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Heriger and the Study of Philosophy at Lobbes in the Tenth Century

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  29 July 2016

Robert G. Babcock
Robert G. Babcock*
Affiliation:
Mississippi State University
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Extract

In a recent article on the study of Boethian logical works during the Middle Ages, Osmund Lewry discusses the revival of logical studies at the end of the tenth century, focusing on the period after ca. 970 when Abbo of Fleury and Gerbert of Aurillac (later Pope Sylvester II) renewed the teaching and study of dialectical works, and when Notker Labeo translated some logical texts into German. To this small group of tenth-century scholars known to have been concerned with dialectic and philosophy may be added the name of Heriger, schoolmaster and abbot (990–1007) of the Belgian monastery of Lobbes. The present study begins with the identification of quotations by Heriger from dialectical and philosophical works, then discusses Heriger's use of dialectic in theological argumentation, and finally considers the influence of his philosophical teaching at Lobbes. Heriger's interest in dialectic is revealed by quotations in his Vita Remacli from Boethius' In Topica Ciceronis and Apuleius' Peri Hermeneias. These quotations are identified for the first time in the present study. The application of dialectical learning to theological questions, specifically his use of logical principles in his tract De corpore et sanguine domini (PL 139.179–88), indicates that Heriger's quotations from logical texts reflect more than bookish antiquarianism; the study of dialectic was useful to him in theological argumentation. The evidence of Heriger's philosophical pursuits provides the first clear indication that Lobbes was one of the important Lotharingian centers for philosophical studies.

Type
Miscellany
Information
Traditio , Volume 40 , 1984 , pp. 307 - 317
Copyright
Copyright © The Fordham University Press 

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References

1 Lewry, O., 'Boethian Logic in the Mediaeval West,’ in Boethius: His Life, Thought and Influence, ed. Gibson, M. (Oxford 1981) 90–134, esp. 93–99. The most important earlier surveys are H. Liebeschütz, 'Western Christian Thought from Boethius to Anselm,’ in The Cambridge History of Later Greek and Early Mediaeval Philosophy, ed. Armstrong, A. H. (Cambridge 1967) 587–600; and A. Van de Vyver, 'Les étapes du développement philosophique du haut moyen-age,’ Revue Belge de Philosophie et Histoire 8 (1929) 437–46; cf. also the bibliography of G. Schrimpf, 'Gelehrsamkeit und Philosophie im Bildungswesen des 9. und 10. Jahrhunderts: Ein Literaturbericht für die Jahre 1960 bis 1975,’ Zeitschrift für Philosophische Forschung 31 (1977) 123–37.Google Scholar

2 Lewry 93–99; cf. A. Van de Vyver, Abbonis Floriacensis Opera inedila 1. Syllogismorum categoricorum et hypotheticorum enodatio (Bruges 1966) 21–28; and G. Glauche, Schullektüre im Mittelalter: Entstehung und Wandlungen des Lektürekanons bis 1200 nach den Quellen dargestellt (Munich 1970) 62–75. Google Scholar

3 On Heriger's life and writings see F. J. Worstbrock in Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters: Verfasserlexicon, edd. K. Ruh et al., III (Berlin 1981) 1044–48; F. Dolbeau, 'Damase, le Carmen contra paganos et Hériger de Lobbes,’ Revue des études augustiniennes 27 (1981) 38–43; A. Stainer, Index scriptorum operumque Latino-Belgicorum medii aevi, I (Brussels 1973) 97–101, 143, 155, 159, 165–67. The most complete study of the cultural life at Lobbes in this period is J. Warichez, L'abbaye de Lobbes depuis les origines jusqu'en 1200 (Louvain-Paris 1909). Google Scholar

4 On Lobbes and the schools of Liège see F. Dolbeau, 'Un nouveau catalogue des manuscrits de Lobbes aux xi e et xii e siècles,’ Recherches augustiniennes, 13 (1978) 3–36, and 14 (1979) 191–248; P. Riché, Les écoles et l'enseignement dans l'Occident chrétien (Paris 1979) 165ff.; and E. Lesne, Histoire de la propriété ecclésiastique en France IV (repr. New York 1964) 271ff., 674ff. Evidence of thestudy of logical works in Lotharingian centers is presented and discussed by N. Daniel, Handschriften des zehnten Jahrhunderts aus der Freisinger Dombibliothek (Münchener Beiträge zur Mediävistik und Renaissance-Forschung 11; Munich 1973) 83ff., 86–87.Google Scholar

5 Cited from the edition of the prologue by Krusch, B. and Levison, W., MGH SRM 5. 109ff., who, however, incorrectly attribute the work to Notker of Liège. Though the Vita Remacli was later incorporated by Heriger into his Gesta Episcoporum Leodiensium (ed. R. Koepke; MGH SS 7.164ff.) of which it comprises the prologue and chapters 40–56, the independently circulated manuscripts of the Life preserve a superior text, and this is particularly evident in the accurancy of the quotations from ancient authors. The version of the Vita Remacli printed by Migne (PL 139.1147ff.) is a reprint of a Renaissance revision of the work. Many of these quotations from Boethius are also found in Heriger's Vita Landoaldi (MGH SS 15.599ff.). I am preparing the first critical edition of the text of the Vita Remacli (only the prologue was printed by Krusch and Levison).Google Scholar

6 Cf. Krusch and Levison 96ff. For the political considerations involved in the rewriting of the work (primarily an effort to increase the prestige of Stavelot at the expense of Malmédy by attributing its founding to an illustrious saint and bishop of Liège) cf. Krusch and Levison 96–100 and F. Baix, 'L'Hagiographie à Stavelot Malmédy,’ Revue Bénédictine 60 (1950) 120–62. On the Vita Remacli see also L. Zoepf, Das Heiligen-Leben im 10. Jahrhundert (Leipzig 1908) esp. 31–62. Google Scholar

7 On Notker see Kurth, G., Notger de Liège et la civilisation au Xe siècle (Paris 1905).Google Scholar

8 'Simulque visus es … ut earn non modo examplari verum aliquanto lepidius mandarem poliri …’ (Vita Remacli 109.24–26). Google Scholar

9 Koepke (n. 5 above) 139ff.; Manitius, M., Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters II (repr. Munich 1976) 219–28. Krusch and Levison 97ff. attribute a greater role in the writing of the prologue to Notker.Google Scholar

10 The actual text of the Vita Remacli begins with another, more standard type of prologue. Google Scholar

11 To list only the passages identified by Koepke and Krusch-Levison. The passages from the Tusculanae disputationes are of particular interest for the present study. In addition to the passages from Boethius and Apuleius identified below, the following quotations from ancient authors in the prologue to the Vita Remacli may be added to those recorded by the editors:Google Scholar

' … quia incoepto tantum opus est, cetera res expediet.’ (V.R. 109.34); cf. ‘… tantum modo incepto opus est, cetera res expediet’ (Sallust, Cat. 20.10).

'… necesse est, quanto iuniores, tanto esse perspicatiores' (V.R. 109.20); cf. ‘… auctores, quanto sunt iuniores, tanto perspicaciores’ (Priscian, dedicatory epistle to the Institutiones grammaticae ed. Hertz M.: Keil H., Grammatici Latini 2 [Leipzig 1855]

1). cf. Silvestre H., 'Quanto iuniores, tanto perspicaciores.’ Recueil commémoratif du Xe anniversaire de la Faculté de Philosophie et Lettres (Publications de l'Université Lovanium de Kinshasa; Louvain-Paris 1967) 232–33. Further quotations from ancient sources are signaled in R. Babcock, Heriger of Lobbes and the Freising Florilegium (Lateinische Sprache und Literatur des Mittelalters 18; Bern-Frankfurt a. M.-New York 1984) 175–84.

12 Cf. the excellent discussion of this letter by H. Silvestre, 'Comment on rédigeait une lettre au x e siècle,’ Le Moyen Age 58 (1952) 1–30. Everaclus' letter (ed. Silvestre 4–6) includes quotations from Persius, Juvenal, Terence, and Cicero (Pro Marc, Cat).Google Scholar

18 Reece, See B., Learning in the Tenth Century (Greenville, S.C. 1968).Google Scholar

14 Cited from the edition of Orelli, J., M. Tullii Ciceronis Opera 5.1 (Zurich 1833). The corresponding citations from Migne follow those from Orelli.Google Scholar

15 Cited from the edition of Thomas, P., Apulei Platonici Madaurensis Opera 3 (repr. Stuttgart 1970). On the medieval tradition of this work see M. W. Sullivan, Apuleian Logic (Amsterdam 1967) 170–208. Koepke (ed. cit. [n. 5 above] 165 n. 19) mistakenly identified this passage as a borrowing from Cicero's De oratore: 'Ciceronis locum de oratore 3,26. ex suo ingenio interpretatur.’ Comparison of the Ciceronian passage reveals that it has nothing to do with this passage in Heriger. Koepke apparently assumed that Heriger's reference to the orator optimus meant Cicero, and tried to find a passage in Cicero which seemed similar. Koepke's note has misled later scholars to believe that Heriger knew the De oratore (so M. Manitius 227; J. de Ghellinck, Littérature latin au moyen age II (repr. Hildesheim 1969) 26; Dolbeau, 'Un nouveau catalogue,’ 14). Though this work is included in the Lobbes library catalogue as no. 272 (Dolbeau 32), there is, so far as I know, no quotation from it in any of Heriger's works.Google Scholar

16 Heriger conflated this Apuleian passage with one from ‘Caecilius Balbus’ which reads: ‘Phocion optimum oratorem esse dicebat, qui plurima paucis diceret’ (De nugis philosophorum, ed. Wölfflin, E. [Basel 1855] 43.4). On Heriger's use of ‘Caecilius Balbus’ see Babcock 175–77.Google Scholar

17 Dolbeau, , 'Un nouveau catalogue,’ 32 n° 261; ibid. 225.Google Scholar

18 On Ratherius' style see E. Auerbach, Literary Language and its Public (New York 1965) 133ff. and the more detailed study of P. L. D. Reid, Tenth-Century Latinity: Rather of Verona (Malibu 1981).Google Scholar

19 Stiennon, See J., 'Une description peu connue de l'Aquitaine par Hériger de Lobbes (#x2020; 1007),’ Annales du Midi 72 (1960) 273–86.Google Scholar

20 Morin, G., 'Les Dicta d'Hériger sur l'eucharistie,’ Revue Bénédictine 25 (1908) 1–18; J. Geiselmann, Die Eucharistielehre der Vorscholastik (Paderborn 1926) 258–83; J. Lebon, 'Sur la doctrine eucharistique d'Hériger de Lobbes,’ in Studia mediaevalia in honorem Raymundi Josephi Martin (Bruges 1948) 61–84; C. R. Schrader, 'The False Attribution of an Eucharistic Tract to Gerbert of Aurillac,’ Mediaeval Studies 35 (1973) 178–204 (cf. the review by H. Silvestre, Revue d'histoire ecclésiastique 70 [1975] 877–79); J.-P. Bouhot, Ratramne de Corbie (Paris 1976) 91ff., 139ff., 161–62. Of these only Geiselmann (277–79) analyzes the mathematical and dialectical sections, but not in great detail. So, e.g., Lebon (74): 'Inutile de nous arrěter ici à considérer ces similitudes empruntées à l'arithmétique, à la dialectique, à la physique du temps, si intéressantes qu'elles soient pour montrer la culture profane d'Hériger.’ The citations of Heriger are from the edition printed by Migne (PL 139.179–88); I am preparing a critical edition of this work.Google Scholar

21 This solution is borrowed by Heriger from the De corpore et sanguine domini of Godescalc of Orbais; see Lebon 74ff. and D. C. Lambot, Œuvres théologiques et grammaticales de Godescalc d'Orbais (Louvain 1945) 324–37. Google Scholar

22 Geiselmann 277 n. 2. The Lobbes catalogue includes this text: see Dolbeau, 'Un nouveau catalogue,’ 22 n° 111; ibid. 200. Google Scholar

23 Iohannis Scotti Eriugenae Periphyseon (De divisione naturae) liber tertius, ed. Sheldon-Williams, I. P. (Dublin 1981) 108.21ff.Google Scholar

24 This same verse is often cited to justify mathematical studies: e.g., Isidore, Etym. 3.4.1; Cassiodorus, Inst. 2. pref. 3; Gerbert, Geometria pref. (PL 139.94 a).Google Scholar

25 Morin 17. Google Scholar

26 'Arithmeticam medietatem vocamus, quotiens vel tribus vel quotlibet terminis positis aequalis atque eadem differentia inter omnes dispositos terminos invenitur. In qua neglecta proportionis aequalitate terminorum tantum differentiarumquc speculatio custoditur …’ ed. Friedlein, G. [Leipzig 1868] 140 19ff.Google Scholar

27 Apuleius, Apuleius, Peri Hermeneias 193. 1ff.Google Scholar

28 4.1083. Google Scholar

29 Macrobius, , In Somn. Scip. 1.6.23ff.; Timaeus a Calcidio translatus commentariorumque instructus, ed. Waszink, J. H. (Plato Latinus 4; Leiden 1962). Cf. Dolbeau, 'Un nouveau catalogue,’ 22 n° 109; 31 n° 255. On the Timaeus in the Middle Ages M. Gibson, 'The Study of the “Timaeus” in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries,’ Pensamiento 25 (1969) 183–94. It is, of course, possible that Heriger derived his further knowledge from a patristic work, e.g., Augustine's De civitate Dei 8.10, though, as is demonstrated below, his reference to the cosmology of the Timaeus seems to be related to the interpretation of the passage given by Chalcidius. The Lobbes library catalogue was made in the mid-eleventh century, and it is not always possible to determine definitely which texts were already in the collection during Heriger's day. It is interesting to note that the Chalcidius text listed in the Lobbes catalogue is accompanied by excerpts from the Church Fathers about Plato and other philosophers; these excerpts include a passage from De civ. Dei, 8.10; cf. Dolbeau, 'Un nouveau catalogue,’ 224 and Revue Bénédictine 90 (1980) 196.Google Scholar

30 Waszink, Waszink 71–72.Google Scholar

31 This is best seen in the second part of the tract (chs. 9–10): e.g., ‘Sed iam forti syllogismo quod praemisimus, concludamus’ (PL 139.188 d).Google Scholar

32 Geiselmann 277. Google Scholar

33 PL 139.186 d; cf. Morin 16.Google Scholar

34 Geiselmann 290ff. Google Scholar

35 On Adalbold see Manitius 743–48. Google Scholar

36 Edited by Huygens, R. B. C., 'Mittelalterliche Kommentare zum O qui perpetua,’ Sacris Erudiri 6 (1954) 404–27. Cf. P. Courcelle, La Consolation de Philosophie dans la tradition littéraire (Paris 1967) 297–99.Google Scholar

37 Ed. Friedlein 416–18. Adalbold explains the binding of the elements with a diagram which he labels, in Greek majuscules, cosmopoeia: ed. Huygens, , Abb. IV.Google Scholar

38 Adalbold, , ed. Huygens 411.38; Calcidius, , ed. Waszink, 74.13. In his edition of Adalbold, Moll (Kerkhistorisch Archief 3 [1862] 199–200) cites the Timaeus twice as a source. These citations were accepted by Manitius (Geschichte 748), but not by Huygens. This citation seems convincing to me, though the other passage cited by Moll does not.Google Scholar

39 ed. Strecker, K., MGH PLAG 5.211–25.Google Scholar

40 Strecker, K., 'Die metrischen Viten der hl. Ursmarus und Landelinus,’ Neues Archiv 50 (1935) 135–58.Google Scholar

41 This quotation (= Vita Landelini 297–99), overlooked by Strecker, was identified by H. Sylvestre, 'Hériger de Lobbes (t 1007) avait lu Dracontius,’ Le Moyen Age 69 (1963) 126. Google Scholar

42 On the use of Cicero's Tusculanae disputationes see above, n. 11. Adalbold also cites Boethius In Isagogen: ed. Huygens, 418ff.Google Scholar

43 PL 139.1134 a; on Heriger's mathematical works, see N. Bubnov, Gerberti Opera mathe-matica (repr. Hildesheim 1963) 205–25.Google Scholar

44 Bubnov 41–45. Google Scholar

45 See the bibliographical data collected by Manitius 227. Google Scholar

46 MGH SS 6.353. Google Scholar

47 On Adalbold, Abbo, and Gerbert see the bibliography cited above; on Fulbert's study of dialectic see The Letters and Poems of Fulbert of Chartres, ed. and trans. Behrends, F. (Oxford 1976) xxii-xxxvi. Google Scholar

* I would like to thank David Ganz and Francis Newton for reading and criticizing an earlier draft of this paper. While their comments have greatly improved it, they bear no responsibility for any of the opinions expressed.