¹ The following abbreviations are used throughout: La Obra = Gebenón of Eberbach, La Obra de Gebenón, ed. and intro. José Carlos Santos Paz, Millennio Medievale 46 Testi 12 La tradizione profetica 2 (Florence, 2004); LSE =  de Rupescissa, Johannes, Liber secretorum eventuum: Edition critique, traduction et introduction historique, ed. Morerod-Fattebert, C. and intro. Lerner, R. (Fribourg, 1994)Google Scholar. For a critical edition of one version of the Pentachronon with an introduction and a catalogue of extant witnesses, see La Obra. On the Pentachronon, see also Kerby-Fulton, Kathryn, Books under Suspicion: Censorship and Tolerance of Revelatory Writing in Late Medieval England (Notre Dame, 2006)Google Scholar and Reformist Apocalypticism and Piers Plowman (Cambridge, 1990)Google Scholar; Magda Hayton, “Inflections of Prophetic Vision: The Reshaping of Hildegard of Bingen's Apocalypticism as Represented by Abridgments of the Pentachronon,” (PhD diss., University of Toronto, 2015).

² For Hildegard's reception in England, see Kerby-Fulton, Books under Suspicion; eadem, “Hildegard and the Male Reader: A Study in Insular Reception,” in Prophets Abroad: The Reception of Continental Holy Women in Late-Medieval England, ed. Voaden, R. (Cambridge, 1996), 1–18 Google Scholar; eadem, “Prophecy and Suspicion: Closet Radicalism, Reformist Politics, and the Vogue for Hildegardiana in Ricardian England,” Speculum 75 (2000): 318–41CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For her continental reception in the 1378–1455 period, see José Carlos Santos Paz, La Obra; idem, Cisma y Profecía: Estudio y Edición de la Carta de Enrique de Langenstein a Ecardo de Ders Sobre el Gran Cisma (La Coruña, 2000)Google Scholar; Vauchez, André, “Les théologiens face aux prophéties à l’époque des papes d'Avignon et du Grand Schisme,” Mélanges de l’École française de Rome - Moyen Âge 102 (1990): 577–88CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Blumenfeld-Kosinski, Renate, Poets, Saints, and Visionaries of the Great Schism 1378–1417 (University Park, PA, 2006)Google Scholar; Embach, Michael, Die Schriften Hildegards von Bingen: Studien zu ihrer Überlieferung und Rezeption im Mittelalter und in der frühen Neuzeit (Berlin, 2003)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hayton, Magda, “Pierre d'Ailly's De falsis prophetis II and the Collectiones of William of St. Amour,” Viator 44 (2013): 243–66CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³ On French apocalypticism, see Reeves, , The Influence of Prophecy in the Later Middle Ages: A Study in Joachimism (Notre Dame, 1993), 320–31Google Scholar and Robert Lerner, “Historical Introduction” in LSE.

⁴ On Hildegard's reception at Oxford during the Schism, see Kerby-Fulton, Kathryn, “Oxford,” in Europe: A Literary History, 1348–1418, 2 vols., ed. Wallace, David (Oxford, 2016), 1:208–26Google Scholar.

⁵ Gebeno was prior at the Cistercian abbey of Eberbach when he compiled the Pentachronon. For the few biographical details available for Gebeno, see La Obra, xiii–xvi. On his purpose in compiling the Pentachronon, see his Prologus to the work in La Obra, 4–6. During Hildegard's own lifetime there was the papal schism of 1159–77 between Alexander III and Victor IV, who was backed by emperor Frederick Barbarossa. On the relationship between this schism and Hildegard's reformist thought and historical program, see Kerby-Fulton, Kathryn, “Prophet and Reformer: Smoke in the Vineyard,” in Voice of the Living Light: Hildegard of Bingen and Her World, ed. Newman, Barbara (Berkeley, 1998), 70–90 CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Blumenfeld-Kosinski, Poets, Saints, and Visionaries, 23–26.

⁶ For more detailed accounts of Hildegard's apocalyptic program, see Kerby-Fulton, Books under Suspicion, Reformist Apocalypticism, and “Prophet and Reformer.”

⁷ On the meliorist quality of Hildegard's apocalyptic narrative, see Kerby-Fulton's publications listed in previous note. For an alternative interpretation, see Mews, Constant, “From Scivias to the Liber Divinorum Operum: Hildegard's Apocalyptic Imagination and the Call to Reform,” Journal of Religious History 24 (2000): 44–56 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁸ La Obra, 108–9.

⁹ For a detailed study of the Cologne letter including the historical context, see Bund, Konrad, “Die ‘Prophetin’: Ein Dichter und die Niederlassung der Bettelorden in Köln; Der Brief der Hildegard von Bingen an den Kölner Klerus und das Gedicht, ‘Prophetia Sancte Hyldegardis de Novis Fratribus' des Magisters Heinrich von Avranches,” Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch 23 (1988): 171–260 Google Scholar. See also Kerby-Fulton, Kathryn, “Hildegard of Bingen and Anti-Mendicant Propaganda,” Traditio 43 (1987): 386–99CrossRefGoogle Scholar; eadem, “When Women Preached: An Introduction to Female Homiletic, Sacramental, and Liturgical Roles in the Later Middle Ages,” in Voices in Dialogue: Reading Women in the Middle Ages, ed. Olson, Linda and Kerby-Fulton, Kathryn (Notre Dame, 2005), 40–42 Google Scholar; and Kerby-Fulton, Kathryn, Hayton, Magda, and Olsen, Kenna, “Pseudo-Hildegardian Prophecy and Antimendicant Propaganda in Late-Medieval England: An Edition of the Most Popular Insular Text of ‘Insurgent Gentes,’” in Prophecy, Apocalypse and the Day of Doom: Proceedings of the 2000 Harlaxton Symposium, ed. Morgan, Nigel, Harlaxton Medieval Studies 12 (Donington, Lincolnshire, 2004), 160–94Google Scholar. An English translation can be found in The Letters of Hildegard of Bingen, 3 vols., trans. Baird, Joseph L. and Ehrman, Radd K. (Oxford, 1998), 1:54–65 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰ For Gebeno's description of the tribulation, see especially his Item de eisdem hereticis ex Apocalypsim et de vii temporibus a predicatione Christi usque in finem seculi (La Obra, 88–114). Gebeno draws from Hildegard's Epistola ad Conradum regem and Epistola ad Wernerum to bring monastic audiences into the tribulation scenario of the “Cologne Prophecy” (ibid., 101 and 104, respectively).

¹¹ “Sed et tam noue et tam inaudite ordinationes iusticie et pacis tunc aduenient, ut homines inde mirentur, dicentes quoniam talia prius nec uiderunt nec congnouerunt” (ibid., 17–18). On a time of peace prior to the Last Judgment, see Robert Lerner, “The Refreshment of the Saints: The Time after Antichrist as a Station for Earthly Progress in Medieval Thought,” Traditio 32 (1976): 97–144. For discussion of this LDO passage, see Kerby-Fulton, Reformist Apocalypticism, 47–48.

¹² La Obra, 18. Hildegard goes on to describe how this “unconcealed prophecy” will act as a mirror of spiritual edification for “all the faithful”: “Prophetia quippe, ut prefatum est, tunc aperta erit et sapientia iocunda et robusta et omnes fideles in hiis uelut in speculo considerabunt se” (ibid., 20).

¹³ Ibid., 27. On “sons and daughters” prophesying, see also Acts 2:17.

¹⁴ Hildegard also wrote about the advent of “strong and wise men” who would “rise up and prophesy” in her letter to the clergy of Trier (Epistola ad clerum) where she described more fully their ministry as exegetically gifted spiritual leaders: “Tunc etiam fortes et sapientes uiri surgent et prophetabunt et omnia noua et uetera scripturarum et omnes sermones per Spiritum sanctum effusos colligent et intellectum eorum sicut monile cum pretiosis lapidibus ornabunt et omnes fideles in hiis uelut in speculo considerabunt se” (La Obra, 64). Gebeno understood this to be a futher description of the future prophets expected during the time of the Tawny Lion as described in the LDO (ibid., 105–6).

¹⁵ On Joachim of Fiore, see Reeves, The Influence of Prophecy in the Later Middle Ages (n. 3 above); Daniel, E. Randolph, Abbot Joachim of Fiore and Joachimism: Selected Articles (Farnham, Surrey and Burlington, VT 2011)Google Scholar; McGinn, Bernard, The Calabrian Abbot: Joachim of Fiore in the History of Western Thought (New York, 1985)Google Scholar; and works by Robert Lerner listed in notes 3, 11, 16, and 44. For a comparison of the apocalyptic thought of Hildegard and Joachim, see Kerby-Fulton, Books under Suspicion, chap. 4.

¹⁶ Lerner, Robert, “Antichrists and Antichrist in Joachim of Fiore,” Speculum 60 (1985): 553–70CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁷ The earliest author to cite Hildegard and Joachim together and equate Joachim's spiritual men with Hildegard's future prophets was Alexander of Bremen in the ca. 1242 version of his Expositio in Apocalypsim (Alexander Minorita, Expositio in Apocalypsim, ed. Alois Wachtel, MGH Quellen zur Geistesgeschichte des Mittelalters 1 [Weimar, 1955], 493–95). On the parallels between the apocalyptic narratives of Hildegard and Joachim and the common reception of the Pentachronon and Joachite works in the thirteenth century, see Hayton, “Inflections” (n. 1 above). On Rupescissa, see below, 12–14; on d'Ailly, see Hayton, “Pierre d'Ailly's De falsis prophetis II” (n. 2 above).

¹⁸ Around one third of the surviving copies of the Pentachronon (32 of approximately 100) are copies of the PCp (Santos Paz refers to the PCp as “redaction I, version II” in La Obra, lxxxviii–xcii). The three earliest witnesses date to the mid-thirteenth century: Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale Albert I, cod. 467; Frankfurt, Stadt- und Universitätsbibliothek, fragm. lat. I 95 (a one folio fragment originally dated to ca. 1200 but redated to sometime after 1222 by Santos Paz [ibid., ccxx]); and Wolfenbüttel, Herzog-August Bibliothek, cod. 125.2 Extravagantes. The PCp is represented by group β in Santos Paz's edition in La Obra, and variant readings in the Schism Extracts agree with β against the other manuscripts indicating that they were made from a copy of this version. For a detailed study of the PCp, see Hayton, “Inflections.”

¹⁹ Ista dabuntur and Item quando are edited by Santos Paz in La Obra, 107–9. For Ista dabuntur, see edition below, 483.

²⁰ See n. 8 above.

²¹ Latin quotations taken from edition below. All translations are my own.

²² “Schism Extracts,” below 25. Cf. La Obra, 6. On this often quoted passage from the Pentachronon, see Kerby-Fulton, “Hildegard and the Male Reader” (n. 2 above); Van Engen, John, “Letters and the Public Persona of Hildegard,” in Hildegard von Bingen in ihrem historischen Umfeld, ed. Haverkamp, Alfred (Mainz, 2000), 375–418 Google Scholar; Moulinier, Laurence, “‘Et Papa libros eius canonizavit’: Reflexions sur l'orthodoxie des ecrits de Hildegarde de Bingen,” in Orthodoxie, christianisme, histoire–Orthodoxy, Christianity, History, ed. Elm, Susanna, Rebillard, Éric, and Romano, Antonella (Rome, 2000), 177–98Google Scholar.

²³ Edition below, 483.

²⁴ On the “Iusticia prophecy,” see Kerby-Fulton, Kathryn, “A Return to ‘The First Dawn of Justice’: Hildegard's Visions of Clerical Reform and the Eremitical Life,” American Benedictine Review 40 (1989): 383–407 Google Scholar; eadem, “Prophet and Reformer” (n. 5 above); and eadem, Books under Suspicion, 197.

²⁵ Edition below, 483.

²⁶ Ibid., 2. As a supporter of the Gregorian reform movement, Hildegard's positive attitude toward the lay aristocracy within her reformist thought is unusual and innovative; see Kerby-Fulton, Reformist Apocalypticism (n. 1 above), 36–39 and eadem, “Prophet and Reformer.”

²⁷ Edition below, 486.

²⁸ Ibid.

²⁹ Ibid., 486.

³⁰ Ibid., 487.

³¹ Ibid. Pierre d'Ailly refers to Hildegard's prediction of the subtraction of obedience from the Roman church in his Tractatus de materia concilii generalis (1402–3): “quidam spirituales … subtractionem quoque oboedientiae ab Ecclesia Romana et alia plura scandalosa inde secutura praedixerunt, sicut patet in libris Abbatis Joachim et Hildegardis” (Oakley, Francis, The Political Thought of Pierre d'Ailly: The Voluntarist Tradition [New Haven, 1964], 315–16)Google Scholar. Hildegard also predicts that Rome will come to be “lying at the point of death” (in extremis iacens) in a passage from her letter to Pope Anastasius that was included in both Gebeno's original Pentachronon (La Obra, 71–72) and in book two of the PCp.

³² Edition below, 487.

³³ Ibid.

³⁴ Ibid.

³⁵ Ibid.

³⁶ Ibid., 488.

³⁷ Ibid.

³⁸ Ibid., 489.

³⁹ Ibid., 490.

⁴⁰ Ibid., 491.

⁴¹ Ibid. See Kerby-Fulton, “A Return to the ‘First Dawn of Justice,’” (n. 24 above).

⁴² Ibid.

⁴³ The manuscript of uncertain provenance is S'Gravenhage, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, cod, 71.E.44.

⁴⁴ Hildegardian apocalypticism was not exclusively associated with the Avignon obedience or supporters of the French monarchy, as the work of Henry of Langenstein demonstrates (see Vauchez, “Les théologiens” [n. 2 above] and Santos Paz, Cisma y Profecía [n. 2 above]). On the pastor angelicus tradition, see Fleming, Martha H., The Late Medieval Pope Prophecies: The Genus nequam Group, Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies 204 (Tempe, 1999)Google Scholar; Lerner, Robert, “On the Origins of the Earliest Latin Pope Prophecies,” in Fälschungen im Mittelalter: Internationaler Kongress der Monumenta Germaniae Historica München, 16.–19. September 1986, ed. Detlev, Jasper, vol. 5 (Hanover, 1988), 611–35Google Scholar; McGinn, Bernard, “Angelic Pope and Papal Antichrist,” Church History 47 (1978): 155–73CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Reeves, Marjorie, “Some Popular Prophecies from the Fourteenth to the Seventeenth Centuries,” in Popular Belief and Practice, ed. Cuming, G. J. and Baker, Derek, Studies in Church History 8 (Cambridge, 1972), 107–34Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ For the Liber secretorum eventuum see LSE; for the Libellus see Donkel, Emil, “Studien über die Prophezeiung des Fr. Telesforus von Consenza, O. F. M.” Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 25 (1933): 25–104 Google Scholar; 26 (1934): 282–89; Reeves, The Influence of Prophecy in the Later Middle Ages (n. 3 above), 324–31; McGinn, “Angelic Pope”; for the “Second Charlemagne Prophecy,” see Reeves, The Influence of Prophecy in the Later Middle Ages, 320–31.

⁴⁶ These works were considered to be “l'eau au moulin de l'obédience avignonnaise,” to use Vauchez's phrase, by Henry of Langenstein, a supporter of the Roman obedience during the Schism (“Les théologiens,” 586). Henry objected to their use in the French apocalyptic program of Telesphorus's Libellus. On the association of the Pentachronon and Joachite prophecies in the thirteenth century, see n. 17 above.

⁴⁷ For the dating of this manuscript, see Lee, Harold and Silano, Giulio, “Introduction to the Text,” in Western Mediterranean Prophecy: The School of Joachim of Fiore and the Fourteenth-Century Breviloquium (Toronto, 1989), 151–163 Google Scholar, at 156. See also La Obra, cclxxii.

⁴⁸ For Simon's biography, see Millet, Hélène, “Écoute et usage des prophéties par les prélats pendant le Grand Schisme,” Mélanges de l’École française de Rome - Moyen Âge 102 (1990): 425–55CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 431–35 and Sullivan, Thomas, Benedictine Monks at the University of Paris, A.D. 1229–1500: A Biographical Register (Leiden, 1995), 67–69 Google Scholar. Simon was the regent-master of the faculty of law in 1390–91, 1394, and 1403.

⁴⁹ On the three different scribes and the likelihood that Simon himself copied the Schism Extracts, see Millet, “Écoute et usage,” 433–35. For an edition of the Rouen summary of the Liber secretorum eventuum, see LSE.

⁵⁰ “Hec scripta est littera antiquissima in quodam libro antiquo papireo quod habet dominus Baiocensis. Illum librum composuit magister Arnaldus de Villanova,” fol. 89v. See Millet, “Écoute et usage,” 431–32.

⁵¹ See Bignami-Odier, Jeanne and Vernet, A., “Les livres de Richard de Bazoques,” Bibliothèque de l’École des chartes 110 (1952): 124–53CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵² Millet first presented this possiblity (“Écoute et usage,” 435), but she was unaware of the other copies of the Schism Extracts.

⁵³ See descriptions of manuscripts below, 476–79.

⁵⁴ On John of Rupescissa, see Lerner, “Historical Introduction” (n. 3 above).

⁵⁵ On the Spiritual Franciscans, see Reeves, The Influence of Prophecy in the Later Middle Ages, 175–228; McGinn, “Angelic Pope”; Burr, David, The Spiritual Franciscans: From Protest to Persecution in the Century after Saint Francis (University Park, PA, 2001)Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ McGinn, “Angelic Pope” (n. 44 above), 162.

⁵⁷ LSE, 225–26. According to Robert Lerner, the role of France and the French monarchy is given greater emphasis in the summary compared to the role they play in the apocalyptic program of the complete LSE (see Lerner, “Historical Introduction,” in LSE).

⁵⁸ LSE, 34.

⁵⁹ Ibid., 230.

⁶⁰ “Et Deus aperiet intellectum huius pontificis ut intelligat clausa misteria prophetarum,” ibid.

⁶¹ On Rupescissa's use of the Pentachronon as a source, see La Obra, clv–clxvii. For the tenth tractatus of the Liber Ostensor, see de Roquetaillade, Jean, Liber ostensor quod adesse festinant tempora, ed. Modestin, Clémence Thévenaz and Morerod-Fattebert, Christine (Rome, 2005), 538–63Google Scholar.

⁶² Paris, BNF, lat. 2599, which Santos Paz dates to the fourteenth century and Grundmann to the fourteenth or fifteenth century. The excerpts from the Pentachronon are found on folios 253v–263r. See La Obra, clxviii and ccli–cclii.

⁶³ Moreover, even though Rupescissa and the compiler of the Extracts focused on so many of the same passages from the Pentachronon, they were not working from a common version of the work. The complier of the Extracts was working from a copy of the PentachrononCp (as noted above) that was itself made from redaction I of the Pentachronon (La Obra, lxxxii). The textual variations found in Paris, BNF, lat. 2599 and in the Liber Ostensor reveal that Rupescissa was working from a copy of redaction II (ibid., clxvii–clxviii).

⁶⁴ See Millet, “Écoute et usage” (n. 48 above) and “Le cardinal Martin de Zalba (†1403) face aux prophéties du Grand Schisme d'Occident,” Mélanges de l’École française de Rome - Moyen Âge 98 (1986): 265–93Google Scholar. According to Millet, the two earliest surviving copies of the Liber secretorum euentuum are in manuscripts that belonged to French prelates (“Écoute et usage,” 454).

⁶⁵ Major studies on d'Ailly include Pascoe, Louis, Church and Reform: Bishops, Theologians, and Canon Lawyers in the Thought of Pierre d'Ailly (1351–1420) (Boston, 2005)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bernstein, Alan, Pierre d'Ailly and the Blanchard Affair: University and Chancellor of Paris at the Beginning of the Great Schism (Leiden, 1978)Google Scholar; Guenée, Bernard, Between Church and State: The Lives of Four French Prelates in the Late Middle Ages (Chicago, 1991)Google Scholar; Oakley, The Political Thought of Pierre d'Ailly (n. 30 above); Salembier, Louis, Le Cardinal Pierre d'Ailly: Chancelier de l'Université de Paris, evêque du Puy et de Cambrai; 1350–1420 (Tourcoing, 1932)Google Scholar; Tschackert, Paul, Peter von Ailli (Petrus de Alliaco): Zur Geschichte des grossen abendländischen Schisma und der Reformconcilien von Pisa und Constanz (Gotha, 1877)Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ Pascoe, Church and Reform. See also idem, “Pierre d'Ailly: histoire, schisme et Antéchrist,” in Genèse et débuts du Grand Schisme d'occident, ed. Favier, Jean (Paris, 1980), 615–22Google Scholar; Smoller, Laura Ackerman, History, Prophecy, and the Stars: The Christian Astrology of Pierre d'Ailly,1350–1420 (Princeton, 1994)Google Scholar; Santos Paz, Cisma y Profetci (n. 2 above), 12–21; Hayton, “Pierre d'Ailly's De falsis prophetis II” (n. 2 above).

⁶⁷ For this dating of De falsis prophetiis II, see ibid.

⁶⁸ Ibid. Angers 320 has been dated to the late-fourteenth or early-fifteenth century, but the script likely dates to 1425–50.

⁶⁹ On the Invectiva, see Raymond, Irving W., “D'Ailly's Epistola Diaboli Leviathan ,” Church History 22 (1953): 181–91CrossRefGoogle Scholar. A transcription of the Invectiva can be found in Tschackert, Peter von Ailli.

⁷⁰ The two compendiums of d'Ailly's works are Paris, BNF, MS lat. 3122 and Cambrai, Bibliothèque municipale, 531 (490). Both are fifteenth-century manuscripts. On lat. 3122, see Glorieux, Palémon, “L'oeuvre littéraire de Pierre d'Ailly: Remarques et precisions,” Mélanges de science religieuse 22 (1965): 61–78 Google Scholar.

⁷¹ On the ban imposed on the university masters, see Daileader, Philip, “Local Experiences of the Great Western Schism,” in A Companion to the Great Western Schism (1378–1417), ed. Rolo-Koster, Joëlle and Izbicki, Thomas M. (Leiden, 2009), 92 Google Scholar and Swanson, R. N., Universities, Academies and the Great Schism (Cambridge, 2002), 67–69 Google Scholar. Robert Shaw has suggested that during the ban monks in Paris embedded discussions about the Schism and potential solutions to end it in pastoral literature such as Pierre Pocquet's Orationarium. See Shaw's monograph The Celestine Monks of France, C. 1350–1450: Observant Reform in an Age of Schism, Council and War, Church, Faith and Culture in the Medieval West (Amsterdam, forthcoming). The creation of the Schism Extracts and its circulation among monastic houses in and around Paris could be further evidence of clandestine conversations carried out during the censure.

⁷² La Obra, cclii.

⁷³ Sullivan, Benedictine Monks (n. 48 above), 134–36. See also Bernstein, Pierre d'Ailly.

⁷⁴ The two Italian collections are Rome, Bibliotheca Vitt. Eman., 14 S. Pant. 31 (late fourteenth cent.), and Rome, Vatican Library, lat. 3820 (fifteenth cent.). The similarity among these three collections was noted by Reeves who also provides a list of their contents: The Influence of Prophecy in the Later Middle Ages (n. 3 above), 538.

⁷⁵ See Santos Paz, Cisma y Profecía and Pascoe, Church and Reform, 13–20, but note that Pascoe was unaware that d'Ailly was relying heavily on Gebeno of Eberbach's Item de eisdem hereticis ex Apocalypsim (n. 10 above) in this sermon. The full text of the sermon can be found in Tschackert, Peter von Ailli, 5.

⁷⁶ According to Emil Donkel, H contains the whole Libellus of Telesphorus except for the dedicatory letter on fols. 122–39 and only fragments on fols. 117–21 (“Studien über die Prophezeiung” [n. 45 above], 34–8); he also lists the text in Pv on fols. 98–114 as containing only fragments of the Libellus (38). However, comparison with the schematic of the Libellus provided by Donkel (81–82) reveals that both manuscripts are carrying the following four selections and that neither represent the complete text: 1) Chapter IV, complete (sections 1–4), 2) Chapter III, section 3 only, 3) Chapter VI, section 4 only, 4) Chapter V, complete.

⁷⁷ In Pv there are two short prophetic verses that are lacking in H, namely, Dum nebulum scisma (incomplete) and Anno mille centum ter quinto bis x (incomplete) (fol. 96v). Dum nebulum scisma is also found in R (fol. 89v) and T (fol. 15r).

⁷⁸ De oneribus prophetarum contains explicit and detailed references to France; a number of the “burdens” are devoted to this topic, in particular the “Onus Egypti” and “Aduersus Egyptum,” which speak of conflicts between France and the German empire and their effects on the church (O. Holder-Egger, “Italienische Prophetien des 13. Jahrhunderts III,” Neues Archiv für Gesellschaft für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde 33 [1907–8]: 97–187, at 140–41, 174–77). H and Pv carry the same excerpts on fols. 98r–99r and fols. 50r–51r, respectively. These excerpts comprise the dedicatory letter from the Expositio super Sibillis et Merlino and “Onus Egypti” from De oneribus prophetarum. The second set of excerpts from De oneribus prophetarum in H comprise the “Onus Egypti” and the “Adversus Egyptum.”

⁷⁹ Sermo tertius de adventu Domini as printed in Petrus de Alliaco: Tractatus et sermones (Strassburg, 1490), 13–14 Google Scholar.

⁸⁰ The verse prophecy is inc. Cum fuerint which is found in both H and Pv. On Cum fuerint, see Reeves, The Influence of Prophecy in the Later Middle Ages, 49–51, 56.

⁸¹ Petrus de Alliaco, 6.

⁸² Ibid., 4.

⁸³ Ibid., 11. See also Guenée, Between Church and State (n. 65 above), 131.

⁸⁴ Perarnau, Josep, “El text primitiu del De mysterio cymbalorum Ecclesiae d'Arnau de Vilanova en apèndix, el seu Tractatus de tempore adventus Antichristi ,” Arxiu de textos catalans antics 7–8 (1989): 134–69Google Scholar.

⁸⁵ Bellaguet, M. L., Chronique du religieux de St. Denys, vol. 2 (Paris, 1839–52), 236 Google Scholar. For the Carthusian opinion published for the council, see Martène, Edmond and Durand, Ursin, Veretrum Scriptorum Monumentorum Amplissima Collectio, vol. 7 (New York, 1968), 474–79Google Scholar.

⁸⁶ On the monks from Marmoutier who studied at the University of Paris, see Sullivan, Benedictine Monks (n. 48 above).

⁸⁷ For further details and bibliography, see the manuscript catalogue in La Obra.

⁸⁸ H is dated to the fifteenth century in the library catalogue and to 1500 by Reeves in The Influence of Prophecy in the Later Middle Ages, 542. However, on fol. 59v the scribe has put the following gloss: “citra annum 1410 usque ad presentem 1455 supra quem credi potest multiplici sunt per universum orbem fratres dicte de stricta observacio.”

⁸⁹ P is dated to the end of the fourteenth century by Reeves in The Influence of Prophecy in the Later Middle Ages, 537 and Santos Paz (La Obra, cclii). As the manuscript contains the Invectiva Ezechielis prophete written by d'Ailly in 1381/82, I have dated it to 1381/82–ca. 1400.

⁹⁰ Lee and Silano, “Introduction to the Text” (n. 47 above), 156.

⁹¹ Ibid.

⁹² On this prophecy collection see Tobin, Matthew, “Une collection de textes prophétiques du XVe siècle: le manuscrit 520 de la Bibliothèque de Tours,” Mélanges de l’École française de Rome - Moyen Âge 102 (1990): 417–23CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹³ Ibid.