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The Epistle of James in ‘Inferno’ 26

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  29 July 2016

Alison Cornish*
Affiliation:
Stanford University

Extract

The fundamental interpretative difficulty in cantos 26 and 27 of the Inferno, especially in recent years, has been to reconcile the diverse crimes of two characters as unlike each other as Ulysses and Guido da Montefeltro, by identifying one sin that would account for their common collocation in the eighth degree of the circle of fraud. Guido da Montefeltro, a relatively pedestrian brand of con artist and a near contemporary of Dante's, is dwarfed by his juxtaposition with the great hero of antiquity, Ulysses, whose epic adventure beyond the known world tends to trivialize any of his particular fraudulent acts enumerated by Dante's guide Virgil (Inf. 26.58–63). Classification is no idle issue, especially for a figure who, apart from his ancient notoriety, has enormous appeal for our own age, an attractiveness he acquired by the grace of the same literary creator who condemned him to hell. Dante's Ulysses, epitome of the most ambitious of secular aspirations — a believer, we might say, in the promise of science and technology, pioneer of research and exploration, and figurehead of enlightened humanism — burns in a tongue of flame as does Guido, a wily military strategist, little more than a common crook. Even if we can organize the various crimes of Ulysses and Guido under one heading of sin, the inescapable focus of both cantos is not on each character's lifetime of trickery but on the moment of his death, where the magnanimity of Ulysses and the pusillanimity of Guido appear most opposed. One of the harshest ironies of the Inferno is that such a gaping discrepancy in chronology, grandeur, historical importance, and apparent moral fiber can be cancelled out completely by a single form of torment. Such a stratification means, in other words, that from the divine perspective Ulysses and Guido are without differentiation.

Type
Miscellany
Copyright
Copyright © Fordham University Press 

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References

1 Hatcher, Anna (‘Dante's Ulysses and Guido da Montefeltro,’ Dante Studies 88 (1970) 109–17) effectively demonstrated the inadequacy of the label ‘fraudulent counsel’ to the sin punished in the eighth bolgia. Representative efforts at redefinition have been made by Truscott, James, ‘Ulysses and Guido,’ Dante Studies 91 (1973) 47–72; Kay, Richard, ‘Two Pairs of Tricks: Ulysses and Guido in Dante's Inferno XXVI–XXVII,’ Quaderni d'Italianistica 1.2 (1980) 103–24; and Ahern, John, ‘Dante's Slyness: The Unnamed Sin in the Eighth Bolgia,’ Romanic Review (1982) 275–91.Google Scholar

2 Petri Allegherii super Dantis ipsius genitoris Comoediam commentarium ed. Vincenzo Nannucci (Florence 1845) 231. Recently a number of critics have re-invoked James 3.6 for its resemblance to the tongues of flame in Dante's eighth bolgia; e.g., Truscott, , op. cit., and Ferrante, Joan, ‘The Relation of Speech to Sin in the Inferno,’ Dante Studies 87 (1969) 41. Corti, Maria, Dante a un nuovo crocevia (Florence 1981) 93–94, and John Scott, A., ‘Inferno XXVI: Dante's Ulysses,’ Lettere Italiane 23.2 (1971) 145–86, call attention to the nautical imagery preceding the image of the tongue as fire. Scott, rightly I think, makes further claims for other passages in the Epistle that show affinity with Dante's canto of Ulysses, such as James 4.9, ‘risus vester in luctum convertatur et gaudium in moerorem,’ reminiscent of Ulysses’ ‘Noi ci allegrammo, et tosto tornò in pianto’ (Inf. 26.136).Google Scholar

3 See Corti, Maria, La felicità mentale (Turin 1983) and her Dante a un nuovo crocevia (Florence 1981), especially chapter 3, ‘Aristotelismo radicale’ 77–101.Google Scholar

4 As narrated in the Confessiones and allegorized in the introduction to the De beata vita. Google Scholar

5 Courcelle, Pierre, Recherches sur les ‘Confessions’ de Saint Augustin (Paris 1950) 111–12.Google Scholar

6 Freccero, John, ‘The Wings of Ulysses,’ contained in ‘Dante's Prologue Scene,’ Dante Studies 84 (1966) 125; reprinted in Freccero, , The Poetics of Conversion (Cambridge, Mass. 1986) 15–24. See also David Thompson, Dante's Epic Journeys (Baltimore 1974).Google Scholar

7 Apart from the extraordinary claims made in Paradiso 25, James is quoted twice in the Convivio, both times in the fourth book. (All Convivio quotations are from Dante Alighieri, Il Convivio, ed. Simonelli, Maria [Bologna 1966].) In Chapter 2, Dante directly translates James 5.7, the paragon of the patient farmer, ‘Onde dice santo Iacopo apostolo ne la sua Pistola: “Ecco lo agricola aspetta lo prezioso frutto de la terra, pazientemente sostenendo infino che riceva lo temporaneo e lo serotino,”’ as an exemplum for restraint in speech. In chapter 20, he quotes James 1.17, ‘Ogni ottimo dato e ogni dono perfetto di suso viene, discendendo dal Padre de’ lumi,’ an important passage for Christian neoplatonism, as noted later in this essay.Google Scholar

8 Scorned by Luther as the ‘Epistle of Straw,’ James has had a checkered history. Appearing fairly late in the works of the early fathers, its canonicity was still in question in Jerome's time, although he did finally include it in the Vulgate. Its very fluent Greek and use of Greek imagery have argued for a later date of composition, making its traditional attribution to James, brother of the Lord and bishop of Jerusalem, impossible. The conspicuous absence of explicitly Christian sentiment or teaching has incurred suspicion that it might not be a Christian artifact at all, but a product of later Judaism. It moreover seems to contradict the letters of Paul, especially in its emphasis on works over faith (which Luther found particularly objectionable). Its affinities to Greek literary tradition, as well as to Jewish wisdom literature, have been amply traced. See Mayor, Joseph, The Epistle of James (London 1892); Hardy Ropes, James, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Epistle of St. James (International Critical Commentary; Edinburgh 1916); Dibelius, Martin, A Commentary on the Epistle of James, rev. Heinrich Greeven, trans. Williams, Michael A. (Philadelphia 1976). An extensive bibliography on James can be found in Davids, Peter H., The Epistle of James: A Commentary on the Greek Text (Grand Rapids, Mich. 1982).Google Scholar

9 All quotations from the Commedia are from The Divine Comedy, Translated with a Commentary, by Singleton, Charles S. (Bollingen Series 80; Princeton 1970–75).Google Scholar

10 This point is made by Freccero, , op.cit. 16–17.Google Scholar

11 Super Epistolas Catholicas expositio (PL 93.26c).Google Scholar

12 Dibelius, , op. cit. 2.Google Scholar

13 Dibelius, 3. Ropes, op. cit. 10–24, prefers to use the term ‘diatribe,’ a Hellenistic literary form taken over by Greek-speaking Jews.Google Scholar

14 Ropes, , for example, cites the ‘rudder, the bridle, the forest fire, in 3:3–6’ as especially reminiscent of Greek literature (p. 13), but compares the image of tongue instead to Ecclesiasticus 19.6–12; 20.5–8, 18–20; 22.27; 28.13–26; and 35[32].7–9 (p. 19).Google Scholar

15 Dibelius, 182–95.Google Scholar

16 Dibelius, 4–5.Google Scholar

17 See Häring, Nikolaus M., ‘Two Theological Poems Probably Composed by Alan of Lille,’ in Analecta Cisterciensia 32 (1976) 238–50. The first stanza begins:Google Scholar

Omne datum optimum

et donum perfectum

apud patrem luminum

nil est imperfectum

nulla transmutatio

nec vicis obumbratio….

18 Philo, , Legum allegoria 3.223ff., trans. Colson, F. H. and Whitaker, G. H. (Cambridge, Mass. 1929) 453, quoted by Dibelius 188.Google Scholar

19 Cf. note 14 supra. Google Scholar

20 See Mazzotta, Giuseppe, ‘Poetics of History,’ Diacritics (1975) 3744, an argument he reproduces in Dante, Poet of the Desert, ‘Rhetoric and History’ (Princeton 1979) 66–106.Google Scholar

21 Chapter 3 begins: ‘Nolite plures magistri fieri fratres mei….’ In Chapter 2, James advises: 'scitis fratres mei dilecti, sit autem omnis homo velox ad audiendum, tardus autem ad loquendum et tardus ad iram [James 2.19].’Google Scholar

22 A recent exposition of the problem, which I offer as representative of this sustained critical impasse, can be found in Marco Adinolfi, ‘I personaggi neotestamentari nella “Commedia,”’ in Dante e la Bibbia, ed. Giovanni Barblan (Florence 1988): ‘Erroneamente Dante ritiene scritta dal fratello di Giovanni la lettera di Giacomo, che è dovuta all'omonimo “fratello del Signore” (Mt 13,55) o al figlio di Alfeo (Mt. 10,3).’ … ‘Nella stessa confusione cade il poeta quando riconosce che, assieme al Salterio di Davide, anche Giacomo gli ha inculcato la speranza con la sua “pistola” (Par. 25,76–77).’Google Scholar

23 The medieval attribution of the Catholic Epistle to James the Greater, or James of Zebedee, was primarily a Spanish tendency, reinforced by writers such as Isidore of Seville, to honor a national saint, the patron of the pilgrimage route to Santiago de Campostela. It is true that Brunetto Latini in his Tresor also confuses the Jameses, but this, too, is probably in the spirit of popular legend (Li Livres dou Tresor de Brunetto Latini, ed. Carmody, Francis J. [Berkeley 1948] 62). James of Zebedee, who died quite early in the Christian era, had been excluded as a possible author of the Epistle from the time it first began to be accepted into the canon. In his De viris illustribus (PL 23.609), Jerome identifies James, brother of the Lord and bishop of Jerusalem, as the author of the Epistle — an attribution which endured for centuries thereafter.Google Scholar

24 See, for example, ‘Hope’ in Sacramentum Mundi: An Encyclopedia of Theology (New York 1969) 6165; and ‘Speranza’ in Dizionario patristico e di antichità cristiane, ed. Angelo Di Berardino (Rome 1984).Google Scholar

25 Although Truscott, op. cit., quotes this double definition of presumption from the Summa, he oddly downplays its stark equation of Ulysses and Guido, and insists instead on ‘ambiguities and complexities rather than specificity and simplicity’ (50).Google Scholar

26 Opera omnia (Rome 1882ff.) VIII 158 and 156 respectively.Google Scholar

27 Aquinas, Thomas, In decern libros Ethicorum Aristotelis ad Nicomachum expositio, ed. Spiazzi, Raimondo M. (3d ed., [Turin] 1964) 216–17.Google Scholar

28 Ed. cit. X 71 and 73.Google Scholar

29 Corti, , Felicità mentale 44–53.Google Scholar

30 ‘… tre orribili infermitadi ne la mente de li uomini ho vedute. L'una è di naturale iattanza causata; ché sono molti tanto presuntuosi, che si credono tutto sapere, e per questo le non certe cose affermano per certe; lo qual vizio Tullio massimamente abomina nel primo de li Offici e Tommaso nel suo Contra-li-Gentili dicendo: “Sono molti tanto di suo ingegno presuntuosi, che credono col suo intelletto poter misurare tutte le cose, estimando tutto vero quello che a loro pare, falso quello che a loro non pare.” E quinci nasce che mai a dottrina non vegnono; credendo da sé sufficientemente essere dottrinati, mai non domandano, mai non ascoltano, disiano essere domandati e, anzi la domandagione compiuta, male rispondono. E per costoro dice Salomone ne li Proverbi: “Vedesti l'uomo ratto a rispondere? di lui stoltezza più che correzione, è da sperare” [Convivio 4.215]’ (p. 176).Google Scholar

31 Ahern, , ‘Dante's Slyness’ has made a persuasive case for astutia. Google Scholar

32 See Bonaventure's, discussion of the fruits of the Virgin's womb in Sermones de B.V.M. 3.3, Opera omnia (Quaracchi 1882–1902) IX 670, on the fructus spei: ‘“Debet in spe qui arat arare; et qui triturat, in spe fructus percipiendi” [Cor 9.10]. Ista autem spes non permittit hominem fatigari, secundum illud Iacobi ultimo: “Ecce, agricola …” [James 5.7].’Google Scholar

33 Bede, , Sup. Epist. Cath. (PL 93.37D) interprets the early and late rains in this way: ‘Accipietis etenim vos temporalem fructum, vitam videlicet animae post mortem. Accipietis et serotinum, carnis incorruptionem in judicio.’ Hugh of Cher, St., Opera omnia in universum Vetus et Novum Testamentum (Lyon 1669) VII fol. 321v, comments: ‘temporaneum et serotinum sunt gratia praeueniens et gratia subsequens; vel gratia in praesenti; et gloria in futuro; vel stola animae, et stola corporis’ (italics mine).Google Scholar

34 See especially Dante's discussion of the Milky Way in Convivio 2.14 (pp. 63–64): ‘… la Galassia, cioè quello bianco cerchio che lo vulgo chiama la Via di Sa’ Iacopo …’ and ‘… li Pittagorici dissero che ‘I Sole alcuna fiata errò ne la sua via e, passando per altre parti non convenienti al suo fervore, arse lo luogo per lo quale passò, e rimasevi quella apparenze de l'arsura: e credo che si mossero da la favola di Fetonte, la quale narra Ovidio nel principio di Metamorfoseos.’Google Scholar