¹ See Plates I–IV and V–VI.Google Scholar

² See the list of contents of cod. Vat. gr. 2066, p. 82.Google Scholar

³ What appears at first sight to be another number (ξ) written under the number of chapter ιθ (fig. 1 and 2 below, p. 93), is really an ornament (fig. 3) which is to be found not infrequently in Vat. gr. 2066. Other examples may be seen in the scholium in the lower right margin of fol. 76r, in the scholia at the bottom of ff. 124r and 125r, and in those on ff. 125v and 126r. Thus this detail becomes another proof of the close relation between the Washington fragment and Vat. gr. 2066. See the same ornament in Omont, H., Facsimiles des plus anciens manuscrits grecs (Paris 1892) plate IX (upper right corner), our Plate VIII.Google Scholar

⁴ See Plates I-IV.Google Scholar

⁵ See the indications in Seymour de Ricci's catalogue, quoted at the beginning of this article.Google Scholar

⁶ On the traces still existing of the Greek language in Calabria see the publications of Professor Gerhard Rohlfs, especially his Griechen und Romanen in Unteritalien (Biblioteca dell’ Archivum Romanicum II 7, Genoa 1924), and his Scavi linguistici nella Magna Grecia (Rome 1933). See also the same author's Etymologisches Wörterbuch der unteritalienischen Gräzität (Halle 1930). The older theory of Morosini, viz. that these Greek Sprachinseln in Calabria, in the Terra d'Otranto and around Bova, originated in the Middle Ages as a result of Byzantine colonization, must be abandoned in view of Rohlfs’ material, which proves the existence of numerous ancient Doric elements in the Calabrian Greek dialect.Google Scholar

⁷ Batiffol, Pierre, L'Abbaye de Rossano, Contribution à l'histoire de la Vaticane (Paris 1891). Some additional information is found scattered throughout Kirsopp Lake's stimulating article, ‘The Greek Monasteries in South Italy,’ Journal of Theol. Studies 4(1902/3) 345–68, 517–42; 5(1903/4) 22–41, 189–202; especially 5, 36ff. Google Scholar

⁸ Batiffol, , op. cit. 39ff. See also Mercati, Giovanni, Per la storia dei manoscritti greci, etc. (Studi e Testi 68, Rome 1935) passim. Mercati's book gives much new detail of Sirleto's activities as a collector of Greek manuscripts, including manuscripts of the Calabrian monasteries. Sirleto possessed a list of manuscripts of the Patir. Batiffol, p. 40, says that he was unable to discover this precious index among the papers of Cardinal Sirleto preserved in the archives of the Vatican. But Cardinal Mercati has found it in two Vatican manuscripts, Vat. lat. 6417 and Regin. lat. 2099; see op. cit. 99ff. Once the interest of the Vatican in the manuscripts of Rossano and other Basilian monasteries of South Italy had been awakened by Cardinal Sirleto (†1585), it remained alive during the following decades. Cardinal Mercati has recently discovered several other lists of Basilian manuscripts in tom. 11 of the Vatican Archives (fol. 259). These lists are addressed to Nicolò Alamanni, prefect of the Vatican Library 1614–1626. See Mercati, , op. cit. 86ff.Google Scholar

⁹ See Batiffol, , op. cit. 42ff.Google Scholar

¹⁰ de Montfaucon, Bernard, Palaeographia 112: ‘centum quinquaginta [scil. codices] vidi in memorata Basilianorum bibliotheca, aliquot exscripsi, omnes evolvi, nullosque alibi emendatiores reperi’. See also Montfaucon's Diarium italicum 210ff. on the manuscripts of S. Basilius de Urbe which he was permitted to use (Batiffol, , op. cit. 45).Google Scholar

¹¹ Batiffol, , op. cit. 46.Google Scholar

¹² Ibid. 42ff. Google Scholar

¹³ Ibid. 45 n. 1.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Batiffol briefly describes codex Vat. gr. 2066, op. cit. 63. Some of his readings are corrected by Mercati, , op. cit. 307 n. ad 24.Google Scholar

¹⁵ The Elenchus of Pietro Menniti in the Vatican archives was looked up for me by the Prefect of the Vatican Library, Rev. Fr. Anseimo Albareda, to whom I am greatly indebted for his kind assistance in this matter. The strange title of the treatise De hominis opificio which is given in Menniti's Index, De particulari mundi Physiologia, is taken erroneously from the first of the κεφάλαια which precede the text in Vat. gr. 2066 (fol. 300r): πρτον κεφάλαιον ἐv ᾥ τ ἐστι μερικὴ περὶ το κόσμου φυσιολογία. Google Scholar

¹⁶ See the dates given supra , p. 84.Google Scholar

¹⁷ See Plates I–IV.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Phantinos is the name of a South Italian saint which occurs in menologia and similar literature. Cf. Mercati, , op. cit. 116. See also Batiffol, , op. cit. 110, on S. Fantino de Seminara and the abbey named after him. Φαvτȋvoς Kαρράτα is most likely the name of a monk, and the signature is probably contemporary with the rest of the graffiti, which are dated by their script as of the seventeenth century.Google Scholar

¹⁰ From the Italian subscription P. Dom Carrozza della città di Rossano padrone d …, it is clear that the Greek form τς πóλεως το Ῥονσαιανο is misspelled from Ῥουσιανο which is the usual form of the name Rossano (cf. infra). The name καὶ τοὺ πατιου which is added to that of the town refers to the monastery of Patirion near Rossano (= πατιρίoυ) and is obviously an official abbreviation of the name (cf. Monrii = Monasterii, etc.). Dom Carrozza was a monk of the Patir, but at the same time he calls himself padrone d[i] … — a frequent title in Calabria, hereditary in certain noble families who acquired it during the Middle Ages, when they had taken an active part in the protection of the country by defending the numerous castelli built against the Saracen invaders. The place-name not yet deciphered after the words padrone d[i] is very likely that of such a castello or castro; I would like to read ‘castro Carotta’, but this is doubtful. The name may be Caretto. Castro cannot be made out with certainty. The names Carrozza and Carretto frequently occur in Calabria; see Memorie delle famiglie nobili delle province meridionali d'Italia raccolte dal Conte Berardo Candida Gonzaga (Napoli 1875–6, vols. I–II). No special chapter of this work is dedicated to the two families in question, but the del Carrettos occur many times as relatives of the oldest and noblest families of Calabria (see Index of vol. I and vol. II), and the Carrozzas are mentioned (II, 41) as relatives of the Galuppis. Caroz (II, 177) is obviously only an abbreviated form of the name of this family and was preserved in one branch of it. In Nobiliario della città di Messina pel Commendatore Giuseppe Galuppi (Napoli 1877) 58ff. a whole article is devoted to the Carrozza family. It states briefly that they originated in Spain. The first of them who came to Sicily were the two brothers Giovanni and Berlinghierio Carroz (sic), who fought and died for King Martin during the conquest of Sicily. Towards the end of the XVI century, and perhaps earlier than that, the Carrozza family flourished in Messina, where members of it obtained the highest civic and ecclesiastical positions. They may have spread from there to Calabria, and to this branch of the family the Cyriacus or Dominicus Carrozza of Rossano, whose signature appears in the Washington uncial fragment, seems to have belonged.Google Scholar

²⁰ I read Marsi (oxytonic words, including family names, are frequent in Calabria and Sicily and reveal Greek influence), but this name needs verification by some other documentary evidence. Ughelli's Italia Sacra does not include the abbots of S. Maria del Patir during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. A Continuazione all’ Italia Sacra dell’ Ughelli pei Vescovadi di Calabria, by Count Vito Capialbi, was published in the Archivio Storico della Calabria, vols. I-IV (Mileto-Catanzaro 1912ff.), but it does not include abbots of Calabrian monasteries either. Battffol in his book L'Abbaye de Rossano does not give a list of the abbots of the Patir, nor does G. Maraffiotti in his Croniche et Antichità di Calabria (Padua 1601). Minasi, G. C., Le Chiese di Calabria (Naples 1896), in his chapter on the archbishopric of Rossano (p. 263ff.) does not mention them. There is an old monograph on the history of the abbey of S. Maria del Patir which Batiffol mentions as very rare, and of which there seems not to be a copy in any of the largest libraries of the United States or England. This is the Cronistoria del Monistero, e Chiesa di S. Maria del Patire dell’ ordine di S. Basilio Magno, scritta dal P. Maestro D. Mariano Rende, abate del medesimo Monistero, Colle notizie d'alcune Antichità, Città, Vite di Santi, Miracoli, e Prodigj … In Napoli, Per Paolo Severini, 1717. I succeeded in locating a copy of this book in the Biblioteca Nazionale in Naples and had it microfilmed. An enlarged photostatic reproduction of the film is now available at the Harvard College Library. Unfortunately, the contents of this book correspond exactly to the description given in the title—that is to say, the book does not present a real history of the monastery and its rulers. But it must be possible to date the signatures in the Washington fragment by identifying the abbot Dom. Carolus Marsi and to verify the final letters of his name, the reading of which is still doubtful.Google Scholar

²¹ Apparently the abbot only tried out his pen on this page.Google Scholar

²² For the same man to spell his own name and that of his town in various ways is quite a common occurrence in graffiti such as these, just as it is in manuscript subscriptions, which are full of misspelled names.Google Scholar

²³ See supra , p. 84.Google Scholar

²⁴ Batiffol, , op. cit. 94.Google Scholar

²⁵ I give the text of the subscription as Batiffol gives it. He lists it among other subscriptions, op. cit. 162. See Rocchi's catalogue of the manuscripts of Grottaferrata, p. 359.Google Scholar

²⁶ See Gregory, C. R., Prolegomena (pars prior) to Tischendorf's ed. maior of the Novum Testamentum Graece III (ed. 8, Leipzig 1884) 435. Bianchini, , Evangeliarium Quadruplex (Rome 1749) I 2, dxxiv, who was the first to describe the codex, had placed it in the seventh century or at the beginning of the eighth at the latest.Google Scholar

²⁷ Cardinal Angelo Mai, in his Vetus et Novum Testamentum ex antiquissimo codice Vaticano V (Rome 1857) 465ff. printed the text of the Apocalypse as it is found in codex Vat. gr. 2066, because this book is not contained in Vat. gr. 1209, the famous codex B of the IV century, from which Mai took the rest of his text of the New Testament. In a footnote on p. 465, Mai attributed the codex Vat. gr. 2066 to the eighth century, though not with absolute certainty (‘saeculi circiter VIII’). For older biblical scholars who inspected or used codex Vat. gr. 2066, see Gregory, , loc. cit. Google Scholar

²⁸ Tischendorf, C., Monumenta sacra inedita (1846) 27, ascribed the manuscript to the late eighth century rather than to the seventh. Cf. the same author's Appendix N. T. Vaticani (1869) 3. See also Scrivener, F. H. A., Introduction to the Criticism of the N. T. (Cambridge 1883) 175f. Scrivener follows Tischendorf in dating the codex.Google Scholar

²⁹ Hatch, W. H. P., The Principal Uncial Manuscripts of the New Testament (Chicago 1939) plate LXX, has given a specimen page of the codex with a short description.Google Scholar

³⁰ Batiffol, , op. cit. 63. Even Prof. C. R. Gregory later dated the codex Vat. gr. 2066 in the tenth century ( Textkritik des Neuen Testaments I, 120). Cf. note 26.Google Scholar

³¹ This catalogue forms a part of the general catalogue of all extant manuscripts of Gregory of Nyssa which was compiled by Dr. Paul Slatolawek in Berlin three decades ago. The complete catalogue is now in the Harvard Institute for Classical Studies.Google Scholar

³² Accents and breathings are added prima manu in Vat. gr. 2066. There are uncial manuscripts in which they have been added by a later hand; this group is of course of earlier origin than our codex.Google Scholar

³³ See the excellent facsimiles of these manuscripts in Henri Omont's Facsimilés des plus anciens manuscrits grecs en oncial et en minuscule de la Bibliothèque Nationale (Paris 1892), plates IX (Ptolemy), X (John of Damascus), XIV (Dionysius the Areopagite). See our Plates VIII–X.Google Scholar

³⁴ For Omont's identification of Paris. gr. 437 with the codex of Louis the Pious, see also infra, note 64.Google Scholar

³⁵ Apparently the codex Parisinus of Dionysius the Areopagite originated during the renaissance of classical and patristic literature in Constantinople in the early ninth century. There was also a revival of mystical theology and of the study of the Areopagitic writings, as I have shown in my article ‘Der neugefundene Kommentar zum Johannes-Evangelium und Dionysios Areopagites,’ Sitz. Ber. Berl. Akad. 1930, p. 580ff. Google Scholar

³⁶ I am indebted to my assistant Mr. James E. Walsh of Harvard University for excerpting catalogues of manuscripts for this purpose.Google Scholar

³⁷ The Harvard Institute for Classical Studies owes these photostats to the kind assistance of the United States Embassy in Madrid, in particular that of Mr. John Van Horne. For this service to scholarship I wish to express my sincere gratitude.Google Scholar

³⁸ See Plate XI.Google Scholar

³⁹ Both forms of the ξ are used interchangeably in both manuscripts; it is impossible to use them as a criterion to distinguish different hands.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ See the good facsimile of codex Paris. gr. 510 in Henri Omont's work quoted in note 33, plates XI–XII. I shall return to the problem of the origin and date of this manuscript later. See p. 95.Google Scholar

⁴¹ I have already stated (note 30) that Prof. Gregory later changed his opinion and dated Vat. gr. 2066 in the tenth century.Google Scholar

⁴² See supra, at n. 40.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ On the famous illuminated codex of Gregory Nazianzen see Bordier, Henri, Description des peintures et autres ornements contenues dans les manuscrits grecs de la Bibliothèque Nationale (Paris 1883) 64ff.; Omont, , op. cit. 8; Leclercq, H., ‘Grégoire de Nazianze,’ DACL 6, 1667ff.; Weitzmann, K., Byzantion 16 (1942/3) 87ff.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ On the date of the foundation of the monastery of S. Maria Hodigitria (as it was originally called) or S. Maria del Patir, in Rossano, see Batiffol, , op. cit. 2ff. Batiffol's treatment of the earliest historical documents regarding the monastery is incomplete and not free from error. See the additions and corrections of Holtzmann, W., ‘Die ältesten Urkunden des Klosters S. Maria del Patir,’ Byzant. Zeitschrift 26 (1926) 328–351.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴⁶ See Bolland, . Acta Sanctorum Septembris VIII, 821 from cod. Messanensis 29, fol. 219ff.; Batiffol, , op. cit. 38.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ See ASS Sept. VIII, 825, cod. Messan. 29, fol. 221; cf. Lake, K., op. cit. (n. 7 supra) 5, 190f. Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Batiffol, , op. cit. 103.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Ibid . 79ff. Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Ibid. 86ff. See his criteria for the independent character of this Greco-Lombardic school, p. 90–91, and the polemic against V. Gardthausen, who denied the possibility of distinguishing local types of calligraphy in the Greek manuscript tradition, p. 85ff. Lake, , op. cit. 4, 521ff., esp. 523f., while accepting in general Batiffol's results, is inclined to discard any Lombardic influence on these provincial scriptoria and to ascribe their origin and peculiarities rather to a calligraphic tradition founded by St. Nilus of Rossano in the mid-tenth century.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ A list of subscriptions of manuscripts of South Italian provenance is to be found in Batiffol, , op. cit. p. 151–167.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Batiffol, , op. cit. p. 103ff.Google Scholar

⁵² See the facsimile of Paris. gr. 510 in Omont, H., op. cit. plates XI–XII, our Plate XII.Google Scholar

⁵³ See supra , p. 94.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ There is a photostatic reproduction of the entire manuscript Escor. gr. Φ.ΙΙΙ.20 in the Harvard Institute for Classical Studies.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ On Antonius Eparchus see Graux, Ch., Essai sur les origines du fonds grec de l'Escurial (Paris 1880) 110ff. Graux quotes the older literature.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ See the letter of Guzman de Silva to King Philip II in Graux, , op. cit. 114–15.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ A copy of this list, made by the late Theodore Gomperz from the Vienna manuscript in which it is preserved, is printed in Graux, , op. cit. 413–17.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Graux, , op. cit. 114, conjectures that the collection of manuscripts which Eparchus offered to the emperor in Vienna (see note 57) was later sold to the library of Augsburg, which indeed had a wonderful collection of Greek manuscripts. But the evidence on which this conjecture is based is rather weak. Schweighäuser mentions in his edition of Polybius (I, xxxvii) that a number of codices Augustani stemmed from a collection bought from Antonius Eparchus in 1545 and suggests that the codex Augustanus of Polybius which he used for his edition belonged to this group of manuscripts. But though the fact as such cannot be doubted that many of the Augsburg manuscripts now in the library at Munich came from this source, this does not prove their identity with the list of manuscripts which Eparchus offered for sale to the emperor in Vienna.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ The document is in all probability the original. Graux, , op. cit. 413, seems to doubt this, but it must be remembered that Eparchus kept offering manuscripts for sale to various princes, cities, and libraries, and therefore would probably not himself copy the lists every time with his own hand. The Vienna list is the product of an uneducated Greek who seems to have copied it for Eparchus in Venice.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ See Miller, E., Catalogue des manuscrits grecs de la bibliothèque de l'Escurial (Paris 1848) 375.Google Scholar

⁶¹ On Eparchus’ various trips to Greece and the Levant see Graux, , op. cit. 112ff. Google Scholar

⁶² See supra , p. 92.Google Scholar

⁶³ See my article quoted in note 35.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Omont, H., Revue des etudes grecques 17 (1904) 230ff., where he also establishes the date of the embassy which brought the manuscript to France.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Omont, H., Fascimilés des plus anciens manuscrits grecs , plate X, gives a good example of this script (Paris. gr. 923, fol. 206v). See our Plate IX.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ The abridged Relation of the Abbé Sevin to the Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-lettres in 1730 was incorporated by Léopold Delisle in his account of the ‘Mission de Sevin et de Fourmont (1727–1730),’ Le cabinet des manuscrits de la bibliothèque imperiale (Paris 1868) 380ff. Google Scholar

⁶⁷ See Delisle, , op. cit. 382.Google Scholar