevo, 3 vols., Italia sacra 24–26 (Rome, 1977).Google Scholar

19 See Boyle, L. E., “Notes on the Education of the Fratres communes in the Dominican Order in the Thirteenth Century,” in Xenia Medii Aevi historiam illustrantia oblata Thomae Kaeppeli O.P. (Rome, 1978), 249–67, repr. in idem, Pastoral Care ; da Romallo, S. M., Il ministero della confessione nei primordi dell'Ordine francescano in relazione ai diritti parrocchiali (Milan, 1949); Rusconi, R., “I Francescani e la confessione nel secolo XIII,” in Francescanesimo e vita religiosa dei laici nel '200: Società internazionale di studi francescani, Atti dell'VIII Convegno Internazionale (Assisi, 1981), 251–309; Dalla penitenza all'ascolto delle confessioni: il ruolo dei frati mendicanti: Atti del XXIII convegno internazionale: Assisi, 12–14 ottobre 1995 (Spoleto, 1996); Roest, B., Franciscan Literature of Religious Instruction (Leiden: forthcoming).Google Scholar

20 “Expediens est ut inungat archidiaconus sacerdoti ut sciat poenitentias a Sanctis determinatas. … Injungat etiam ei quod, si circa haec vel alia difficilia aliquando dubitaverit, ad majorum consilium recurrat quam citius poterit” (Libellus pastoralis de cura et officio archidiaconi, 610). See below for a more detailed discussion.Google Scholar

21 On solemn and public penance see Raymund of Peñafort, De penitentia 3.34.6 (S. Raimundus de Pennaforte Summa de paenitentia , ed. Ochoa, X. and Diez, A., Universa bibliotheca iuris 1.B [Rome, 1976], 801); Mansfield, M. C., The Humiliation of Sinners: Public Penance in Thirteenth Century France (Ithaca, NY, 1995).Google Scholar

22 See the discussion of reserved cases below.Google Scholar

23 “Caveat autem omnino, ne verbo vel signo vel alio quovis modo prodat aliquatenus peccatorem, sed si prudentiori consilio indiguerit, illud absque ulla expressione personae caute requirat, quoniam qui peccatum in poenitentiali iudicio sibi detectum praesumpserit revelare, non solum a sacerdotali officio deponendum decernimus, verum etiam ad agendam perpetuam poenitentiam in arctum monasterium detrudendum” (canon 21, Conciliorum oecumenicorum decreta [n. 5 above], 245). John of Kent (ca. 1216) has the priest give a penitent the following assurances: “De me autem confidere potes quia novit Deus quod prius me permitterem decollari quam signo vel dicto te de confessione tua detegere, etsi patrem meum occideres, maxime cum sciam te mihi non mihi set ut Deo principaliter confiteri, Dei autem secretum nullus sane mentis presumat revelare” (London, BL Royal 9.A.XIV, fol. 225v).Google Scholar

24 See Silano, , “Sleep and Sleeplessness” (n. 4 above), 343–61; Fraher, R., “IV Lateran's Revolution in Criminal Procedure: the Birth of Inquisitio, the End of Ordeals, and Innocent Ill's Vision of Ecclesiastical Politics,” in Studia in honorem eminentissimi cardinalis Alphonsi M. Stickler, Studia et textus historiae iuris canonici 7 (Rome, 1992), 97–111.Google Scholar

25 “Ut tamen scias tres esse personas, quibus immediate subiecta est quaelibet anima, scilicet Papam, dioecesanum, et proprium sacerdotem” (Hostiensis, , Summa aurea [n. 7 above], “De poenit. et remiss.” 18, col. 1772).Google Scholar

26 The administration of penance at the diocesan level still needs much study. For England see two essays by Haines, , “The Penitential System at Diocesan Level” and “The Jurisdiction of the Subdean of Salisbury,” in his Ecclesia anglicana, 39–52, 53–66.Google Scholar

27 The most extensive discussion of the office of diocesan penitentiary is that of Thomassin, L. in the eighteenth century. I have consulted the French edition of 1864: Ancienne & nouvelle discipline de l'Eglise, vol. 1, part 10, chap. 10 (“Du théologal et du pénitencier”), 379–91. See also Le Bras, , Institutions ecclésiastiques (n. 4 above), 401; Broomfield, F., Thomae de Chobham Summa Confessorum, Analecta Mediaevalia Namurcensis 25 (Louvain, 1968), lvi–lviii, 213; Firth, J. J. F., ed., Robert of Flamborough Canon-Penitentiary of Saint-Victor at Paris Liber poenitentialis: A Critical Edition with Introduction and Notes (Toronto, 1971), 3–5; Haines, , “Penitential System,” in Ecclesia anglicana, 39–51.Google Scholar

28 Canon 10, Conciliorum oecumenicorum decreta, 239–40.Google Scholar

29 “Quoniam nonnumquam ob defectum confessorum vel quia decani rurales et persone forte erubescunt suo prelato confiteri, certum iminet periculum animarum, volentes huic morbo mederi statuimus ut certi confessores prudentes et discreti ab episcopo loci per archidiaconatus singulos statuantur, qui confessiones audiant decanorum ruralium, presbiterorum, et personarum. In cathedralibus autem ecclesiis ubi sunt canonici seculares, confiteantur ipsi canonici episcopo vel decano vel certis personis ad hoc per episcopum et decanum et capitulum constitutis” (canon 24, Councils and Synods, with Other Documents Relating to the English Church, II: A.D. 1205–1213 , ed. Powicke, F. M. and Cheney, C. R., 2 vols. [Oxford, 1964], 1:113).Google Scholar

30 For a general discussion of the archdeacon, see Le Bras, , Institutions ecclésiastiques, 391–94. One of the most popular manuals of confession, Grosseteste's, Robert Templum Dei, was probably written while Robert was serving in the household of Hugh Foliot, archdeacon of Shropshire, during the 1190s. See Robert Grosseteste: Templum Dei , ed. Goering, J. and Mantello, F. A. C. (Toronto, 1984), 4–6; Southern, R. W., Robert Grosseteste: The Growth of An English Mind in Medieval Europe (Oxford, 1986), 63–69. For an excellent example of the archdeacon's pastoral activities, including his oversight over confessions and penitential discipline in his archdeaconry, see the Libellus pastoralis de cura et officio archidiaconi (n. 18 above), especially the chapter “Quomodo se habeat sacerdos circa confessiones et poenitentias,” 609–11.Google Scholar

31 For a general discussion of the archpriest or rural dean see Le Bras, , Institutions ecclésiastiques, 428–34; Hyams, P. R., “Deans and Their Doings: The Norwich Inquiry of 1286,” in Proceedings of the Sixth International Congress of Medieval Canon Law, Berkeley (Vatican City, 1985), 619–46.Google Scholar

32 See Pievi e parrocchie in Italia (n. 6 above); Kelly, H. A., Canon Law and the Archpriest of Hita, Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies 27 (Binghamton, NY, 1984).Google Scholar

33 Even before the Fourth Lateran Council, Archbishop Stephen Langton provided that two confessors be established in each rural deanery of the Canterbury diocese to hear the confessions of parish priests. The Statutes of Canterbury (1213–14) provide: “Quilibet autem sacerdos de consensu domini archiepiscopi suum habeat confessorem, et in quolibet capitulo [i.e., chapter of rural deans or archpriests] duo sint confessores quibus, a domino archiepiscopo constitutis, eiusdem capituli sacerdotes sua possint peccata confiteri. Si qua vero fuerint dubia que per eos expediri nequeant, vel si quis de sacerdotibus eis ob aliquam causam noluerit peccata sua confiteri, ad principales penitentiarios domini archiepiscopi recurrant. Si vero neutri eorum suum voluerit revelare peccatum, ad archiepiscopum veniat ut vel ei confiteatur vel sibi ab ipso alius assignetur cui velit et valet confiteri” (canon 13, Powicke, and Cheney, , Councils and Synods, 1:27).Google Scholar

34 See Goering, J. and Taylor, D. S., “The Summulae of Bishops Walter de Cantilupe (1240) and Peter Quinel (1287),” Speculum 67 (1992): 576–94; Mansfield, , Humiliation of Sinners (n. 21 above), 74.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

35 The basic study is Göller, E., Die päpstliche Pönitentiarie von ihrem Ursprung bis zu ihrer Umgestaltung unter Pius V, 2 vols. (Rome, 1907–11). See also Haskins, C. H., “The Sources for the History of the Papal Penitentiary,” American Journal of Theology 9 (1905): 421–50; Meyer, M., Die Pönitentiarieformularsammlung des Walter Murner von Strassburg: Beitrag zur Geschichte und Diplomatik der päpstlichen Pönitentiarie im 14. Jahrhundert (Freiburg, 1979); Tamburini, F., “La penitenzieria apostolica durante il papato Avignonese,” in Aux origines de l'état moderne: Le fonctionnement administratif de la papauté d'Avignon, Collection de l'École fran&çaise de Rome 138 (Rome, 1990) 251–68; Schmugge, L., Hersperger, P., and Wiggenhauser, B., Die Supplikenregister der päpstlichen Pönitentiarie aus der Zeit Pius' II. (1458–1464) (Tübingen, 1996); Schmugge, , “Cleansing on Consciences” (n. 17 above).Google Scholar

36 See examples from the fifteenth century in the volumes of the Repertorium poenitentiariae Germanicum (n. 17 above). The range of penitentiary business can also be seen in the surviving formularies: Lea, H. C., A Formulary of the Papal Penitentiary in the Thirteenth Century (Philadelphia, 1892); Meyer, , Die Pönitentiarieformularsammlung. For the surviving registers of the papal penitentiary see Tamburini, F., “Il primo registro di suppliche dell'Archivio della Sacra Penitenzieria Apostolica (1410–1411),” Rivista di Storia delta Chiesa in Italia 23 (1969): 384–427; Harvey, M., England, Rome and the Papacy 1417–1464: The Study of a Relationship (Manchester, 1993), 101–27.Google Scholar

37 See Ochoa, and Diez, , Summa de paenitentia (n. 21 above), lxv–lxix.Google Scholar

38 Ibid., lxxxviii.Google Scholar

39 The requirement of annual confession was not an innovation of the council: See Browe, P., “Die Pflichtbeichte im Mittelalter,” Zeitschrift für katholische Theologie 57 (1933): 335–83; Landau, P., “Epikletisches und transzendentales Kirchenrecht bei Hans Dombois: Kritische Anmerkungen zu seiner Sicht der Kirchenrechtsgeschichte,” Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, Kanonistische Abteilung 72 (1987): 131–54, at 146–50. But see the cautious comments of Murray, A., “Confession as a Historical Source in the Thirteenth Century,” in The Writing of History in the Middle Ages: Essays Presented to Richard William Southern , ed. Davis, R. H. C. and Wallace-Hadrill, J. M. (Oxford, 1981), 275–322.Google Scholar

40 “Specialiter autem in initio quadragesimae, quod dicitur caput jejunii, parochianos convocet sacerdos, eisque specialiter de poenitentia proponat sermonem, eosque ad poenitentiam invitet” (Alan of Lille, Liber poenitentialis 3.50, ed. Longère, J., Analecta Mediaèvalia Namurcensia 18, 2 vols. [Louvain, 1965], 2:158).Google Scholar

41 In the early morning of Easter Sunday, William de Montibus addressed a crowd of children, servants, and shepherds who had completed their Lenten penance: “Consuetudo est sancte ecclesie ut in hac die ueniant ad primam pueri, puelle, pastores, servientes qui pro seruitio dominorum suorum ad ecclesiam in aliis diebus uenire non possunt” (Goering, , William de Montibus [n. 11 above], 559; cf. 19–20).Google Scholar

42 “Nunc itaque fratres ueniunt ad uos peccatores parochianorum uestrorum immundi, fornicatores, adulteri, usurarii, auari, fures, rapaces, ebriosi, mendaces, periuri, proximum odio habentes. … Veniunt inquam in quadragesima, et non in prima uel in secunda uel in tertia quadragesima septimana set in sexta uel die passionis Domini uel etiam in sabbato uel die paschali, necessitate conseruante consuetudinis magis quam compunctione uere penitentie ducti. Alii autem mandant uos in domos suas periculo mortis territi. Et quidem et isti et illi toto anno in peccatis suis dormiunt nec salutis consilium querunt nisi ut dictum est uel consuetudine accipiente in pascha communionis uel necessitate mortis imminentes requirunt.” From an anonymous sermon (before 1250) in Oxford, New College MS 94, fol. 12v–13r.Google Scholar

43 The Fourth Lateran Council (canon 22: “Quod infirmi prius provideant animae quam corpori”) required that a priest be called before a medical doctor to minister to the sick. See also the Lenten sermon quoted above (n. 42), which envisions many people calling on a confessor when in danger of death.Google Scholar

44 The classic study is Teetaert, A., La confession au laïques (n. 9 above).Google Scholar

45 This aspect of feminine piety, especially among the mulieres religiosae of the early thirteenth century, remains little studied. See note 89 below.Google Scholar

46 See Meersseman, G.-G., Le Dossier de l'Ordre de la Pénitence au XIII e siècle (Freiburg, 1971); idem, “Disciplinati e penitenti nel duecento,” in Il movimento dei Disciplinati nel settimo centenario dal suo inizio (Perugia–1260) (Perugia, 1962), 43–72.Google Scholar

47 For the connection of preaching and confession see Rusconi, R., “De la prédication à la confession: transmission et contrôle de modèles de comportement au XIIIe siècle,” in Faire croire: Modalités de la diffusion et de la réception des messages religieux du XII e au XV e siècle (Rome, 1981), 67–85; Beriou, , “La naissance de la confession moderne” (n. 6 above).Google Scholar

48 “Ego post meam in episcopum creationem consideravi me episcopum esse et pastorem animarum. … Unde episcopatum meum cepi circuire per singulos decanatus rurales, faciens clerum cuiuscunque decanatus per ordinem certis die et loco convocari, et populum premuniri ut eisdem die et loco adessent cum parvulis confirmandis, ad audiendum verbum dei et confitendum. Congregatis autem clero et populo, egomet ut pluries proponebam verbum dei clero, et aliquis frater predicator aut minor populo. Et quatuor fratres consequenter audiebant confessiones et iniungebant penitentias. Et confirmatis pueris eodem die et sequente, continue ego cum clericis meis intendebamus inquisitionibus, correctionibus, et reformationibus secundum quod pertinet ad officium inquisitionis” (Powicke, and Cheney, , Councils and Synods [n. 29 above], 1:265). Grosseteste's visitation articles, stressing their canonical status (canonice statuta sunt … canonice punituros), are printed ibid., 276–78.Google Scholar

49 “One Night in Paradise” in Italian Folktales Selected and Retold by Italo Calvino, trans. Martin, G. (New York, 1980), 119.Google Scholar

50 See Vogel, C., “Les Rituels de la pénitence tarifée,” in Liturgia opera divina e umana: Studi sulla riforma liturgica offerti à S. E. Mons. Annibale Bugnini in occasione del suo 70e compleanno , ed. Jounel, P., Kaczynski, R., and Pasqualetti, G. (Rome, 1982), 419–27; Kottje, R., “Busspraxis und Bussritus” in Segni e riti nella chiesa altomedievale occidentale, 2 vols., Settimane di studio del Centro Italiano di Studi sull'alto Medioevo 33 (Spoleto, 1987), 1:369–95; Hamilton, S., The Practice of Penance, 900–1050 (Woodbridge, Engl., 2001). For the influence of the early medieval ordines on thirteenth century practice see Goering, J. and Payer, P. J., “The ‘Summa penitentie Fratrum Predicatorum’: A Thirteenth-Century Confessional Formulary,” Mediaeval Studies 55 (1993): 1–50.Google Scholar

51 The description that follows is based on the early-thirteenth-century formulary known as the Summa penitentie Fratrum Praedicatorum (see note above). Illustrative materials are drawn from other manuals and formularies of the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries, including, in approximate chronological order, Homo quidam (ca. 1155–65) (ed. Michaud-Quantin, P., “Un manuel de confession archaïque dans le manuscrit Avranches 136,” Sacris erudiri 17 [1966]: 5–54); Alan of Lille, Liber poenitentialis (n. 40 above); “Ricardus,” Summa de penitentia iniungenda (= Ps. Praepositinus, , De penitentiis iniungendis), Stuttgart, Württembergische Landesbibliothek HB I 70, fols. 2r–19r; Robert of Flamborough, Liber poenitentialis (n. 27 above); John of Kent, Summa de penitentia, London, British Library MS Royal 9.A.XIV, fols. 203v–232v; Thomas of Chobham, Summa confessorum (n. 27 above); Grosseteste, Robert, Templum Dei (n. 30 above); Raymund of Peñafort, Summa de penitentia (n. 21 above); “Deux formulaires pour la confession du milieu du XIIIe siècle,” ed. Michaud-Quantin, P., Recherches de théologie ancienne et médiévale 31 (1964): 43–62; Serlo, Master, Summa de penitentia , ed. Goering, J., Mediaeval Studies 38 (1976): 1–53; Hostiensis, (Henricus de Segusio), Summa aurea, “De poenitentiis et remissionibus” (n. 7 above); Sampson, Peter, “De sacramento poenitentiae,” in Liber synodalis compositus per Magistrum Petrum de Sampsono ad instantiam Domini Raymundi Dei Gratia Nemausensis Episcopi , in Martène, E. and Durand, U., Thesaurus novus anecdotorum 4 (Paris, 1717), 1021–70. See also Little, L. K., “Les techniques de la confession et la confession comme technique,” in Faire Croire, 88–99; Rusconi, R., “Ordinate confiteri: La confessione dei peccati nelle ‘summae de casibus’ et nei manuali per i confessori (metà XII–inizi XIV secolo),” in L'Aveu: Antiquité et Moyen-Âge, Collection de l'École fran&çaise de Rome 88 (Rome, 1986), 297–313; Mansfield, , Humiliation of Sinners (n. 21 above), 78–91.Google Scholar

52 “Tunc etiam dicat ei sacerdos quod stet inclinatus ad terram. … Sacerdos etiam audiens peccatorem caueat ne ipsum respiciat in facie et maxime ne respici possit et precipue si est mulier. … Et prouideat si fieri potest ne sit in loco nimis secreto et ut altius quam confitens sedeat, et caputium in capite teneat profunde” (Goering and Payer, “Summa penitentie Fratrum Praedicatorum,” 27). “Districte vero praecipimus, quod illi qui confessiones audient, in loco patenti audiant confitentes, non in occulto, & praecipue, si fuerint mulieres. Habeat autem sacerdos sollicitudinem diligentem, ne dum audit confessionem, in facie respiciat confitentem, praecipue mulierem; sed cappam indutam habeat, capucium in capite vestitum teneat, et inclinatum” (Sampson, P., Liber Synodalis, 1028).Google Scholar

53 “Penitentium omnium fere consuetudo est suum confessorem primitus salutare, quibus sacerdos applaudens uultu, blandis uerbis, gaudenti animo respondeat: ‘Bene ueneris frater,’ uel ita dicens potius, ‘Deus det tibi gratiam reconciliandi te ei, et in amore eius de cetero uiuendi et uoluntatem suam per omnia faciendi”’ (John of Kent, Summa de penitentia, London, BL Royal 9.A.XIV, fol. 225rb).Google Scholar

54 See Thomas of Chobham, “De penitente suscipiendo: De officiis penitentium,” Summa confessorum, 290–309.Google Scholar

55 “Debet eum primo interrogare presbyter utrum sciat Pater noster, Credo in Deum, Ave Maria, et si non sciat, moneat eum ut addiscat” (Sampson, P., Liber synodalis, 1029); cf. Chobham, , “De penitente suscipiendo,” 289–90.Google Scholar

56 For arguments about the propriety of the priest questioning the penitent, see Goering, and Payer, , “Summa penitentie Fratrum Praedicatorum,” 15–16. See Hostiensis, , Summa aurea, “De poenit. et remiss.” 15–44, cols. 1769–94, for an extended consideration of confession “ad status” and the particular questions that should be asked of each.Google Scholar

57 See, for example, the two formularies edited by Michaud-Quantin: “Et si peccator nesciat confiteri, tunc sacerdos ipsum adiuvet, currens per septem mortalia vel criminalia peccata, postea per quinque sensus, et tunc per cogitationes et voluntates” (in Confessio debet); “Ad habendum salutiferae confessionis ordinem, haec breviter conscripsi. Primo fiat de puerilibus, utpote de inobedientia patris et matris. … Postea de septem mortalibus. … Postea de septem sacramentis. … Post de decern praeceptis decalogi. … Postremo autem de quinque sensibus. … Ad ultimum vero de omnibus membris et primo de capite” (in Ad habendam) (“Deux formulaires,” 53, 60–62).Google Scholar

58 Alan of Lille, Liber poenitentialis 4.24, p. 178; cf. Gratian, , De pen. D. 3 canon 20.Google Scholar

59 Unum tamen consulo, quod non sis nimis promptus iudicare mortalia peccata, ubi tibi non constat per certam scripturam esse mortalia” (canon 817, Summa de penitentia [n. 21 above], 3.34.21).Google Scholar

60 Ibid. The canonist (“Ricardus”) who wrote the Summa de penitentia iniungenda (ca. 1200: formerly attributed to Praepositinus of Cremona) begins his chapter “De generibus mortalium peccatorum” with the striking assertion: “Revolutis sacre scripture libris, diutius excogitando inveniri possunt octoginta unum genera mortalium peccatorum,” which he then duly lists: “Commessatio, Ebrietas, Negligentia, Turpitudo, …” (Summa de penitentia iniungenda [n. 51 above], fol. 4v; a critical edition of the Summa de penitentia iniungenda is in preparation). Cf. Chobham, , Summa confessorum, 14–31.Google Scholar

61 On the canonical sources of Raymund's, Summa de penitentia, see Renard, J. P., Trois sommes de pénitence de la première moitié du XIII e siècle: La “Summula Magistri Conradi.” Les sommes “Quia non pigris” et “Decime dande sunt,” 2 vols. (Louvain-la-Neuve, 1989), 1:53–62.Google Scholar

62 See Kuttner, S., Kanonistische Schuldlehre von Gratian bis auf die Dekretalen Gregors IX. , Studi e Testi 64 (Vatican City, 1935), 22–30; Gründel, J., Die Lehre von den Umständen der menschlichen Handlung im Mittelalter, Beiträge zur Geschichte der Philosophie und Theologie des Mittelalters 39.5 (Münster, 1963); Millett, Bella, “Ancrene Wisse and the Conditions of Confession,” English Studies 80 (1999): 193–215.Google Scholar

63 “Debet igitur penitens quid fecerit non in genere sed quantum potest specificando confiteri. Quod si commisit adulterium non sufficit dicere quod fornicatus est vel quia lapsu carnis peccavit, quia sic per generalitatem celaret peccatum suum. … Quod si homicidium fecerit quis vel luxuriam in loco sancto, vel aliquod peccatum commiserit, gravius peccat quam si in loco non sancto. … Deinde videndum est quibus auxiliis quid fiat. Ut si forte interfecerit quis hominem auxilio clericorum vel religiosorum, plus peccat quam si solus hoc fecerit vel etiam cum laycis. … Considerandum est etiam quomodo perpetratum est peccatum, ut si forte quis hominem interfecerit minus peccat si cito et acuto gladio decapitet eum quam si diu torquendo et hebeti membra dilaniet, id est membratim dividat, dum adhuc vivat” (Walter of Cańtilupe [1240], printed in Powicke, and Cheney, , Councils and Synods [n. 29 above], 2:1069–70); cf. Goering, and Taylor, , ”Summulae” (n. 34 above), 588.Google Scholar

64 “Caveat spiritualis judex, sicut non commisit crimen nequitiae, ita non careat munere scientiae; oportet ut sciat cognoscere, quidquid debet judicare: judicaria enim potestas hoc postulat, ut quod debet judicare, discernat. Diligens enim investigator, sapienter interroget a peccatore, quod forsitan ignoret, vel verecundia velit occultare” (Alan of Lille, Liber poenitentialis [n. 40 above], 3.47, p. 156).Google Scholar

65 The form of this absolution changes, during the course of the thirteenth century, from the deprecatory: “May God forgive you” (Deus absolvat te), to the declarative: “I absolve you” (Ego te absolvo a peccatis tuis). Gy, P.-M. has argued that the new formula arose “in the office of the papal penitentiary, or among the masters of Bologna, and that it connotes a development of the canonical aspect of the sacrament.” The declarative form is already presupposed in Innocent IV's commentary on the Decretals; see Gy, , “Les définitions de la confession après le quatrième concile du Latran,” in L'aveu (n. 51 above), 283–96, at 290 and n. 33.Google Scholar

66 The Summa penitentie Fratrum Praedicatorum (n. 50 above) instructs priests to follow the confession with: “Parcat tibi Deus. Dominus transtulit a te peccatum tuum, uerumtamen penam temporalem oportet te sustinere” (lines 244–45), to assign a penance, and then to conclude with a general confession and absolution: “In fine quoque generalis fiat confessio, et a sacerdote absolutio detur” (line 276), pp. 39, 41; cf. 21–22.Google Scholar

67 “Scire autem debent sacerdotes quod non habent potestatem absoluendi penitentes ab enormibus que sibi reseruant maiores prelati in synodis nisi in articulo necessitatis” (John of Kent, MS Royal 9.A.XIV, fol. 231v). Cf. Raymund of Peñafort, Summa de penitentia 3.34.18, pp. 814–15; Serlo, , Summa de penitentia (n. 51 above), 9–11.Google Scholar

68 See, for example, the comments of Herman of Saxony (1337): “Et nota hic quatuor. Primo quod inferior debet absoluere absolute et sine condictione de pertinentibus ad se. Vnde non debet dicere ‘Absoluo te si ibis ad episcopum, alias non,’ sed debet absolute dicere ‘Absoluo te.’ Secundo quod de aliis debet penitentem remittere ad episcopum, dummodo ipse proponat eum adire. Tertio quod episcopus debet absolute de pertinentibus ad se penitentem absoluere. Quarto quod ex hiis sequitur quod sic remissus ad episcopum solum tenetur ei confiteri de casu propter quern remissus est, non de aliis” (edited in Reiter, E., “A Treatise on Confession from the Secular/Mendicant Dispute: The Casus abstracti a iure of Herman of Saxony, O.F.M.,” Mediaeval Studies 57 [1995]: 1–39, at 32).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

69 “Et nota quod quidam casus sunt seruandi episcopis, quidam domino pape. Vnde uersus: Si facit incestum, defloret, aut homicida, Sacrilegus, patrum percussor, uel sodomita, Pontificem querat; papam si miserit ignem, Clerici percussor fuerit quoque uel symonia. (Summa penitentie Fratrum Praedicatorum, lines 270–75, pp. 40–41.) Another influential discussion was that of John of Kent: “Scire autem debent sacerdotes quod non habent potestatem absoluendi penitentes ab enormibus que sibi reseruant /231vb/ maiores prelati in synodis nisi in articulo necessitatis, cuiusmodi sunt publici feneratores, incendiarii, falsi testes, periurantes super sacrosancta propter lucrum uel dampnum aliorum, et specialiter in assisis ubi sequitur exheredacio et in causa matrimonii et cetera huiusmodi sortilegii, falsarii sigillorum et cartarum et huiusmodi, tonsores monete, impedientes testamentum racionabile, et qui incidunt in canonem late sentencie, specialissime si clericum percusserint, destinati sunt ad curiam romanam, proditores, heretici, symoniaci, et qui partum supponunt ad alicuius exheredacionem. Similiter qui partum opprimunt negligenter siue maliciose, per pociones et huiusmodi postquam conceptum animatum fuerit, raptores rerum ecclesiasticarum siue retentores omni casu nisi in mortis articulo et tunc sub condicione. Romam sunt destinandi qui in canonem late sentencie inciderunt et symoniam commiserunt, premissa per hos uersus possunt retineri: Deditus usure, faciens incendia, falsi Testes, sortilegi, falsarius atque monete Tonsor, legatum impediens, a canone uincti Proditor, ac heresim sectans, uendensque columbas, Supponens partumue necans, rerumque sacrarum Raptor, presbitero nequeunt a simplice solui. (Summa de penitentia [n. 51 above], fol. 231v.) See also Chobham, Summa confessorum (n. 27 above), 212–18.Google Scholar

70 For a general orientation see Vodola, E., Excommunication in the Middle Ages (Berkeley, 1986); Zeliauskas, J., De excommunicatione vitiata apud glossatores (1140–1350) (Zurich, 1967); Russo, F., “Pénitence et excommunication: Étude historique sur les rapports entre la théologie et le droit canon dans le domaine pénitentiel du XIe au XIIIe siècle,” Recherches de science religieuse 33 (1946): 257–79, 431–61.Google Scholar

71 Robert Grosseteste includes in his Templum Dei (n. 30 above) schematic outlines under the rubrics: “Casus quibus excommunicatur quis ipso iure” (16 cases), “Solus papa absoluit uel aliquis eius auctorítate” (6 cases), “Percussores clericorum ab alio quam a papa absoluendi sunt” (3 cases), “Ab episcopo loci absoluendi” (5 cases), etc. (chap. 7–12, pp. 39–43).Google Scholar

72 “Ego in primis de difficilioribus me expedire consuevi, de matrimonio scilicet cum laicis, de simoṇia et aliis quae circa clericos attenduntur cum clericis” (Liber poenitentialis 1.4 [n. 27 above], 62). Robert Grosseteste reduces Flamborough's teachings to schematic form in his Templum Dei, chap. 12, 16, and 17, pp. 53–54, 57–62.Google Scholar

73 John of Kent depicts the following conversation between a confessor and a penitent who has had intercourse with his wife's relatives, within the prohibited degrees: “Sacerdos: Non es in uero matrimonio. Non enim est uxor tua quam tu habes pro uxore. Penitens: Quid faciam? Sacerdos: Hanc oportet dimittere. Si possis predictum cubitum probare coram episcopo, celebrabitur diuorcium et concedetur utrique alii coniugi. Penitens: Non possum, quia nemo scit nisi ego. Sacerdos: Habeas ergo hanc tanquam sororem uel cognatam, non tamquam uxorem, idest non cognoscas earn quia ita precepit Dominus Papa in Decretali. Penitens: Nec ego nec ipsa possumus continere. … Quid ergo faciam? Sacerdos: Finge uel fac peregrinacionem et uiuere alibi sine illa. Penitens: Si uendam que habeo potero in longinquis aliam ducere et in uero matrimonio uiuere et mori? Sacerdos: De hoc pete a tuo episcopo” (MS Royal 9.A.XIV, fol. 226r).Google Scholar

74 “‘Cuilibet peccato mortali debetur septennis penitentia secundum canones, tamen quia ego et tu in foro sumus iniungam tibi quod uolueris et potueris portare.’ Et tunc ad arbitrium suum iniungat ei penitentiam, id est ieiunia et orationes et disciplinas et helemosinas et uotum pacis indifferenter, set, si potest fieri, pena respondeat culpe” (Summa penitentie Fratrum Praedicatorum, lines 245–49, p. 39). Cf. Alan of Lille, Liber poenitentialis 4.19, p. 173.Google Scholar

75 “Et tunc ad arbitrium suum iniungat ei penitentiam, id est ieiunia et orationes et disciplinas et helemosinas et uotum pacis indifferenter, set, si potest fieri, pena respondeat culpe. “Vnde sciendum est quod qui peccat mortaliter offendit uel Deum uel proximum uel seipsum. In Deum peccat quis per blasfemiam et per periurium et huiusmodi, et tunc debet satisfieri per orationes. In proximum peccat per uiolentiam et per iniuriam aliquam, et debet reddere rapinam uel usuram et huiusmodi, et debet satisfieri per helemosinas. In semetipsum peccatur per gulam et luxuriam, et debet satisfacere per ieiunia et per disciplinas et alias macerationes carnis” (Summa penitentie Fratrum Praedicatorum, lines 250–56, p. 39). The mention of a “peace bond” (votum pacis) as a type of penitential satisfaction may reflect the importance of peace-making in the pastoral activity of the mendicant friars; see Thompson, A., “The Revivalist as Peace-Maker,” in Revival Preachers and Politics in Thirteenth-Century Italy: The Great Devotion of 1233 (Oxford, 1992), 136–56.Google Scholar

76 The entire discussion of “arbitrary” penances needs to be recast in terms of the larger developments in the juridical culture of the twelfth century; see Mayali, L., “The Concept of Discretionary Punishment in Medieval Jurisprudence,” in Studia in honorem … Stickler (n. 24 above), 299–315. A good discussion of the older views on the replacement of tariffs with arbitrary penances is Michaud-Quantin, P., “A propos des premières Summae confessorum: Theologie et droit canonique,” Recherches de théologie ancienne et médiévale 26 (1959): 264–306.Google Scholar

77 See Goering, J., “The Summa of Master Serlo and Thirteenth-Century Penitential Literature,” Mediaeval Studies 40 (1978): 290–311, at 296–97; Payer, P. J., “The Humanism of the Penitentials and the Continuity of the Penitential Tradition,” Mediaeval Studies 46 (1984): 340–54, at 346–50; idem, “The Origins and Development of the Later Canones penitentiales” Mediaeval Studies 61 (1999): 81–105.Google Scholar

78 The author of the treatise Homo quidam (1155–65) assumes that a “penitential” is kept in the apse of the church, and he encourages the priest to study it frequently: “Legat ergo sacerdos frequenter in abside ecclesiae poenitentiale romanum vel Theodori Cantuariensis vel Bedae vel Brocardi [= Burchard of Worms?] vel ex eis excerpta, quia, ut dicit Augustinus, poenitentiae non sunt legitimae, quae secundum canones non assignantur” (Homo quidam [n. 51 above], 36). Robert Grosseteste provides a list of traditional penitential canons along with instructions on how they should be “tempered” for modern use in his “De paenitentiis iniungendis”; ed. Goering, J. and Mantello, F. A. C., “The Early Penitential Writings of Robert Grosseteste,” Recherches de théologie ancienne et médiévale 54 (1987): 52–112, at 93–110. For the continued use of penitential canons see Longère, J., “La pénitence selon le Repertorium, les Instructions et Constitutions, et le Pontifical de Guillaume Durand,” in Guillaume Durand Évêque de Mende (v. 1230–1296): Canoniste, liturgiste et homme politique , ed. Gy, P.-M. (Paris, 1992), 105–33.Google Scholar

79 On the antiquity of these images of physician and judge, and on their origins in Roman Law, see Silano, , “Sleep and Sleeplessness” (n. 4 above), 360–61.Google Scholar

80 See Weinzierl, K., Die Restitutionslehre der Frühscholastik (Munich, 1936); cf. Hostiensis, , Summa aurea (n. 7 above), “De poenit. et remiss.” 61–62, cols. 1844–65.Google Scholar

81 See Baldwin, , Masters, Princes and Merchants (n. 9 above), 1:261–311; Little, L. K., “Pride Goes before Avarice: Social Change and the Vices in Latin Christendom,” American Historical Review 76 (1961): 16–49.Google Scholar

82 The problem was stated clearly by Alan of Lille: “Sciendum quod pro singulis peccatis non debet singillatim diversas injungere poenitentias; sic enim cuilibet poenitenti, infinitas injungeret poenitentias. Sed pro omnibus debet injungere unam, quam pro sui arbitrio inspecta quantitate et numero delictorum, debet diminuere vel augere” (Liber poenitentialis [n. 40 above], 3.51, p. 158).Google Scholar

83 “Cuilibet peccato mortali debetur septennis penitentia secundum canones, tamen quia ego et tu in foro sumus iniungam tibi quod uolueris et potueris portare” (Summa penitentie Fratrum Praedicatorum [n. 50 above], lines 245–47, p. 39).Google Scholar

84 The classic studies are Lea, H. C., A History of Auricular Confession and Indulgences in the Latin Church, 3 vols. (Philadelphia, 1896); Paulus, N., Geschichte des Ablasses im Mittelalter vom Ursprunge bis zur Mitte des 14. Jahrhunderts, 2 vols. (Paderborn, 1922–23). The importance of confessors' manuals for the study of this topic has long been recognized; see Dietterle, J., “Die Summae confessorum (sive de casibus conscientiae) von ihren Anfängen an bis zu Silvester Prierias, unter besonderer Berücksichtigung ihrer Bestimmungen über den Ablass,” Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte 24 (1903): 353–74, 520–48; 25 (1904): 248–72; 26 (1905): 59–81, 350–62; 27 (1906): 70–83, 166–88, 296–310, 431–42; 28 (1907): 401–31.Google Scholar

85 See Haines, , “The Indulgence as a Form of Social Insurance,” in his Ecclesia anglicana (n. 17 above), 183–91.Google Scholar

86 Whatever the weaknesses of J. Le Goffs specific arguments about the “birth” of purgatory, he deserves the credit for redirecting modern discussions of purgatory in a most helpful way; see his La naissance du Purgatoire (Paris, 1981); English idem, The Birth of Purgatory , trans. Goldhammer, A. H. (Chicago, 1984).Google Scholar

87 “Frater, oportet te vel in hac vita puniri vel in purgatorio. Incomparabiliter autem gravior est poena purgatorii quam aliqua in hac vita. Ecce anima tua in manibus tuis; elige ergo tibi vel in hac vita sufficienter secundum poenitentias canonicas vel authenticas puniri vel purgatorium exspectare” (Flamborough, , Liber poenitentialis [n. 27 above], 5.16, p. 277).Google Scholar

88 See Aimone, P. V., “Il Purgatorio nella decretistica,” in Proceedings of the Ninth International Congress of Medieval Canon Law, Munich (Vatican City, 1997), 997–1009.Google Scholar

89 See le Goff, J., “Social Victory: Purgatory and the Cure of Souls,” in The Birth of Purgatory, 289–333; Sweetman, R., “Christine of St. Trond and Her Preaching Apostolate: Thomas of Cantimpré's Hagiographical Method Re-visited,” Vox Benedictina 9 (1992): 67–97; idem, “Visions of Purgatory and their Role in Thomas of Cantimpré's Bonum universale de apibus” Ons geestelijk erf 67 (1993): 20–33.Google Scholar

90 See note 15 above, on clerical education; see also Goering, , William de Montibus (n. 11 above), 59–67.Google Scholar

91 Oediger, F. W., Über die Bildung der Geistlichen im späten Mittelalter (Leiden, 1953) remains a valuable survey. See also Woods, M. C. and Copeland, Rita, “Classroom and Confession,” in Cambridge History of Medieval Literature , ed. Wallace, D. (Cambridge, 1999), 376–406.Google Scholar

92 Both the poem and its original gloss are printed by Goering, , William de Montibus, 107–38.Google Scholar

93 3 Lateran, canon 18; 4 Lateran, canon 11; see Conciliorum oecumenicorum decreta (n. 5 above), 220, 240.Google Scholar

94 See the suggestive comments by Gouron, A., “Une école ou des écoles? Sur les canonistes fran&çais (vers 1150-vers 1210),” in Proceedings of the Sixth International Congress of Medieval Canon Law (n. 31 above), 223–40; see also the essays in Luoghi e metodi di insegnamento nell'Italia medioevale (secoli XII–XIV) , ed. Gargan, L. and Limone, O. (Galatina, 1989).Google Scholar

95 The bishop's responsibility for educating parochial clergy is clearly expressed in canon 27 of the Fourth Lateran Council, De instructione ordinandorum: “Cum sit ars artium regimen animarum, districte praecipimus, ut episcopi promovendos in sacerdotes diligenter instruant et informent vel per se ipsos vel per alios viros idoneos super divinis officiis et ecclesiasticis sacramentis, qualiter ea rite valeant celebrare” (Conciliorum oecumenicorum decreta, 248). The so-called “seminary legislation” of the Council of Trent continues this tradition of episcopal schools as the primary locus of clerical formation (Session 23, 15 July 1563, canon 18; Conciliorum oecumenicorum decreta, 750–53).Google Scholar

96 “Venerabilibus sacerdotibus N. et N. Ricardus eorum devotissimus. … Recolo vos a me postulasse quod brevem doctrinam vobis darem, qualiter in suscepto officio sacerdotali maxime erga subditos in penitentiis iniungendis administrare debeatis. Unde vestre caritati in quantum valeo satisfacere cupiens, quedam breviter ad vestram utilitatem et aliorum qui in convivio patris familias non sunt refecti nec ab ubertate domus sue inebriati, componere curavi” (Stuttgart, Württembergische Landesbibliothek HB I 70, fol. 2r [emphasis added]).Google Scholar

97 See Egger, C., “De praxi paenitentiali Victorinorum,” Angelicum 17 (1940): 156–79; Longère, J., “Documents sur la confession à l'abbaye de Saint Victor au 12e et au 13e siècles,” in Pictaviensis, Petrus, Summa de confessione: Compilatio praesens, CCM 51 (Turnhout, 1980), lxxv–lxxxvii; idem, “La fonction pastorale de Saint-Victor à la fin du XIIe et au début du XIIIe siècle,” in L'Abbaye Parisienne de Saint-Victor au Moyen Age, Bibliotheca Victorina 1 (Turnhout, 1991), 291–313.Google Scholar

98 See Cheney, C. R., Pope Innocent III and England , Päpste und Papsttum 9 (Stuttgart, 1976), 66–67, 70–71.Google Scholar

99 See Delhaye, P., “Deux textes de Senatus de Worcester sur la pénitence,” Recherches de théologie ancienne et médiévale 19 (1952): 203–24, at 205. Senatus describes himself as “archipresbiterum ecclesie” [of Worcester] and as having “penitentium curam et censuram confessionum” (204). See also Cheney, M. G., Roger, Bishop of Worcester 1164–1179 (Oxford, 1980), 58–61, and Sharpe, Richard, “Senatus of Worcester,” in A Handlist of the Latin Writers of Great Britain and Ireland before 1540 (Turnhout, 1997), 602–3.Google Scholar

100 Boyle, , “Fratres Communes” (n. 19 above), 249.Google Scholar

101 See Boyle, , “Fratres communes”; idem, “The Summa confessorum of John of Freiburg and the Popularization of the Moral Teaching of St. Thomas and Some of His Contemporaries,” in St. Thomas Aquinas, 1274–1974: Commemorative Studies , ed. Maurer, A. A., 2 vols. (Toronto, 1974), 2:245–68 (repr. in Boyle, Pastoral Care [n. 15 above]); idem, “Pastoral Training in the Time of Fishacre,” New Blackfriars 80 (1999): 345–53; Rusconi, , “I Francescani e la confessione” (n. 19 above). The best general introduction to Dominican education is Mulchahey, M. M., “First the Bow is Bent in Study:” Dominican Education before 1350 (Toronto, 1998); for the Franciscan schools, see Roest, B., A History of Franciscan Education (ca. 1210–1517) (Leiden, 2000).Google Scholar

102 The literature is too vast to summarize. The classic study is Rashdall, H., Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, ed. Powicke, F. M. and Emden, A. B., 3 vols. (Oxford, 1936). For a recent survey see A History of the University in Europe, 1: Universities in the Middle Ages , ed. de Ridder-Symoens, H. (Cambridge, 1992).Google Scholar

103 For the pastoral intent of these works see their respective prologues: Hostiensis, , Summa aurea (n. 7 above); da Trani, Gottofredo, Summa super titulis Decretalium (Lyons, 1959; repr. Aalen, 1992). Both were widely known outside the law schools and quoted in the practical treatises and summae confessorum of the thirteenth and subsequent centuries.Google Scholar

104 See Denifle, H., Die Entstehung der Universitäten des Mittelalters bis 1400 (Berlin, 1885), 301–10; Creytens, R., “Le ‘Studium Romanae Curiae’ et la maître du Sacré Palais,” Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum 12 (1942): 1–83; Bagliani, A. P., “La fondazione dello ‘studium curiae’: Una rilettura critica,” in Luoghi e metodi di insegnamento nell' Italia medioevale (secoli XII–XIV) (n. 94 above), 59–81.Google Scholar

105 Bagliani, , “Studium curiae,” 80–81.Google Scholar

106 Ibid., 67–74.Google Scholar

107 “Bartholomaeum de ordine Praedicatorum, tunc capellanum et poenitentiarum suum, et regentem in curia nostra in theologica facultate,” quoted in ibid., 64, n. 29.Google Scholar

108 von Schulte, J. F., Geschichte der Quellen und Literatur, 2 (Stuttgart, 1875; repr. 1956), 408–56, 511–26.Google Scholar

109 Hostiensis, for example, argues in his Summa aurea that canon law, rather than theology or civil law, is the “art of arts” and science of sciences that the Fourth Lateran Council had in mind when it proclaimed that the care of souls (regimen animarum) was the highest discipline of study: “Est igitur hec nostra scientia non pure theologica; siue ciuilis; sed vtrique participans nomen proprium sortita canonica vocatur; sicut ius emphyteoticum non est venditio nec locatio sed contractus per se vtrique participans. C. de iure emphy. 1. i, et de hac legitur xxxi, di. Nicena, et hec nostra lex siue scientia vere potest scientiarum scientia nuncupari. infra. de eta. et quali. cum sit ars artium” (Summa aurea, “Proem”).Google Scholar

110 The most important surveys are: Schulte, , Geschichte der Quellen und Literatur; Dietterle, , “Die ‘Summae confessorum”’ (n. 84 above); Teetaert, , La confession aux laïques (n. 9 above); idem, “Quelques ‘Summae de paenitentia’ anonymes dans la Bibliothèque Nationale de Paris,” in Miscellanea Giovanni Mercati (Vatican City, 1946), 2:311–43; Michaud-Quantin, P., Sommes de casuistique et manuels de confession au moyen âge (XII–XVI e siècles) (Louvain, 1962). A useful list of some of the more important works can be found in the interesting study by Langholm, , The Merchant in the Confessional (n. 1 above), 3.Google Scholar

111 See Bloomfield, M. W., Guyot, B.-G., Howard, D. R., and Kabealo, T. B., Incipits of Latin Works on the Virtues and Vices, 1100–1500 A. D. (Cambridge, MA, 1979). For Dominican writers see Kaeppeli, Th., Scriptores Ordinis Praedicatorum Medii Aevi, 4 vols. (Rome, 1970–93).Google Scholar

112 The most sophisticated attempt to classify the popular literature of pastoral care is in Boyle's, L. E. “Summae confessorum,” in Les Genres littéraires dans les sources théologiques et philosophiques médiévales: Définition, critique, et exploitation: Actes du Colloque international de Louvain-la-Neuve, 25–27 mai 1981 (Louvain, 1982), 227–37. Boyle's division of the literature on penance and confession can be summarized thus: I. For Priests A. Academic 1. Summae confessorum 2. Summae de casibus B. Practical 1. Summae confitendi 2. Confessionalia (e.g., interrogations, excommunications, penitential canons) II. For Laity A. Preparation for confession B. Examination of conscience See also his “The Fourth Lateran Council and Manuals of Popular Theology,” in The Popular Literature of Medieval England , ed. Heffernan, T. J. (Knoxville, 1985), 30–43. A simpler but less nuanced classification is proposed by Bergfield, C. in his discussion of “Beichtjurisprudenz,” in Handbuch der Quellen und Literatur der neueren europäischen Privatrechtsgeschichte, 1 (Munich, 1973), 999–1015: 1. Comprehensive summae A. Organized systematically B. Organized alphabetically 2. Abbreviations and smaller systematic summae 3. Glosses and supplements 4. Treatises Google Scholar

113 See n. 78 above.Google Scholar

114 See Gratian, , Decretum, D. 38 canons 4 and 5.Google Scholar

115 See, for example, the copies of the “Corrector et Medicus,” book 19 of Burchard's, Decretum, found in the fifteenth-century codices in Bamberg, Staatsbibliothek Misc. Theol. MS 106 (Q.III.31) and 108 (Q.III.25), where the text of “Burchard” provides only a bare framework into which are inserted excerpts from other authorities and from the teachings of the modern masters.Google Scholar

116 Morey, A., Bartholomew of Exeter, Bishop and Canonist: A Study in the Twelfth Century, with the Text of Bartholomew's Penitential from the Cotton MS Vitellius A. XII (Cambridge, 1937).Google Scholar

117 Such are the sources identified by Morey, but he cautions that he has sought to do no more than indicate “the immediate sources of the Penitential, and that there is little doubt that further work would reveal far more than has been obtained” (ibid., 173–74).Google Scholar

118 See Kuttner, S. and Rathbone, E., “Anglo-Norman Canonists of the Twelfth Century: An Introductory Study,” Traditio 7 (1949–51): 279–385 at 283, 295, 321, reprinted with additional material in Kuttner, S., Gratian and the Schools of Law (London, 1983); Longère, J., “Quelques Summae de poenitentia à la fin du XIIe siècle et au début du XIIIe siècle,” in La piété populaire au moyen âge (Paris, 1977), 45–58.Google Scholar

119 Homo quidam (n. 51 above), 5–54.Google Scholar

120 De vera et falsa penitentia is printed in PL 40:1113–30; its date (eleventh or twelfth century) and place of composition remain undetermined.Google Scholar

121 See for example the letter of Clement III to the “confessor of Salisbury” (confessori Salesberiensi), JL 16624. By the thirteenth century such questions were routinely handled by the office of the papal penitentiary.Google Scholar

122 See above, note 99. Most of these responses remain unpublished.Google Scholar

123 Boyle, L. E., “The Inter-conciliar Period 1179–1215 and the Beginnings of Pastoral Manuals,” in Miscellanea Rolando Bandinelli Papa Alessandro III, ed. Liotta, F. (Siena, 1986), 45–56.Google Scholar

124 Ibid., 55–56.Google Scholar

125 Silano, G., “The ‘Distinctiones Decretorum’ of Ricardus Anglicus: An Edition,” 2 vols. (PhD diss., Toronto, 1981).Google Scholar

126 Fols. 9r–25v. A fragmentary version of this text, containing the prologue and a few lines of Part One, is found in a Munich manuscript; see “Das Summenfragment ‘Inter cetera que ecclesiastice dignitati,”’ in Kuttner, S., Repertorium der Kanonistik (1140–1234), Prodromus corporis glossarum (Vatican City, 1937), 182. Another copy not listed there is found in Munich, Staatsbibliothek MS Clm 16084. A similar type of text is the Notabilia de excommunicatione et penitentia; see Kuttner, , Repertorium, 240–41.Google Scholar

127 “In tres partes hoc opus distribuit. Prima enim gradibus et officiis clericorum deputatur. In secunda de ecclesiasticis negotiis, tarn clericorum quam laicorum, puta de coniugiis disseretur. In ultima multiplex sacramentorum institutio et celebranda forma plenius edocetur” (Leiden MS, fol. 9r).Google Scholar

128 On the growth of this literature see Goering, , William de Montibus (n. 11 above), 29–42, 58–83.Google Scholar

129 Grabmann, , Die Geschichte der scholastischen Methode, 2 vols. (1909–11; repr. Darmstadt, , 1957), 2:476–501.Google Scholar

130 An excellent evocation of the interests and approaches of these writers is to be found in Baldwin, , Masters, Princes and Merchants (n. 9 above).Google Scholar

131 See Kennedy, V. L., “Robert Courson on Penance,” Mediaeval Studies 7 (1945): 291–366; idem, “The Content of Courson's Summa,” Mediaeval Studies 9 (1947): 81–107; Brieskorn, N., “Die Kirche in der Gesellschaft des frühen 13. Jahrhunderts — Zwischen Kollaboration und Protest,” in Ius et historia: Festgabe für Rudolf Weigand zu seinem 60. Geburtstag von seinen Schülern, Mitarbeitern und Freunden , ed. Höhl, N. (Würzburg, 1989), 158–69.Google Scholar

132 See Longère, J., “Théologie et pastorale de la pénitence chez Alain de Lille,” Cîteaux 30 (1979): 125–88.Google Scholar

133 See Kennedy, V. L., “The Handbook of Master Peter Chancellor of Chartres,” Mediaeval Studies 5 (1943): 1–50.Google Scholar

134 The Peniteas cito is printed, along with William's gloss, in Goering, , William de Montibus, 107–38. William's other penitential writings include a Speculum penitentis, 179–210, and De penitentia religiosorum, 211–21.Google Scholar

135 Unpublished; see Michaud-Quantin, P., “A propos des premières Summae confessorum” Recherches de théologie ancienne et médiévale 26 (1959): 264–306 at 268–69.Google Scholar

136 Cambrensis, Giraldus, Gemma ecclesiastica, ed. Brewer, J. S., Rolls Series 21.2 (London, 1862); trans. Hagen, J. J., The Jewel of the Church (Leiden, 1979). The work includes some of the fruits of Gerald's canonical studies; he presented a copy to Innocent III in 1199.Google Scholar

137 Printed by Wilmart, A., “Un opuscule sur la confession composé par Guy de Southwick vers la fin du XIIe siècle,” Recherches de théologie ancienne et médiévale 7 (1935): 337–52.Google Scholar

138 Unpublished; see Bloomfield, , Incipits (n. 111 above), nos. 1674 and 3457.Google Scholar

139 Unpublished; a critical edition is being prepared by Goering, J.; see Bohácek, M., “Un manuscrit intéressant du ‘Compendium’ de Werner von Schussenried,” Traditio 18 (1962): 472–82; Kuttner, S., “Summa ad iniungendam penitentiam,” Traditio 19 (1963): 537–38.Google Scholar

140 Printed in PL 213:863–904.Google Scholar

141 Unpublished; see Bloomfield, , Incipits, no. 0184.Google Scholar

142 Firth, , Liber poenitentialis (n. 51 above), 1–8; Baldwin, , Masters, Princes and Merchants (n. 9 above), 32.Google Scholar

143 “Sacerdos. Utique aliquis illorum qui hoc dicunt [i.e. quod votum simplex nullum dirimit matrimonium], legens Parisius in decretis, concessit mihi quod etiam cum sacerdote posset papa dispensare ut contraheret” (Liber poenitentialis [n. 27 above], 74).Google Scholar

144 Firth's observation seems still to hold true: “Insofar as can be determined at the present state of research, Flamborough was the first to make available to confessors in a short, readable, comprehensive work the new law of the decretists and of the decretals, organized in a practical way for solving cases of conscience” (Liber poenitentialis, 17–18).Google Scholar

145 Kuttner, S., “Pierre de Roissy and Robert of Flamborough,” Traditio 2 (1944): 492–99, at 496.Google Scholar

146 Pictaviensis, Petrus, Summa de confessione: Compilatio praesens (n. 97 above).Google Scholar

147 An edition is in preparation; see Goering, J., “The Summa de penitentia of John of Kent,” Bulletin of Medieval Canon Law, n.s., 18 (1988): 13–31.Google Scholar

148 Edited from three manuscripts by Broomfield, F., Thomae de Chobham (n. 27 above). A recent biography is in Morenzoni, F., ed., Thomas de Chobham, Summa de arte praedicandi, CCM 82 (Turnhout, 1988), xxxi–xxxvi.Google Scholar

149 This substantial text survives in nearly 200 manuscript copies along with innumerable excerpted and abridged versions; it was printed twice before 1500.Google Scholar

150 Printed three times, but none is an adequate edition; see Michaud-Quantin, , Sommes de casuistique (n. 110 above), 24–26, and the older literature cited there. A full study and edition of Paul's treatise is being undertaken by Johnson, Mark F..Google Scholar

151 “Quoniam circa confexiones pericula sunt animarum et difficultates quandoque emergunt, ideo ad honorem dei, beati nicolay et fratrum utilitatem ac confitentium salutem, tractatum brevem de confexione compilavi, sub certis titulis singula que circa confexionem requiruntur et incidunt concludentes ut facilius lector que velit valeat invenire” (Prologue, , printed in Bibliotheca Casinensis seu Codicum manuscriptorum qui in tabulario Casinensi asservantur, 4 [Monte Cassino, 1880], 191).Google Scholar

152 See Ochoa, and Diez, , ed., Summa de paenitentia (n. 21 above), lxiii–lxxxi; Kuttner, S., “Zur Entstehungsgeschichte der Summa de casibus des hl. Raymund von Penyafort,” Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, Kanonistische Abteilung 39 (1953): 419–34, repr. Kuttner, , Studies in the History of Medieval Canon Law (London, 1990) with “retractationes.” Google Scholar

153 Renard, , Trois sommes (n. 61 above), 1:53–62, 453–55.Google Scholar

154 Ibid. See further below, n. 165.Google Scholar

155 See Michaud-Quantin, , “Deux formulaires pour la confession” (n. 51 above), 48–57.Google Scholar

156 Goering, and Payer, , “Summa penitentie Fratrum Predicatorum” (n. 50 above); for the glossed copy see 48–49. Another fine example is the Confessionale printed by Peltier, A. C. among the works of Bonaventure, Opera omnia, 8 (Paris, 1866), 359–92; see Rusconi, Roberto, “‘Confessio generalis’: Opuscoli per la pratica penitenziale nei primi cinquante anni dalla introduzione della stampa,” in I frati minori tra '400 e '500: Atti del XII Convegno Internazionale Assisi 18-19-20 Ottobre 1984 (Assisi, 1986), 189–227, at 204.Google Scholar

157 “A Study of the Works Attributed to William of Pagula with Special Reference to the Oculus sacerdotis and Summa summarum” (DPhil diss., Oxford, 1956); a revised version of this dissertation is being prepared for publication.Google Scholar

158 Grosseteste, Robert, Templum Dei (n. 30 above).Google Scholar

159 Published by Goering, and Mantello, , “Early Penitential Writings of Robert Grosseteste” (n. 78 above), 52–112. Editions of Grosseteste's other penitential and confessional writings include: Wenzel, Siegfried, “Robert Grosseteste's Treatise on Confession, ‘Deus est,”’ Franciscan Studies 30 (1970): 218–93; Goering, Joseph and Mantello, F. A. C., “The ‘Perambulauit Iudas, (Speculum confessionis)’ attributed to Robert Grosseteste,” Revue bénédictine 96 (1986): 125–86; iidem, ”Notus in Iudea Deus: Robert Grosseteste's Confessional Formula in Lambeth Palace MS 499,” Viator 18 (1987): 253–73.Google Scholar

160 Goering, , “The Summa de penitentia of Magister Serlo” (n. 51 above); idem, “The Summa of Master Serlo” (n. 77 above).Google Scholar

161 Goering, J. and Pryce, H., “The De modo confitendi of Cadwgan, Bishop of Bangor,” Mediaeval Studies 62 (2000): 1–27.Google Scholar

162 See Goering, and Taylor, , ”Summulae” (n. 34 above), 576–94. The treatises of Alexander of Stavensby (1224–1237) and de Cantilupe, Walter (1240) are edited in Powicke, and Cheney, , Councils and Synods (n. 29 above), 1:220–26, 2:1050–77 (under the name “Peter Quinel”).Google Scholar

163 See Boyle, L. E., “Three English Pastoral Summae and a ‘Magister Galienus,”’ Studia Gratiana 11 (1967): 135–44; Goering, J., “The Popularization of Scholastic Ideas in Thirteenth Century England and an Anonymous Speculum iuniorum” (PhD diss., Toronto, 1977). The attribution of this work to an otherwise unknown “Master Galienus” is no longer maintained.Google Scholar

164 William's, and Robert's, confessional tracts are printed among the works of William of Auvergne, Opera omnia (Paris, 1674; repr. Frankfurt a. M., 1963), 2: Supplement, 238b–247a; see Glorieux, P., “Le Tractatus novus de poenitentia de Guillaume d'Auvergne,” in Miscellanea moralia in honorem eximii domini Arthur Janssen, 2 vols. (Louvain, 1948), 2:551–65; Diekstra, F. N. M., “The Supplementum tractatus novi de poenitentia of Guillaume d'Auvergne and Jacques de Vitry's Lost Treatise on Confession,” Recherches de théologie ancienne et médiévale 61 (1994): 22–41; idem, “Robert de Sorbon's Cum repetes (De modo audiendi confessiones et interrogandi)” Recherches de théologie et philosophic médiévales 66 (1999): 79–153. Odo of Cheriton's Summa de penitentia (ca. 1230), extant in some 32 manuscript copies, is unpublished; see Bloomfield, , Incipits (n. 111 above), no. 3871.Google Scholar

165 Renard, , Trois sommes (n. 61 above), edits the Summa magistri Conradi (ca. 1226), which had previously been attributed to Conrad of Höxter, O.P., an attribution challenged by Renard, the Summa “Quia non pigris” (ca. 1240), and the Summa “Decime dande sunt” (1230–40).Google Scholar

166 Edited in Linehan, P. H., “Pedro de Albalat, Arzobispo de Tarragona y su ‘Summa septem sacramentorum,”’ Hispana sacra 22 (1969): 9–30.Google Scholar

167 Cited above, n. 51.Google Scholar

168 Printed in Martène-Durand, , Thesaurus novus anecdotorum, 4 (Paris, 1717), 1079–98.Google Scholar

169 See Dominques de Sousa Costa, A., “Animadversiones criticae in vitam et opera canonistae Ioannis de Deo,” Antonianum 33 (1958): 76–124; idem, Doutrina penitencial do canonista João de Deus (Braga, 1956). Cf. Payer, , “Origins and Development” (n. 77 above), 92–105.Google Scholar

170 See the still-useful study by Walz, A., “S. Raymundi de Penyafort auctoritas in re paenitentiali,” Angelicum 12 (1935): 346–96.Google Scholar

171 Kuttner, , “Zur Entstehungsgeschichte” (n. 152 above), 419–34; Ochoa, and Diez, , Summa de paenitentia (n. 21 above), lxxvii–lxxxi.Google Scholar

172 William's, apparatus is published, under the name of John of Freiburg, in the margins of the 1603 edition of Raymund's Summa de poenitentia et matrimonio (repr. Farnborough, 1967).Google Scholar

173 “Primo, tarn de Textu quam de Apparatu seu glossa summe venerabilis patris fratris Raymundi quondam magistri ordinis nostri qui penitentiarios dirigit, registrum sive tabulam … ordinavi” (John of Freiburg, Summa confessorum [Lyons, 1518], 5 [emphasis added]).Google Scholar

174 See the discussion of the “multiplex operis inscriptio” in Ochoa, and Diez, , Summa de paenitentia, lix–lxiii.Google Scholar

175 The “De officio confessoris,” chapter 46 of the Instructions, is printed in de Romanis, Humbert, Opera: De vita regulari , ed. Berthier, J. J., 2 vols. (Turin, 1956), 2:360–69. For the independent circulation of this text see Michaud-Quantin, P., “Textes pénitentiels languedociens au XIIIe siècle,” in Le credo, la morale et I'inquisition, Cahiers de Fanjeaux 6 (Paris, 1971), 151–72, at 152; Bloomfield, , Incipits (n. 111 above), nos. 2173, 2182.Google Scholar

176 Boyle, , “Fratres communes” (n. 19 above), 262; cf. idem, “Pastoral Training in the Time of Fishacre” (n. 101 above).Google Scholar

177 See Boyle, , “Summa confessorum of John of Freiburg” (n. 101 above), 245–68.Google Scholar

178 See Kaeppeli, , Scriptores (n. 111 above), 2:433–43.Google Scholar

179 The best studies remain those of Kurtscheid, B., “De studio iuris canonici in Ordine Fratrum Minorum saeculo XIII,” Antonianum 2 (1927): 157–202, which concentrates on the Franciscan Province of Saxony, comprising most of modern-day Germany, and of Rusconi, R., “I Francescani e la confessione” (n. 19 above), 253–309. See now the chapter on “Confession Handbooks” in Roest, , Franciscan Literature of Religious Instruction (n. 19 above).Google Scholar

180 “Ut autem sacerdotibus pateat via ad scienciam iuris canonici, ideo frater Henricus Merseburg [sic] de ordine fratrum Minorum, quondam lector in Magdeburg, summulam iuris canonici quam habemus prae manibus communi utilitati deserviens compilavit” (quoted in Kurtscheid, , “De studio iuris canonici,” 162).Google Scholar

181 Ibid., 162–68, 172–73.Google Scholar

182 “‘Labia sacerdotis custodiant scientiam.’ Huius scientiae necessitatem auctor describit quatenus triplicem scientiam in sacerdotibus requirit … ut officia proprii status adimplere et poenitentibus consulere sciant” (ibid., 168).Google Scholar

183 “Qui simplicibus confessoribus utiles esse possent, sive in confessionibus audiendis aliorum, sive pro conscienciis propriis servandis” (ibid., 169).Google Scholar

184 See Rusconi, , “I Francescani e la confessione,” 296.Google Scholar

185 Die Summa confessorum des Johannes von Erfurt, ed. Brieskorn, N., 3 vols. (Frankfurt, 1980–81).Google Scholar

186 See Teetaert, A., “La ‘Formula confessionum’ du Frère Mineur Jean Rigaud (d. 1323),” in Miscellanea Historica in honorem Alberti Meyer (Louvain, 1946), 2:651–76. John also wrote a very popular theological summa, the Compendium pauperis, modeled on the Compendium theologicae veritatis of the Dominican friar Hugh Ripelin; see Guyot, B. G., “La ‘Dieta salutis’ et Jean Rigaud,” Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 82 (1989): 360–93.Google Scholar

187 See Dietterle, , “Die ‘Summae confessorum”’ (n. 84 above) 27 (1906), 70–78; Neumann, U., “‘Sacerdos sine scientia est sicut ductor cecus …’ Postulate zur characterlichen und wissenschaftlichen Bildung des Beichtigers in der Summa colledionum pro confessionibus audiendis des Durand von Champagne OFM,” in Universität und Bildung: Festschrift Laetitia Boehm zum 60. Geburtstag , ed. Müller, W. et al. (Munich, 1991), 33–44.Google Scholar

188 de Asti, Astesanus, Summa de casibus conscientiae (Rome, 1728). See Dietterle, , “Die ‘Summae confessorum,”’ 26 (1905): 35–62; Michaud-Quantin, , Sommes de casuistique (n. 110 above), 57–60.Google Scholar

189 “Istud autem opus in quatuor libri volui dividere ut qui pauper est et non possit se excusare quod non possit ad minus librum ilium habere qui ad eius officium noscitur pertinere. Et ideo omitto scribere secundum ordinem Decretalium et secundum ordinem alphabeti ut totam unam materiam continuam valeam pertractare.” Quoted in Rusconi, , “I Francescani e la confessione,” 298.Google Scholar

190 On Duranti, William see Guillaume Durand, Évêque de Mende (n. 78 above), especially the contribution by Longère, J., “La pénitence selon le Repertorium, les instructions et constitutions, et le Pontifical de Guillaume Durand,” 105–33. On Berengarus Fredoli see Teetaert, A., “La ‘Summa de paenitentia: Quoniam circa confessiones’ du Cardinal Bérenger Frédol Senior,” in Miscellanea moralia in honorem eximii domini Arthur Janssen, 2 vols. (Louvain, 1948), 2:567–600; Michaud-Quantin, P., “La ‘Summula in foro poenitentiali’ attribuée a Bérenger Frédol,” Studia Gratiana 11 (1967): 147–67.Google Scholar

191 See the articles reprinted in Boyle, L. E., Pastoral Care (n. 15 above), especially: “The Oculus sacerdotis and Some Other Works of William of Pagula,” and “The ‘Summa summarum’ and Some other English Works of Canon Law.” Google Scholar

192 In addition to the general surveys noted above, n. 110, see Tentler, T. N., Sin and Confession on the Eve of the Reformation (Princeton, 1977), 28–53. The vast, and largely unexplored, extent of the anonymous penitential literature from this period can be gauged by examining Bloomfield, et al., Incipits (n. 111 above). For a more specific geographical area, see indices 5 and 7 of Renard's, Trois sommes (n. 61 above), 1:521–29, 530–32. Renard lists some 450 penitential and confessional texts that were copied into the seventy-one codices, mostly from the Rhineland and Central Europe, that contain copies of the three short summae de penitentia which he edits.Google Scholar

193 On these alphabetical summae, see Bergfeld, Chr., “Katholische Moraltheologie und Naturrechtslehre: I. Beichtjurisprudenz,” in Coing, H., ed., Handbuch der Quellen und Literatur der neueren europäischen Privatrechtsgeschichte, 2.1 (Munich, 1977), 999–1015 at 1004–8.Google Scholar

194 Ibid.Google Scholar

195 Arnould, E. J., Le Manuel des péchés: Étude de littérature religieuse Anglo-Normande (XIIIme siècle) (Paris, 1940); Robertson, D. W. Jr., “The Cultural Tradition of Handlyng Synne” Speculum 22 (1947): 162–85.Google Scholar

196 See, for example, Innocenti, M. D., “Una ‘Confessione’ del XIII secolo: Dal ‘De confessione’ di Roberto di Sorbona (1201–1274) al volgarizzamento in antico milanese,” Cristianesimo nella storia 5 (1984): 245–302; Rábanos, J. M. S., “Derecho canónico y praxis pastoral en la España bajomedieval,” in Proceedings of the Sixth International Congress of Medieval Canon Law (n. 31 above), 595–617; Die “Rechtssumme” Bruder Bertholds: Eine deutsche abecedarische Bearbeitung der “Summa confessorum” des Johannes von Freiburg, 7 vols. to date (Tübingen, 1980–).Google Scholar

197 See Bergfeld, , “Beichtjurisprudenz,” 1011–12; Trusen, W., “Zur Bedeutung des geistlichen Forum internum und externum für die spätmittelalterliche Gesellschaft,” Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, Kanonistische Abteilung 107 (1990): 254–85.Google Scholar

198 “Ex eo facile intelligent, quod omnibus fere piis persuasum est, quidquid hoc tempore sanctitatis, pietatis et religionis in ecclesia, summo Dei beneficio, conservatum est, id magna ex parte confessionis tribuendum esse” (Catechismus ex decreto Concilii Tridentini ad parochos 2.5.36, 4th ed. [Rome, 1907], 253; quoted in Gy, P.-M., “Les bases de la pénitence moderne,” La Maison-Dieu 117 [1974]: 63–85, at 81).Google Scholar

199 See, for example, Grossi, P. G., “Somme penitenziali, diritto canonico, diritto comune,” in Annali della facoltà giuridica di Macerata, n.s., 1 (1966): 95–134; Bergfeld, Chr., “Zur Jurisprudenz des forum internum,” Ius commune 16 (1989): 133–47.Google Scholar