¹ To be sure, the Melot catalogue of the manuscripts of the Bibliotheca Regia had duly recorded the piece and repeated the scribe's attribution to Isidore: ‘Ejusdem [i.e. Isidori] ars institutionum disciplinae’ (Tom. III [Paris 1744] 361), and Beeson, C. H. 's report of the presence of the text in the same Paris manuscript was apparently independent of Anspach's research: Isidor-Studien (Quellen und Untersuchungen zur lateinischen Philologie des Mittelalters 4.2; Munich 1913) 21. Anspach published in the Rheinisches Museum 67 (1912), 556–568.— Recently Anspach's text has been listed, by Dekkers, E. - Gaar, E., Clavis patrum latinorum (Sacris erudiri 3 [1951]) no. 1216, among the ‘Dubia’ of Isidore.Google Scholar

² As for the date of the manuscript, Paris. lat. 2994 A — that is of the part (fol. 73^v-194) that is here in question — the ninth century seems more probable. Anspach indeed named the eighth (as had the Melot catalogue before him), but Delisle, L., Mélanges de paléographie … (Paris 1880) 54 (with citation of facs.), had declared for the ninth, as, with an ‘ut vid.,’ had Lowe, E. A. Studia palaeographica (Sb. Akad. Vienna 1912, 12. Abh.) 59. That the manuscript does not appear in Part V (Paris) of his Codices latini antiquiores (Oxford 1950) argues that Lowe continues not to regard it as pre-Caroline, and the ninth century is also the dating of two other specialists in Visigothic palaeography: Clark, C. U. Collectanea hispanica (Trans. Conn. Acad. 24 [1920]) 51 (no. 648), and Millares, A. Carlo, Tratado de paleografía española (2nd ed. Madrid 1932), Text p. 466 (App. II, no. 196).Google Scholar

³ See apparatus to text on lines 39 and 45. Google Scholar

⁴ Classical Philology 8 (1913) 93–98.Google Scholar

⁵ Theologische Revue 12 (1913) 23 (= Mercati, Opere minori III [Studi e testi 78 (1937)] 318).Google Scholar

⁶ Isid. Reg. 5.5. The phrase ‘non sunt … amatoria cantanda nec turpia’ appears in Cyprian, De habitu virginum 11, from which perhaps Isidore got it in the first place. The collocation of adjectives, one of which, amatorius, is quite uncommon, particularly in this sense, may have fixed itself in Isidore's mind as especially felicitous. Google Scholar

⁷ Isidore, , Sent. 3.36.1.Google Scholar

⁸ Augustine, , Retract. 1.6.Google Scholar

⁹ For a clear summary statement of the early development of the program of the liberal arts, see M.L.W. Laistner, Thought and Letters in Western Europe (A.D. 500 to 900) (2nd ed. London 1957) 40–41. Other recent literature is cited by Lutz, Cora E. in Traditio 12 (1956), 69 n. 16, 74 n. 52 (cf. 73f.), among which note especially Baron, R., ibid. 11 (1955) 127–148.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Isidore, , Etym. 1.2ff.Google Scholar

¹¹ Jerome, , Adv. Pelagianos 1.21.Google Scholar

¹² Isidore, , Etym. 4.4.Google Scholar

¹³ Lactantius, , Inst. 3.25.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Isidore, , Etym. 1.3.2.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Lactantius, , Inst. 3.21.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Isidore, , Etym. 2.23; cf. Cassiodorus, Inst. 2.3.2.Google Scholar

¹⁷ See Kettner, H., ‘Über die Varronischen Citate bei Isidorus Hispalensis,’ in Varronische Studien (Halle 1865).Google Scholar

¹⁸ Ritschl, F. ‘De Terentii, M. Varronis disciplinarum libris commentarius,’ in Opuscula philologica III (Leipzig 1877) 352–402. See also his ‘Die Schriftstellerei des Terentius, M. Varro,’ ibid. 419–505 (reprinted from Rhein. Mus. N.F. 6 [1848] 481–560).Google Scholar

¹⁹ See the introduction to the annotated edition of Gudeman. Google Scholar

²⁰ Tacitus, , Dial. 28.4f.Google Scholar

²¹ Ibid . 31.7.Google Scholar

²² Ibid. 32.7.Google Scholar

²³ Ibid. 32.2.Google Scholar

²⁴ Cicero, , Orator 12.Google Scholar

²⁵ Tacitus, , Dial. 32.6.Google Scholar