¹ Foster, Kenelm, O.P., God's Tree: Essays on Dante and Other Matters (London 1957) 33 — in an essay which itself invites anything but raillery.Google Scholar

² Purg. 33.43 and Inf. 1.101, respectively. Though an adequate review of the scholarship on them is manifestly impossible here, I add what I take to be the key references, lumping the two cruxes together for the sake of convenience: Sizeable excerpts from commentators of the fourteenth through the nineteenth centuries are assembled by Biagi, G. et al., La Divina Commedia nella figurazione artistica e nel secolare commento (Turin 1924–39) ‘Inferno’ 38–44, ‘Purgatorio’ 719–26. A selected bibliography of nineteenth-century scholarship is presented by Kraus, F. X., Dante: Sein Leben und sein Werk … (Berlin 1897) 469 n. 1; and a fuller one by Scartazzini, G. A., Enciclopedia dantesca (Milan 1899) 2.2096–8. Opinion through the second decade of the twentieth century is surveyed conveniently and critically by Alexandre Masseron, Les énigmes de la Divine Comédie (Paris 1921) 253 A valuable appendix of interpretations is compiled by Vittorio Cian, Oltre l'enigma dantesco del Veltro (2nd ed. Turin, 1945) 85–117. A brief selection of important titles appears in Umberto Cosmo, A Handbook to Dante Studies, transl. David Moore (Oxford 1950) 158; a notable omission from it is Matrod, H., ‘Le Veltro de Dante et son DXV: Khan et Can,’ Études Franciscaines 31 (1914) 61–81. More recent studies of importance are Leonardo Olschki, The Myth of Felt (Berkeley 1949), and Dante ‘Poeta Veltro’ (Florence 1953); Leone Tondelli, Il Libro delle Figure dell’ Abate Gioachino da Fiore (2nd ed. Turin, 1953) I 350–75; and Erich von Richthofen, Veltro und Diana: Dantes mittelalterliche und antike Gleichnisse (Tübingen 1956) 7–23 et passim. An important earlier contribution that seems to me unduly neglected is that of Enrico Proto, L'Apocalissi nella Divina Commedia (Naples 1905), with which my own interpretation of Purg. 32–3 will be seen to coincide at some points.Google Scholar

³ Citations and quotations from Dante throughout are from Le opere di Dante: testo critico della Società Dantesca Italiana, ed. Barbi, M. et al. (2nd ed. Florence, 1960).Google Scholar

⁴ The sacramentary, by contrast with the missal, contained only those parts of the Mass that were recited by the celebrant, but included also the prayers used by the bishop or priest at other services; see Leclercq, H., art. ‘Sacramentantes,’ DAGL 15.242ff.Google Scholar

⁵ For the development of this monogram, see Ebner, Adalbert, Quellen und Forschungen zur Geschichte und Kunstgeschichte des Missale Romanum im Mittelalter: Iter Italicum (Freiburg i.B. 1896) 432–43. My accompanying illustrations — all of which are reproduced with the kind permission of their respective libraries and/or previous publishers — are documented in the present footnote; further representative examples of the monogram and the Maiestas Domini, published and unpublished, are listed in an appendix (pp. 252–54 below) and are designated throughout by the capital letters preceding them there. Unpublished examples, here and in the appendix, are followed in parentheses by references to their descriptions in Ebner, op. cit., or in Hugo Ehrensberger, Libri liturgici Bibliothecae Apostolicae Vaticanae manu scripti (Freiburg i.B. 1897). Throughout, unless otherwise stated, my conclusions rest primarily on examples of the monogram originating in northern or central Italy during the twelfth, thirteenth, and early fourteenth centuries; other examples are used when they provide unusually clear or interesting parallel illustration.Google Scholar

Fig. 1: Missale plenum, diocese of Aquileia, 14th c.; Udine, Bibl. Arcivescovile, MS Fol. 17, fol. 1^v (Ebner 269).

Fig. 2: Sacramentary, Rome, 12th c.; Bibl. Vaticana, MS Arch. S. Pietro F. 14, fol. 2^r (Ebner 188).

Fig. 3: Sacramentary, central Italy, 12th c.; Rome, Bibl. Vallicellana, MS F. 4, fol. 111^r (Ebner 205).

Fig. 4: Missale plenum, Florence, 10th c.; Florence, Bibl. Laurenziana, MS Aedil. 111, fol. 9^r (Ebner 28–9). Inset: Capital X from an Italian lectionary, 12th c.; from Émile A. Van Moé, La lettre ornée dans les manuscrits du VIII^e au XII^e siècle (Paris 1943) pl. 75 top (Paris, B.N. lat. 794, fol. 58^v).

Fig. 5: Missale plenum, Bobbio, 10th-11th c.; Milan, Bibl. Ambrosiana, MS D. 84, fol. 23^v (Ebner 83).

Fig. 6: Sacramentary, Marmoutier, 9th c.; from W. Köhler, Die Schule von Tours (Die karolingischen Miniaturen im Auftrage des deutschen Vereins für Kunstwissenschaft 1; Berlin 1930) pl. 68-a (Autun, Bibl. Municipale, MS 19 bis, fol. 142^r).

Fig. 7: Sacramentary, northeastern Italy, 12th c.; Milan, Bibl. Ambr., MS H. 255, fol. 126^r (Ebner 86).

Fig. 8: Sacramentary, Rome, beginning of 14th c.; Bibl. Vat., MS Ottobon. lat. 356, fol. 111^r (Ebner 235).

Fig. 9: Missale plenum, Lucca, 12th c.; Lucca, Bibl. Capitolare Feliniana, MS 595, fol. 91^r (Ebner 64).

Fig. 10: Missal, Montecassino, 12th c.; Vat. lat. 6082, fol. 144^v (Ehrensberger 450; MS listed erroneously as 6062).

Fig. 11: Sacramentary, Echternach (Luxemburg), 9th c.; from G. L. Micheli, L'enluminure du haut moyen âge et les influences irlandaises (Brussels 1939) pl. 242 (B.N. lat. 9433, fol. 21^r), also in Carl Nordenfalk, ‘Ein karolingisches Sakramentar aus Echternach und seine Vorläufer,’ Acta Archaeologica 2 (1931) pl. 12b.

Fig. 12: Missal, Prémontré (northern France), 12th c.; from Ph. Lauer, Les enluminures romanes des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Nationale (Paris 1927) pl. 42 (B. N. lat. 833, fol. 102^v).

Fig. 13: Missale plenum, Cajazzo (southern Italy), 12th c.; Bibl. Vat., MS Barberini lat. 603, fol. 63^r (Ebner 150).

Fig. 14: Sacramentary, Rome, 12th-13th c.; Bibl. Vat., MS Arch. S. Pietro F. 18, fol. 66^r (Ebner 193).

Fig. 15: Sacramentary, Tuscany, 12th c.; from Italian Manuscripts in the Pierpont Morgan Library (New York 1953) pl. 13 (MS 737, fol. 85^v).

Fig. 16: Missal, vicinity of Ravenna, 13th c.; Ravenna, Bibl. Classense, MS Scans. 131 Ord. 4 Lett. D, fol. 48^r (Ebner 133).

Fig. 17: Missal, Tuscany, 12th c.; Florence, Bibl. Laur., MS Gadd. 44, fol. 114^v (Ebner 36).

⁶ Beleth, Rationale divinorum officiorum 44 (PL 202.53); Sicard, Mitrale 3.6 (PL 213.122). Both are quoted by Ebner, op. cit. 433.Google Scholar

⁷ Rationale divinorum officiorum 4.33, ‘De prefatione’ (Lyon 1540, fol. 52^v).Google Scholar

⁸ Mammotrectus super Bibliam 2.13, ‘De canone’ (Venice 1486): ‘Nota autem cum dicitur “vere dignum et iustum est,” quod propter duas substantias in Christo significandas scribitur littera V, que ex vna parte aperitur et ex altera sequenti connectitur siue coniungitur; quo designatur Christi humanitas, que a parte matris inchoatur et diuinitati copulatur. Nam per litteram D, quo circuloso orbe vndique clauditur, designatur diuinitas Christi, que nec initio aperitur nec fine clauditur vel terminatur. Apex autem quo littere in modum crucis coniunguntur est sacra crux, per quam humana diuinis sociantur.’ On the Mammotrectus, see particularly Berger, Samuel, De glossariis et compendiis exegeticis quibusdam Medii Ævi … dissertatio critica (Paris 1879) 31–56.Google Scholar

⁹ Reproduced by Swarzenski, Georg, Salzburger Malerei tab. 112, fig. 382 (appendix below, RR); see also Textband 106, 162. ‘Oscula missa’ is a reference to the Debate of the Daughters of God and its outcome (Ps. 84.11), pictured within the right and left borders of the monogram.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Note the examples included in Fig. 1: in line 4, ‘xpm’; in line 10, ‘destruxit’; and in line 18, ‘dexteram.’ See also the specimens from thirteenth-century northern Italian MSS reproduced by Hermann Delitsch, Geschichte der abendländischen Schreibschriftformen (Leipzig 1928) 129, Abb. 38 b-c. A still closer correspondence might be found between the central part of the monogram and the form of X distinguished by a short horizontal stroke through its point of juncture, which was in existence well before Dante's time. Professor Ullman, B. L. of the University of North Carolina assures me, however, that Dante could not possibly have used such an X himself, and that there is no a priori reason for supposing that he was familiar with it.Google Scholar

¹¹ See also appendix, examples N; V; HH p. 275; LL tab. 33-b; MM pl. 29; NN; PP tab. 47–1; RR tab. 20, fig. 65 and tab. 112, fig. 382; SS; and TT pl. 2, 164.Google Scholar

¹² In Fig. 4, note the pronounced similarity between the decorative foliage of the large , and the capital X in the inset. See also examples A; DD pl. 140-A; JJ; MM pl. 37–1; and PP tab. 81–2, 82–1 & 2, and 93–1.Google Scholar

¹³ See also examples E; F; H; P; AA; DD (all); HH pp. 197, 233, 435, 439, and perhaps 442; NN; PP tab. 92–2; LL tab. 14-b; MM pl. 29; and ZZ.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Note also the tiny central x formed by the cross which the Lamb carries in Fig. 12; and the similar detail in example YY.Google Scholar

¹⁵ See also examples H, HH p. 435, and NN; and in AA, the designs within the right and left edges of the monogram.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Ed. Lindsay, W. M. (Oxford 1911) 1.3.11; repeated in a De computo dialogus among the spuria of Bede, PL 90.652. See also John, Peter Olivi on Apoc. 20.3–4, MS. Florence, Bibl. Laur. Conv. Soppr. 397, fol. 212^v (old 210^v), quoted here and throughout with the kind permission of the Biblioteca Laurenziana: ‘… in fine huius centenarii, carnalis ecclesia seu Babilon expiravit, ut in sequenti centenario designato per x litteram, que habet formain crucis et fuit per Cesarem Augustum circa Christi adventum inventa, renovetur et exaltetur crux Christi.’ A capital X carrying a distinct visual suggestion of the Cross (from a twelfth-century homilary, possibly Spanish) is reproduced by Van Moé, Lettre ornée (cit. supra n. 5) pl. 75 middle.Google Scholar

¹⁷ See also examples AA; BB; EE; FF; HH p. 439; JJ; MM pl. 37–1 (where the picture of Christ may also carry the suggestion of an X); VV; WW; and ZZ. Note the corresponding appearance of Christ as the Apocalyptic Lamb, Fig. 12 and examples X, Y, Z, KK, II, UU, and YY; so far as I know, however, the Lamb is found in no Italian examples.Google Scholar

¹⁸ See examples C, K, O, Q, S, U, W, HH p. 165, and 00. In connection with the remarks below about Figs. 16 and 17, note also example WW, from a Mantuan missal.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Durandus, supra. Sicard, loc. cit. (supra n. 6), ‘… apex crucis in medio est Christi passio.’Google Scholar

²⁰ The three-way association of the letter X, the Cross, and the name of Christ is exemplified in Isid. Etym. 1.4.14.Google Scholar

²¹ Another possibility is discussed near the beginning of Part II, below.Google Scholar

²² See for example Hugh of Newcastle, Tractaius de vic toria Christi contra Antichristum 2.22 (Nuremberg 1471), written in the early fourteenth century; Ernst Wadstein, Die eschatologische Ideengruppe: Antichrist, Weltsabbat, Weltende und Weltgericht (Leipzig 1896) 37–8; and Bousset, W., The Antichrist Legend, trans. Keane, A. H. (London 1896) 233–6.Google Scholar

²³ Durandus, supra (at n. 7).Google Scholar

²⁴ Helinand, Sermo 1 (PL 212.482–3): ‘Primus tamen duorum istorum [adventuum] dicitur occultus, propter humilitatis mansuetudinem, in qua divinitas incarnata latuit; alter vero manifestus, propter ejusdem carnis judiciariam potestatem, quam Filius hominis visibiliter exercebit. De occultatione primi adventus habes: “Et homo est et quis cognoscet eum?” id est quis cognoscet in homine Deum? De manifestatione postremi scriptum est: “Deus manifeste venit; Deus noster, et non silebit” [Ps. 49.3].’ See also Hugh of Newcastle, op. cit. 2.27.Google Scholar

²⁵ Hugh of St. Cher, Opera omnia in universum Vetus et Novum Testamentum (Venice 1732) 1 fol. 9^r; and for a valuable compend of such traditions, Augustin Calmet, ‘De gigantibus,’ in J.-P. Migne's Scripturae Sacrae cursus completus (Paris 1837–1845) 7.763–92.Google Scholar

²⁶ See my articles ‘Gigas the Giant in Piers Plowman,’ Journal of English and Germanic Philology 56 (1957) 177–85, and ‘The Speech of “Book” in Piers Plowman,’ Anglia 77 (1959) 122–3, 130; and Kantorowicz, E. H., The King's Two Bodies (Princeton 1957) 50–1 n. 19.Google Scholar

²⁷ Ed. Borgnet, A., B. Alberti Magni … opera omnia 38 (Paris 1899) 675–6 (closely dependent on Haimo and Hugh of St. Cher). See also Irenaeus, , Contra haer. 5.30 (PG 7. 1206–7); Bede, Explanatio Apoc. 2.13 (PL 93.172); Beatus of Liebana, In Apocalipsin libri ducdiecim, ed. Sanders, H. A. (Papers and Monographs of the American Academy in Rome 7; 1930) 499–500 and pl. 3; Haimo, Expos. in Apoc. 4.13 (PL 117.1102–3); Glossa ordinaria, on Apoc. 13.18 (PL 114.734); Rupert of Deutz, Comment. in Apoc. 8.13 (PL 169.1084), opposing the interpretation; Hugh of St. Cher, ed. cit. (n. 22) 7 fol. 405^r; two Expositiones traditionally attributed to Thomas Aquinas, ed. Frett, S. E.é, Doctoris angelici Thomae Aquinatis … opera omnia (Paris 1876) 31.635 and 32.309 (hereafter ps.-Aquinas I and II; I is possibly by Hugh of St. Cher); Olivi, MS Bibl. Laur. Conv. Soppr. 397 fol. 171^r-v (old 169^r-v); and a marginal notation in a short Joachistic ‘Exceptiones sunt de Apocalipsi’ of the thirteenth or fourteenth century, MS Vat. lat. 3822, fol. 34^r. The interpretation is surveyed briefly by Thomas Malvenda, O.P., in his monumental De Antichristo (Rome 1604) 434–5.Google Scholar

²⁸ William, Liber de Antichristo et ejus ministris 4.3, ed. Mart, E.ène and Durand, U., Veterum scriptorum … amplissima collectio (Paris 1733) 9.1413 (mistakenly ascribed to Nicolas Oresme); Quidort, Tractatus de Antichristo et eius temporibus, ed. with Expositio magni prophete Ioachim in librum Beati Cirilli … (Venice, Lazarus de Soardis 1516) fol. 46^r; Henry's quaestio, ed. Pelster, Franz, ‘Die Quaestio Heinrichs von Harclay über die zweite Ankunft Christi und die Erwartung des baldigen Weitendes zu Anfang des XIV. Jahrhunderts,’ Archivio italiano per la storia della pietà 1 (1951) 80. For a literary use of the figure quite similar to Dante's, see Spenser, 's Faerie Queene 1.7–8 as explained by Heninger, S. K., ‘The Orgoglio Episode in FQ,’ Journal of English Literary History 26 (1959) 171–87.Google Scholar

²⁹ For example, Primasius of Hadrumetum, Comment. in Apoc. 4.13 (PL 68.884); Ambrosius Autpertus, In Apoc. 6 (Maxima bibliotheca patrum [Lyon 1677] 13.552–3); Beatus, ed. cit. (supra n. 27) 497, 504; the discussion by Malvenda, op. cit. (supra n. 27) 355–6, 439–42; and the entries in the P(rinceton) I(ndex of) C(hristian) A(rt), ‘Antichrist.’Google Scholar

³⁰ Contra haer. 5.30 (PG 7.1203–4).Google Scholar

³¹ Expositio de Apocalypsi 11, ed. Morin, G., O.S.B., Sancti Caesarii episcopi Arelatensis opera omnia 2 (Maredsous 1942) 247 (ps.-Augustine, PL 35.2444; not included among the works of Caesarius in CCL 103–4). The first of the two readings ‘sexcenti sedecim’ is apparently obliterated in all surviving MSS through an early error; see Morin, , loc. cit. and ‘Le commentaire homilétique de S. Césaire sur l'Apocalypse,’ Rev. bénéd. 45 (1933) 59. The present distribution of MSS (Morin, ‘Commentaire’ 54–6) gives no evidence that the !cycle was current in Italy. For the relation of these homilies to the commentary of Tyconius, see Heinrich, Vogels, J., Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der lateinischen Apokalypse-Übersetzung (Düsseldorf 1920) 59–66, 182–90; for the reading 616 in Greek and Armenian texts, Hoskier, H. C., Concerning the Text of the Apocalypse (London 1929) II 364.Google Scholar

³² Hugh of St. Cher, ed. cit. 7 fol. 405^v; ps.-Albertus, ed. cit. 38.676; ps.-Aquinas I, ed. cit. 31.635; ps.-Aquinas II, ed. cit. 32.309–10; and John Quidort, ed. cit. fol. 46^r.Google Scholar

³³ Hugh of St. Cher, ed. cit. 7 fol. 405^v. A similar suggestion is found in a Sibylline oracle, which equates the name of Jesus with 888, the numerical total of the letters in Ἰησοῦς; see Malvenda, , op. cit. (supra n. 27) 436.Google Scholar

³⁴ A brief work in the thirteenth- or fourteenth-century MS Vat. lat. 922, fols. 153^v-155^r, for example, interprets the five letters as ‘Jocunditas merentium,’ ‘Eternitas viventium,’ ‘Suavitas dolentium,’ ‘Ubertas egentium,’ and ‘Sanitas languentium.’ An ingenious scheme expounded by Ambrosius Autpertus on Apoc. 13.18, ed. cit. (n. 29) 13.553, based on a comparison of the 1220 days of the Antichrist's persecution and the number 1225 as the numerical total of the letters in the name of Christ, makes 5 the numerical ‘difference’ between Christ and the Antichrist.Google Scholar

³⁵ Typical references are conveniently assembled by Proto, L'Apocalissi 181–8; and by Domenico Guerri, ‘Cinquecento diece e cinque’ 2, Giorn. dant. 15 (1907) 87. See also Bonge, Pietro, Numerorum mysteria (Bergamo 1591) 249–64.Google Scholar

³⁶ See the references in note 32 above. With regard to the number 5, Irenaeus, Contra haer. 2.24 (PG 7.794–5), in a generally skeptical account, notes that both Σωτήϱ and Πατήϱ contain five letters. Joachim of Flora, Psalterium decem chordarum 1, ed. with Expositio magni prophete Abbatis Joachim in Apocalipsim (Venice 1527) fols. 257^v-261^r, analyses and diagrams a fivefold relation among the persons of the Trinity. An Expositio canonis Missae once attributed to Peter Damian, PL 145.890, associates 5 with the infinite multiplicability of the Eucharist. Bonge, op. cit. 264: ‘Quinarii igitur illa est natura, ut cum Quinario congressus nihil imperfectum, aut alienum procreare possit, sed aut sese, aut denarium, id est, vel suae naturae, vel perfectum numerum.’Google Scholar

³⁷ See Toynbee, Paget, Dante Studies and Researches (London 1902) 62 and n. 2. Other representative examples are cited by Vandelli, G. and Busnelli, G., Convivio (Florence 1934) I 216, notes.Google Scholar

³⁸ See for example Holder, O.-Egger, ‘Italienische Prophetieen des 13. Jahrhunderts’ I Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde 15 (1890) 143–78; II, ibid 30 (1905) 323–86; III, ibid. 33 (1908) 97–187, particularly the numerical prophecies, 125–8’ the miscellaneous brief prophecies ed. with Expositio … Ioachim in librum Beati Cirilli … fols. 51^v-52^v; and the Romagnole prophecy ed. Mass, A. F.èra, Archivio storico italiano 72 (1914) 7–8, whose lines 41–3 contain the rhymes ‘feltro-veltro-peltro’ of Inf. 1.101–5. In both the DXV and Veltro prophecies, Dante is clearly employing— and, I take it, adapting — a familiar genre of his time whose conventional use seems to have been for political prophecy.Google Scholar

³⁹ The prophecies in the Commedia are conveniently indexed by Cian, op. cit. (supra n. 2) 119–32.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ For a judicious statement, see P. d'Entrèves, A., Dante as a Political Thinker (Oxford 1952) particularly pp. 59ff. The implications of Cacciaguida's words, ‘sì ch'a te fia bello/averti fatta parte per te stesso’ (Par. 17.68–9) should not be overlooked.Google Scholar

⁴¹ For a general survey, see Wadstein, , Eschatologische Ideengruppe 7–36; for a brief authoritative statement, Herbert Grundmann, ‘Dante und Joachim von Fiore: zu Paradiso X-XII,’ Deutsches Dante-Jahrbuch 14 (1932) 252–6. The astronomical controversy spurred by Arnold of Villanova is covered by Pelster and Hirsch-Reich, n. 90 infra; the learned and conservative Dominican John Quidort, for example, after a sifting of evidence that would do credit to most modern scholars, concludes, ed. cit. (supra n. 28) fol. 51^v: ‘… quamuis secundum has coniecturas credamus probabiliter sine omni assertione vel exhibitatione huius mundi cursum infra ducentos et sexaginta nouem annos ab anno presenti qui est 1300 ab incarnatione domini ad tardius terminari …’ Dante's own well known remark, Conv. 2.14.13, that ‘… noi siamo già ne l'ultima etade del secolo, e attendemo veracemente la consumazione del celestiale movimento,’ is usually interpreted as no more than a general observation that the world is in its sixth and final age — perhaps correctly. I find it difficult, however, to read veracemente hete as anything but an intensive (roughly equivalent to English ‘indeed’), implying that the idea of ‘finality’ is to be carried to a higher degree in the second part of the statement than it was in the first. If this is so, the part of the statement following veracemente must express a finality somehow more intense than the fact that we are in the sixth age, which has been clearly stated in the part preceding it; and in such circumstances, the words ‘attendemo … la consumazione del celestiale movimento’ would be meaningless if they did not refer to an event in some way conceived of as imminent.Google Scholar

⁴² Kantorowicz, King's Two Bodies 42–86; the quotation (46 n. 8) is from the ‘Norman Anonymous.’Google Scholar

⁴³ They are conveniently listed, along with a few others in Ep. 5–6, by Edward Moore, Studies in Dante: Third series (Oxford 1903) 261–2.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Singleton, Charles S., Commedia: Elements of Structure (Dante Studies 1; Cambridge, Mass. 1957) 45–60.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ By far the most illuminating eschatological work that I have consulted for the present study is William of St. Amour's De Antichristo (n. 28 supra), which could have furnished at least a satisfactory substitute for most of the eschatological quotations below. The question of Dante's direct knowledge of it deserves further study.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Singleton, ‘In exitu Israel de Aegypto,’ Annual Report of the Dante Society 77 (1958–59) 12.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ For a brief survey of the mulier, see Kamlah, Wilhelm, Apokalypse und Geschichtstheologie (Historische Studien 285; Berlin 1935) 130–1.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Though I would not press the suggestion, it seems just possible that Inf. 19.111, ‘fin che virtute al suo marito piacque’ (usually interpreted, in accord with the early commentators, as a reference to the pope as ‘spouse’ of the Church), may carry also an oblique reference to a quality in terms of its effect, with the approximate meaning ‘so long as virtue existed in her so as to please her Spouse, i.e., Christ.’ A reason for this cryptic allusion to a commonplace might be found in the general absence of direct references to Christ in the Inferno; its degree of plausibility, however, must depend on its relation to the total pattern of such imagery here and in Purg. 32–3.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Arbor vite crucifixe Iesu 5.8 (Venice 1485; reproduced Turin 1961) fol. 229^r and p. 461 respectively; references throughout will be to both issues.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ See Kamlah, , op. cit. 98. The point of such an innuendo would be sharpened by my suggested interpretation (p. 220 and n. 107 infra) of the dragon in Purg. 32.130–5 as signifying ‘falsi fratres.’Google Scholar

⁵¹ See Olivi, on Apoc. 17, ed. Tocco, Felice, Lectura Dantis: il canto XXXII del Purgatorio (Florence 1902) 40, 44; and the excellent discussion by Charles Till Davis, Dante and the Idea of Rome (Oxford 1957) 208–26 passim, with which my own interpretation agrees to a great extent.Google Scholar

⁵² MS Bibl. Laur. Conv. Soppr. 397, fols. 177^v-178^r (old. 175^v-176^r).Google Scholar

⁵³ Ed. Tocco, , op. cit. 39–40. In the eighth line, I have replaced Tocco's reading ‘paganissimi’ with ‘paganissmi,’ the actual reading of MS Bibl. Laur. Conv. Soppr. 397, fol. 192^v (old 190^v).Google Scholar

⁵⁴ William of St. Amour, De Ant. 1.11 col. 1314. Note also the related themes of the preachers of Antichrist, ibid. 3.5 cols. 1377–80, and Raoul of Flavigny, Super Leviticum Moysi 18.1 (Maxima bibliotheca patrum 17.219); and of the cessation of the Church's preaching in the time of Antichrist, William, op. cit. 3.9 col. 1390.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ See for example those of the early commentators, ed. Biagi (n. 2 supra), ‘Inf.’ pp. 486–8, ‘Purg.’ pp. 711–2, which seem generally compatible with my interpretation. A fresh clue might be found in Hugh of Newcastle's De victoria Christi (n. 22 supra) 2.27, which reports an eschatology professed by many ‘secundum religiosum quemdam nomine Columbinum qui multa de huiusmodi temporibus tractasse subtiliter dicitur,’ including the following: ‘Secundo dicunt propositum quod Deus natus de intemerata virgine, ecclesiam nouam quasi nouum mundum instituens, ornauit eam per septem sacramenta et disposuit eam per septem signacula, quibus correspondent septem tempora complentia totum tempus residuum illorum septem milium annorum a natiuitate Christi vsque ad finem mundi … ’Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Ed. cit. (n. 28 supra) fol. 45^v; Augustine, Civ. Dei 20.11 (ed. Hoffmann, E., CSEL 40; Vienna 1900) 2.456. This suggestion assumes, of course, that the error did not originate in the printery of Lazarus de Soardis in 1516.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Ed. cit. fol. 45^r; Augustine, ed. cit. 2.472. The popular letter of Adso, ed. Sackur, Ernst, Sibyllinische Texte und Forschungen (Halle 1898) 111, says: ‘… etiam in templo Dei sedebit Antichristus, id est in sancta ecclesia …’ See also Gerhoh of Reichersberg, De investigatione Antichristi, ed. Sackur, (MGH, Libelli de lite 3; Hanover 1897) 312–5; William of St. Amour, De Ant. 4.1 cols. 1407–8; commentaries on 2 Thess. 2.4, like Hugh of St. Cher, ed. cit. 7 fol. 205^v; and for further references, Malvenda, op. cit. (n. 27 supra) 356–8, and PL 220.272–3 (‘ Index de Antichristo’ 2.6). Among pictorial representations, see for example the fourteenth-century fresco, nave, front wall, in the Church of Maria in Porto Fuori, Ravenna (PICA); Delisle, L. and Meyer, P., L'Apocalypse en français au XIII^e siècle (Société des Anciens Textes Français; Paris 1900) app. pl. 2, 3, 7, 10; and British Museum Quarterly 6 (1931–2) pl. 26.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ 7.8, ed. cit. (of Albertus, ) 34.241. See also Hugh of Newcastle, op. cit. (n. 22 supra) 2.9: ‘… ille homo perditus … qui pinguetudine luxurie saciabitur …’; Arnold of Villanova in the Apocalypse, quoted by Heinrich Finke, Aus den Tagen Bonifaz VIII (Vorreformationsgeschichtliche Forschungen 2; Münster i. W. 1902) 210 n. 2; Hugh of St. Cher on Apoc. 13.7, ed. cit. 7 fol. 405^r-^v; and Malvenda, op. cit. 344–6.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ De Ant. 3.12, col. 1407. See also Hugh of Cher, St. on the significance of the whore in Apoc. 17.4, ed. cit. 7 fol. 413^v.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ An illustration accompanying Lambert's Liber floridus, MS Ghent, Bibl. de l'Université 192, fol. 62^v (PICA), shows the Antichrist seated on a beast, clearly paralleling the usual portrayal of the whore; an illustration in MS Pierpont Morgan Library 429, fol. 124^v (PICA), shows the whore seated on a throne resembling that of the Antichrist. The ‘sitting’ image seems generally supported also by Ps. 10(1).8: ‘Sedet in insidiis cum divitibus in occultis, ut interficiat innocentem’; see Augustine, , Enarr. in Ps. 9.26–7 (CCL 38.70–2), and William of St. Amour, De Ant. 3.7 col. 1383.Google Scholar

⁶¹ See for example La Bible moralisée …, ed. de Laborde, A. (Paris 1911–1927) II pl. 290–317 passim; and the illustrations accompanying the commentary on Canticles attributed to Gregory, in the twelfth-century MS Troyes, Bibl. Municipale 1869, fols. 11^v and 176^v (PICA).Google Scholar

⁶² De Ant. 4.10 col. 1434.Google Scholar

⁶³ Note for example Jordanes’ description of Attila, De origine actibusque gentis Romanorum 35 (ed. Mommsen, Th., MGH, Auct. ant. 5.1 [Berlin 1882] 105): ‘… huc atque illuc circumferens oculos …’; a Magister Golyas de quodam abbate, ed. Wright, Thomas, The Latin Poems Commonly Attributed to Walter Mapes (Camden Soc. 17; London 1841) xli: ‘… oculos huc illuc devagantes quasi planeta erratiens … ‘; the Middle English Sir Gawain and the Green Knight 304; and Milton's Paradise Lost 1.56. See also 2 Pet. 2.14.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Abimelech ‘conduxit sibi ex eo viros inopes et vagos …’ See Isidore, , Quaest. in librum Iudic. 6 (PL 83.387–8), repeated by Glossa (ad. loc.) (PL 113.528), and particularly by William of St. Amour, De Ant. 2.11 col. 1363, and 3.7 col. 1383. The figure is also used by William to relate the friars to the Antichrist; see his De periculis novissimorum temporum, ed. Bierbaum, Max, Bettelorden und Weltgeistlichkeit an der Universität Paris (Franziskanische Studien 2; Münster i. W. 1920) 28–36 passim. For the spiritual state presumably allegorized by the eyes of the whore, see Augustine, , De lib. arb. 1.77–8 (ed. Green, William, CSEL 74 [Vienna 1956] 23). Note also ‘gissen vago vago’ to describe the course of the dragon in Purg. 32.135.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ ‘Post multos itaque dies injecit domina sua oculos suos in Joseph, et ait: Dormi mecum.’ The episode is most often interpreted as the effort of the Synagogue to win Christ to her carnal tradition; see Maurus, Rabanus, Comm. in Genesim 4.1 (PL 107.632–3; with a reference to the woman as ‘meretrix,’ col. 633), and Hugh of St. Cher, ed. cit. 1 fol. 56^r.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Abbatis Ioachim diuina prorsus in Ieremiam prophetam interpretatio … (Cologne 1577) 59–62.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Compendium theologicae veritatis 3.1, ed. cit. 34.90: ‘… sicut homo naturaliter bonum appetit, ita naturaliter horret malum, et fugit.’ See also Aquinas, , Summa theol. 1–2.1.6–7, 3.8, 5.8, 27.2; and Summa contra gent. 3.17, 25. Olivi's comment on the end of Apoc. 16, MS Bibl. Laur. Conv. Soppr. 397, fol. 191^v (old 189^v), mentions an attempt by ‘carnales’ to rebel against the Antichrist, though without the necessary suggestion of reform: ‘Et facta est civitas magna in tres partes … Trium autem parcium eius erit una electorum de solo Christo et eius spiritu curantium … Secunda erit carnalium Antichristo seu x regibus rebellare conantium. Tertia erit aliorum reproborum ad Antichristum confugientium seu confugere disponentium.’Google Scholar

⁶⁸ For the theological frame of reference here, see Freccero, John, ‘Dante's Firm Foot and the Journey Without a Guide,’ Harvard Theological Review 52 (1959) 245–81, particularly 280 nn. 101 and 103.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ William of St. Amour, De Ant. 4.10 col. 1432, on Luke 17.22: ‘… ut iam mundum a se seductum videatur possidere securus, pauci electorum adhuc superstites magno desiderio adventum Christi videre desiderabunt.’Google Scholar

⁷⁰ See for example the illustrations in the former MS Henry Yates Thompson 55, supposedly completed in Italy (M. James, R., The Apocalypse in Art. [London 1931] 6, 66), in Delisle and Meyer, Apocalypse en français (cit. supra n. 57) app., especially pl. 8 top.Google Scholar

⁷¹ De Ant. 4.7 col. 1423. For the belief that John will return like Enoch and Elias to oppose the Antichrist, see Malvenda, , op. cit. (n. 27 supra) 467–70.Google Scholar

⁷² Ed. Tocco, , op. cit. 51–3.Google Scholar

⁷³ William of St. Amour, De Ant. 3.7 col. 1386. For a variant of the same scheme, see Comp. theol. ver. 7.9–10, ed. cit. 34.242–3.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ For example the De adventu et statu et vita Antichristi formerly attributed to Aquinas, ed. cit. (n. 27 supra) 28.624–5 (italics mine): ‘Clericos autem et litteratos expugnabit et ad se trahet per rationes naturales … Principes … expugnabit et ad se trahet per distributionem terrarum … Mercatores … expugnabit et attrahet ad se per aurum et argentum … Simplices trahet ad se, et expugnabit eos … Perfectos vero et poenitentes expugnabit et ad se trahet per falsa miracula …’ Note also William of St. Amour in the passage just quoted, et passim. Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Quotation from Hugh of St. Cher, ed. cit. 2 fol. 208^v; on Ps. 78.2 (fol. 209^r), Hugh quotes Bernard of Clairvaux concerning worldly clergy: ‘Ministri Christi sunt, et serviunt Antichristo’ (from a passage containing other eschatological references, Serm. in Cant. 33.15 [PL 183.959; S. Bernardi opp., ed. Leclercq, J. et al. 1 (Rome 1957) 244] and quoted in an eschatological context by William of St. Amour, De Ant. 1.1 col. 1280–1). Medieval commentators generally understand Ps. 78 as referring literally to the pollution of the temple by Antiochus, himself a familiar type of the Antichrist.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Quoted at the beginning of Part I above.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ See for example the early commentators, ed. Biagi, ‘Purg.’ 719–20.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ For example Hugh of St. Cher, ed. cit. 7 fol. 413^v.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Ed. Tocco, , op. cit. (supra n. 51) 44; see also 45. Joachim, , Expositio (cit. supra n. 36) fol. 196^r_v.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ For example Richard of St. Victor on Apoc. 11.18 (PL 196.796); and William of St. Amour on Apoc. 19.15, De Ant. 4.12 col. 1437.Google Scholar

⁸¹ Ed. Biagi, , ‘Purg.’ 719–20.Google Scholar

⁸² PL 191.143 (Ps. 9.37); based egnerally on Augustine, Enarr. in Ps. 9.30 (CCL 38.72).Google Scholar

⁸³ Ed. cit. (supra n. 66) 58; the reference to praeda echoes Jer. 2.14.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Ed. Sackur, , Sibyll. Texte 78–9; note the parallels in an early sermon ascribed to Ephraim Syrus and to Isidore, ed. Caspari, C. P., Briefe , Abhandlungen und Predigten … (Christiania 1890) 208–15 passim (cf. Dekkers, E., Clavis patrum latinorum [Sacris erudiri 3 (1951)] 1144). See also Adso, , ap. Sackur, op. cit. 110; Bernard of Cluny's De contemptu mundi 1.1034–8 and 2.281–5, ed. Hoskier, H. C. (London 1929) 35, 47; William of St. Amour, De Ant. 1.3 cols. 1283–90; Hugh of Newcastle's chapter ‘De fine Romani imperii,’ op. cit. 1.13; and Malvenda, op. cit. 184–218.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ Utrum possimus scire an Antichristus sit natus vel non natus adhuc, MS Vat. lat. 982, fol. 87^r; quoted also by Pelster, ‘Die Quaestio Heinrichs’ (cit. supra n. 28) 45. Jerome on Dan. 7, PL 25.531–3. See also Hugh of Newcastle, op. cit. 1.13: ‘Vnde videtur quod ista diuisio imperii iam sit inchoata, nondum tamen consumata, licet possit videri quod ad consumacionem appropinquat presertim cum iam pauci Romano imperio obedient …’; and the Noticia seculi of Alexander von Roes, ed. Grundmann, H. and Heimpel, H., Die Schriften des Alexander von Roes (Deutsches Mittelalter: Kritische Studientexte der MGH 4; Weimar 1949) 96–8.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Hugh of Newcastle, op. cit. 2.14: ‘Fama enim huius facti [Christ's killing the Antichrist] per totum orbem celerius diffusa, monarchia antichristi transibit in monarchiam Christi, vt tunc fundetur fides Christi in cordibus omnium nationum.’Google Scholar

⁸⁷ The Joachistic commentary on Jer. 3, ed. cit. (supra n. 66) 65–6, figuratively equates the Roman Church with the tribe of Juda, from which the sceptre will not be taken away ‘donec veniat Dominus ad iudicium, qui transferet electos eius ex ea in regnum claritatis aeternae.’Google Scholar

⁸⁸ See the pertinent discussion by Aquinas, Summa contra gent. 4.97; note particularly the statement, ‘Nihil igitur inconveniens sequitur si, certo numero hominum completo, ponamus motum caelo desistere,’ and its potential relation to Beatrice's remark in Par. 30.131–2.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Selections ed. Finke, (n. 58 supra) cxxix-clix. On the complication concerning the date actually intended by Arnold, see Finke, 210; and Pelster, ‘Die Quaestio Heinrichs’ 34 and n. 4.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ For a convenient summary of this controversy through 1313, see Pelster, , ibid. 32–52, supplemented by Hirsch, B.-Reich, Heinrichs von Harclay Polemik gegen die Berechnung der zweiten Ankunft Christi,’ Recherches de théologie ancienne et médiévale 20 (1953) 144–9.Google Scholar

⁹¹ Dante's awareness of the incongruity, and his own acceptance of the eschatological tradition, are of course shown by Conv. 2.14.12–3; see also the notes of Busnelli and Vandelli (cf. supra n. 37) 1.221–3.Google Scholar

⁹² Ed. Pelster, , op. cit. 81–2. Such explanations, including the appeal to 2 Pet. 3.10, are offered by Arnold, ed. cit. cxxxiv; and John Quidort, ed. cit. fol. 50^r-^v. For Ptolemy, Albategni, and the general astronomical background, see Duhem, Pierre, Le système du monde III (Paris 1915).Google Scholar

⁹³ Henry's reference to the opinion that the accelerated motion of the heavens may bring about the conflagration ‘quo mundus purgabitur ante iudicis adventum’ tempts the further conjecture that this may be the specific event alluded to in Purg. 20.13–5; note Aquinas, Summa contra gentiles 4.97: ‘… secundum fidem ponitur quod finaliter mundus per ignem purgabitur, non solum a corruptibilibus corporibus, sed etiam ab infectione quam locus iste incurrit ex habitione peccatorum.’Google Scholar

⁹⁴ See for example Peter of Capua, Rosa alphabetica, quoted by Pitra, J. B., Spicilegium Solesmense 2 (Paris 1855) 71–2; and the Altus Prosator lines 116–27 (st. U and X), ed. Bernard, J. H. and Atkinson, R., The Irish Liber Hymnorum (Henry Bradshaw Society 13–4; London 1898) I 79–80, and (notes) II 165–6; also Raby, F. J. E. (ed.), Oxford Book of Medieval Latin Verse (Oxford 1959) 67.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ Lines 81–3, ed. Walberg, E., Deux versions inédites de la légende de l'Antéchrist en vers français du XIII^e siècle (Skrifter utgivna av Kungl. Humanistiska Vetenskapssamfundet 14; Lund 1928) 5. See Hugh of Newcastle, op. cit. 2.18; and on the theme generally, William Heist, W., The Fifteen Signs Before Doomsday (East Lansing, Mich. 1952).Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Besides the references in Malvenda, , op. cit. (supra n. 27) 502–6, and PL 220.277 (‘Index de Antichristo’ 3.2–3), see all the eschatological works referred to thus far; all commentaries on 2 Thess. 2.8, and commentaries on the Apocalypse and Dan. 7–11 passim; the miscellaneous other works referred to by Wadstein, op. cit. (supra n. 22) 128–32; Joachim, Expositio fols. 207^r-208^v; Ubertino in n. 188 infra; and for pictorial representation, Delisle and Meyer, op. cit. fol. 18^r and app. pl. 3 bottom. A common alternative version has the Antichrist killed by the archangel Michael; but even writers who prefer this view give equal prominence to its opposite, and emphasize that in any case the Antichrist will be killed through the power of Christ.Google Scholar

⁹⁷ For example, Hugh of St. Cher on Acts 1.12, ed. cit. 7 fol. 279^v.Google Scholar

⁹⁸ See the commentary on 2. Thess. formerly attributed to Bruno the Carthusian (PL 153.420), concerning the Antichrist: ‘Jesus quidem interficiet eum, et postea destruet eum damnatum et in corpore et in anima’; and Olivi on Apoc. 14.8, MS Bibl. Laur. Conv. Soppr. 397, fol. 178^r (old 176^r), concerning the whore: ‘Dicit autem hic bis “cecidit” … tum quia dupliciter cecidit, scilicet interius spiritualiter et exterius corporaliter; tum quia per temporale exterminium cecidit in mundo, deinde ad eternum supplicium cecidit in inferno.’ The fall of the whore is pictured in a way generally resembling that of the Antichrist, in Herrad of Landsberg's Hortus Deliciarum (Strasbourg 1901) pl. 75; and in an illustration accompanying the commentary of Alexander Laicus on the Apocalypse, MS Cambridge, Univ. Mm. V. 31, fol. 91^v (PICA). A similar fall of what looks like the ecclesia carnalis appears in Illustrations of One Hundred Manuscripts in the Library of Henry Yates Thompson IV (London 1914) pl. 39, from the former MS 55.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ De Ant. 4.10 col. 1434 (ed. begins a new sentence with ‘Tunc sedens …’). Haimo, Expos. in Epist. I ad Thess. 5 (PL 117.773–4). William's account is approximated — though only with respect to the Last Judgment — by Hugh of Newcastle, op. cit. 2.8. An antithesis between the Deus-homo and the ‘sitting’ of the whore and the giant is suggested by William's comment on Apoc. 19.11 (col. 1437): ‘Nec dubium est quin adventus Christi sedentis super carnem suam mundissimam, qui verbum Dei vocatur et est … ’Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ 1.5 (Opera omnia 5 [Quaracchi 1891] 213–4). See also the full discussion by Aquinas, Summa theol. 1.43.Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ De Ant. 4.12 col. 1440. See also the Libellus fratris Theolosphori, ed. with Expositio magni prophete Ioachim in librum beati Cirilli (cit. supra n. 28) fol. 9^v: ‘Orantes rogant [iusti] Iesum Christum vt cito veniat ad deliberandum et eripiendum eos de manibus eorum [malorum]: “An obsecramus Domine, mitte quem missurus es …” ’ And note Dan. 7.13–4 and its commentaries.Google Scholar

¹⁰² In line 759, medieval texts (including the Ovide moralisé, mentioned below) read ‘Naiades’; modern editors make what seems an obviously correct emendation to ‘Laiades,’ i.e., Oedipus. The unusual conjunction of ‘Naiades,’ ‘vates obscura’ (the Sphinx), and ‘Themis’ both here and in Purg. 33.47–9 seems conclusive evidence of direct derivation.Google Scholar

¹⁰³ 7.3645–78, ed. De Boer, C. et al., ‘Ovide moralisé,’ 3 (Verhand. Akad. Amsterdam N.R. 30.3; 1931) 101–2. De Boer, I 10–1, places the date of the Ovide between 1291 and 1328, most probably between 1316 and 1328.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ 2.1.3, allegorizing Met. 11.1ff.; see also Conv. 4.28.13–9 on Phars. 2.32ff.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ Ed. Biagi, , ‘Purg.’ 704–9.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ See for example the schemes summarized by Quidort, John, ed. cit. fols. 48^r-50^r, and by Kamlah, op. cit. (supra n. 47) 45–70 passim; and note also William of St. Amour, De Ant. 1.1 cols. 1278–80.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ In traditional exegesis, ‘hypocrite vel falsi fratres’ seems the most usual designation for the characteristic evil of the fourth status; besides the references in the preceding note, see Hugh of Cher, St., ed. cit. 7 fol. 392^v.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ Arb. vit. (ed. cit. supra n. 49) 5.1 fol. 205^v (p. 412): ‘… in eodem sexto statu docet liber Apoca. fore grauissima certamina duplicis antichristi mistici et aperti. Post hoc autem conuenienter datur sanitas pax et pregustatio glorie in ecclesia contemplatiua: et tandem in eterna gloria.’ For Olivi, see the extracts in the report ed. Étienne Baluze, Miscellanea 1 (Paris 1678) 214ff.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ Helinand, Sermo 1 (PL 212.481–2).Google Scholar

¹¹⁰ 6.2, ed. cit. fol. 89^v. Henri de Lubac, S.J., Exégèse médiévale (Paris 1959) 1.2.624 n. 9; his accompanying interpretation of Helinand's mors, however, is not borne out by the context. Note that the ‘Osanna’ passage, here attached to the first coming, is quoted twice in the cantos of the Purgatorio presided over generally by the figure of the Griffon (29.51, 30.19).Google Scholar

¹¹¹ Though I would not press the suggestion too closely, there may be a hint also of the ‘third coming’ as defined by Helinand and Durandus, in Beatrice's remark of Purg. 32.100–2 after the sleep of Dante and before the beginning of the allegory culminating in her prophecy of the DXV. Google Scholar

¹¹² Biblia latina cum postillis Nicolai de Lyra (Nuremberg 1487). See also Albertus, , In evang. Ioh. 16.16 (ed. cit. 24.590): ‘Quod autem totum tempus usque ad judicium, modicum est, dicitur, Apocal. 12.12: “Descendit diabolus ad vos, habens iram magnam, sciens quod modicum tempus habet.” Apocal. 3.11: “Ecce venio cito: tene quod habes, ut nemo accipiat coronam tuam.” ’Google Scholar

¹¹³ Gmelin, Hermann, Die Göttliche Komödie : Kommentar (Stuttgart 1955) II 522: ‘Allegorisch kann diese Prophezeiung der Wiederkehr Beatrices die Wiederherstellung der reinen Kirche oder die Hoffnung auf die Rückkehr der Kurie von Avignon bedeuten; doch hat sie, zu den Tugenden gesprochen, auch einen chiliastischen Unterton und erinnert an die Wiederkehr Christi am Ende der Welt.’Google Scholar

¹¹⁴ Commedia (Dante Studies 1) 57, 59.Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ Ibid, 55.Google Scholar

¹¹⁶ Flamini, Francesco, Lectura Dantis : il canto XII del Purgatorio (Florence 1904) 12–4. I am greatly indebted to Professor John Freccero for first suggesting the possible relevance of this acrostic.Google Scholar

¹¹⁷ Ed., La Divina Commedia: Purgatorio (Florence 1946) 471.Google Scholar

¹¹⁸ See for example Bernard, , Serm. in Cant. 33 (PL 183.953–9), on the ‘in meridie’ of Cant. 1.6; Bonaventura, Comm. in evang. Lac. 23 (ed. cit. 7.581), on the ‘fere hora sexta’ of Luke 23.44; the Glossa, PL 113.924 (following Jerome), on the ‘… meridie narrabo et annuntiabo’ of Ps. 54.18; and the ‘Concionator Premonstratensis’ quoted by Pitra, Spic. Soles. 2.105–6, on 1 Beg. 11.9.Google Scholar

¹¹⁹ I have removed the capitals from ‘tra Feltro e Feltro’ (105), since the basis for them seems interpretative rather than textual.Google Scholar

¹²⁰ ‘Dante's Firm Foot’ 270–81; the quotation (Summa theol. 1–2.74.4 ad 2) is on p. 279. Though my interpretation of the Veltro does not necessarily depend on Professor Freccero's study, it is distinctly more compatible with his analysis of the first part of Inf. 1 than with any other that I know of; I accordingly follow him wherever assumptions must be made about that part of the canto, including the wolf.Google Scholar

¹²¹ MS Paris, B.N. ital. 450, fol. 35^r.Google Scholar

¹²² For exemple the De bestiis et aliis rebus 2.20, (PL 177.67): ‘Lupus Graece λύϰος, ‘lycos’ dicitur, et λύϰη ‘lux matutina,’ quae est apta rapacibus, et sic a rapacitate dicitur … Rapax est bestia, et cruoris appetens.’Google Scholar

¹²³ Pliny, Nat. hist. 8.22, 10.73; De bestiis, loc. cit.; and The Bestiary …, ed. James, M. R. (Roxburghe Club; London 1928) fol. 17^r.Google Scholar

¹²⁴ Reductorium morale 10.63 (Petri Berchorii Pictaviensis … opera omnia [Cologne 1730] 2.382).Google Scholar

¹²⁵ De animalibus 7.1.5 (ed. cit. 11.378). See also Thomas, of Cantimpré, De naturis rerum 5, MS B.N. lat. 14720, fol. 46^v; and Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum naturale (Venice 1494) fol. 240^v.Google Scholar

¹²⁶ See for example Ein tosco-venezianischer Bestiarius, ed. Goldstaub, Max and Wendriner, Richard (Halle 1892) 33–4.Google Scholar

¹²⁷ Op. cit., MS B.N. lat. 14720, fol. 46^r. See also Vincent, , loc. cit.; and Albertus, Quæstiones super Libris de animalibus 8.34, ed. Filthaut, Ephrem, O. P., Opera omnia 12 Münster i. W. 1955) 199.Google Scholar

¹²⁸ Ed. Thilo, Georg, Servii Grammatici qui feruntur in Vergilii carmina commentarii III (Leipzig 1887) 116. With regard to the question of hoarseness, the early commentator Philargyrius (ibid. III. 2 [Leipzig 1902] 174) says that Moeris’ voice ‘distringitur’; the Renaissance commentator Badius Ascensius, P. Virgilii Maronis … universum poema (Venice 1574) fol. 40^r, says that the wolves ‘fecerunt Moerin raucescere.’Google Scholar

¹²⁹ 2.20 (PL 177.67).Google Scholar

¹³⁰ See above, p. 219.Google Scholar

¹³¹ 7.3636–44, ed. cit. (supra n. 103) 3.101.Google Scholar

¹³² Note also line 3639 and Inf. 1.98–9; lines 3640–1 and Inf. 1.95–6; and ‘confondent’ (3644) and Inf. 1.102.Google Scholar

¹³³ Mor. in Iob 20.6 (PL 76.145–6); and especially (on Luke 16.21) Hom. in Evang. 40 (ibid. 1302–3). Later examples are so frequent as to defy meaningful documentation.Google Scholar

¹³⁴ 5.16, MS B.N. lat. 3332, fols. 106^r-107^r. I am indebted to Professor Robert Whit^e Linker of the University of North Carolina for assistance in reading this passage, and to Professor Morton Bloomfield, W. of Harvard University for the information that the work exists in at least seven other MSS, including Rome, Bibl. Angelica 750, fols. 8–121^v; Assisi 243; Padua, Bibl. Antoniana, Scaff. XVIII N. 388; and Vat. lat. 5935. Glorieux, P., Répertoire des maîtres en théologie de Paris au XIII^e siècle (Paris 1933) II 305.bm, gives its date as 1281–91. Similar interpretations are given by Bersuire, Reduct. mor. 10.22 (ed. cit. [supra n. 124] 2.341).Google Scholar

¹³⁵ See the Du Cange Glossarium (ed. 1883–7) 2.89 col. 3: ‘Canis Veltris, Veltrahus, Vertragus, etc… . Canis sagax, vel odorisequus, leporarius; Veltro Italis … “Veltris leporarius, qui et argutarius,” in Lege Salica … “Veltris leporalis probatus,” in Lege Alem … “Canes Veltrices, qui lepores sua velocitate comprehendunt,” in Lege Bajwar …’Google Scholar

¹³⁶ See for example the various partial parallels in the works of Kraus (pp. 468–80), Cian, and Tondelli in n. 2 supra; Huck, J. C., Ubertin von Casale und dessen Ideenkreis: Ein Beitrag zum Zeitalter Dantes (Freiburg i.B. 1903); Giovanni Papini, Dante vivo, trans. Broadus, E. H. and Benedetti, A. (New York 1935) 280–97; and Davis, Idea of Rome 229–30.Google Scholar

¹³⁷ De bestiis 3.11 (PL 177.87).Google Scholar

¹³⁸ See the examples assembled by Mandonnet, Pierre, O.P., ‘Note de symbolique médiévale: Domini canes,’ Revue de Fribourg 43 (1912) 568–74.Google Scholar

¹³⁹ First told by Jordan of Saxony, Vita Beati Dominici 1, in Quetif-Echard, Scriptores O.P. recensiti … (Paris 1719–23) 1.2, but much repeated.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁰ Iacopo della Lana, ed. Biagi, , ‘Par.’ p. 278: ‘… e questo ave a significare che quel nado dovea essere vertuoso predegadore e accendedore de fe’ cattolica; in prima vertuoso, com’è ditto del “veltro” nel primo dell'Inferno; latradore, çoè predegadore; infiammadore, çoè donatore de vertù de carità.’ The passage is repeated closely in L'Ottimo, [ed. Alessandro Torri] (Pisa 1827–9) 3.292.Google Scholar

¹⁴¹ Mandonnet, op. cit. 565, emphasizes that the figure of the dog ‘existait même plusieurs siècles avant la fondation des Prêcheurs pour désigner les prédicateurs en général … le chien étant l'image ou la métaphore par laquelle on désigne couramment, au xiii^e et au xiv^e siècles, les prédicateurs en général, et les Frères Prêcheurs en particulier.’Google Scholar

¹⁴² Whatever the criticism of Ubertino expressed by Par. 12.124–6, Dante's remarks throughout the Commedia indicate that on this subject their agreement must have been greater than their differences.Google Scholar

¹⁴³ It may or may not be significant that in Inf. 3.5, where Dante is referring unmistakably to these attributes, ‘virtute’ is replaced by ‘potestate,’ and in Conv. 2.5.8 by ‘potenza.’ The image of the Veltro's ‘eating’ these perfections seems to depend in a general way on medieval spiritual interpretations of cibus — for example, Hugh of St. Cher on Matt. 10.10, ed. cit. 6, fol. 39^r-v concerning the ‘cibus’ of good preachers, and on John 4.34, ibid. fol. 308^v; and the miscellaneous interpretations in Pitra, Spic. Soles. 3.256–7 passim. Google Scholar

¹⁴⁴ 5.3, ed. cit. (supra n. 49) fols. 214^v-215^r (pp. 430–1). In the same chapter a passage on poverty includes, within less than half a column, references to sapientia, to amor, and to paupertas itself as the ‘uirtutum … regina,’ fol. 212^r (425).Google Scholar

¹⁴⁵ 5.4, ibid. fols. 217^r-218^r (435–7), including (fol. 218^r) one of his references to the Franciscans as ‘Iesunculi.’ Fols. 216^v-217^r (434–5) elaborate a pattern of four perfections manifested by Christ in bestowing the stigmata on Francis: benevolentia, associated with love; provideniia, called ‘sapientiam prouidentiam’; (iustitia); and potentia. Note also the Speculum perfectionis 83 (ed. Sabatier, Paul, British Society of Franciscan Studies 13 [Manchester 1928] 249): ‘… hic luce sapientiae suae illuminavit [Altissimus] animas Pauperum suorum; hic, igne amoris sui nostras voluntates accendit. Hic, qui oraverit corde devoto, quod petierit obtinebit … ’Google Scholar

¹⁴⁶ Historia septem tribulationum Ordinis Minorum, ed. Ehrle, Franz, S.J., A(rchiv für) L(itteratur- und) K(irchengeschichte des) M(ittelalters) 2 (1886) 154–5. For the concept of Francis as the novus homo modelled on Christ, see Benz, Ernst, ‘Die Geschichtstheologie der Franziskanerspiritualen des 13. und 14. Jahrhunderts,’ Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte 52 (1933) 95–7.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁷ Arb. vit. 5.3 fol. 210^r (p. 421). See also Bonaventura, , Coll. in hex. 22 (ed. cit. 5.440)Google Scholar

¹⁴⁸ Ed. Biagi, , ‘Inf.’ p. 38. See also, ibid. 38–9, Iacopo di Dante, ‘… è drappo di vile condizione …’; Iacopo della Lana, ‘… el feltro si è vile panno …’; l'Ottimo, ‘… il “feltro” è umile e basso panno …’; Pietro di Dante, ‘… ex disiunctis et solutis ut feltrum, in quo non est tela: et sic erit [Veltro] naturalis et de vili natione’; Boccaccio, ‘È il feltro vilissima spezie di panno come ciascun sa manifestamente … in quanto questa spezie di panno è vilissima …’Google Scholar

¹⁴⁹ Cange, Du, 3.429 col. 1 and 2.264 col. 2. See also ‘Centones filtra’ in a ninth-century gloss ed. Goetz, Georg, Placidus liber glossarum Glossaria reliqua (Corpus gloss. lat. 5; Leipzig 1894) 584 n. 5; and ‘Cento, filtrum’ in the eleventh-century gloss of Papias, with an instructive figurative application in the MS addition, ‘Collectio illius qui vilissima vectigalia colligit in foro,’ Du Cange 2.264 col. 2. For Dante's use of Uguccio, see Toynbee, , Dante Studies 97–114.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁰ Declaratio fratris Ubertini, ed. Ehrle, , ALKM 3 (1887) 173, 175; Ubertino's reference is to Ch. 2 of the Regula: ‘Et omnes fratres vilibus vestibus induantur et possint eas repeciare de saccis et aliis peciis, cum benedictione Dei …’ See also Ubertino, , ibid. 56, 181–2; the tract of his two opponents, ibid. 149, 156; Angelo Clareno, Historia septem tribulationum, ALKM 2 (1886) 153: ‘… ad materiam docuit, quod esset de panno vili …’; Pope Clement V, Exivi de Paradiso (6 May 1312): ‘Vilitatem vestium tam habitus …,’ quoted by Edoardo da Alençon, Min. Cap., ‘Il colore dell'abito dei Frati Minori,’ Miscellanea Franciscana 25 (1925) 3–4; and Bartolomeo of Pisa, Legenda antiqua, in Analecta Franciscana 5.104.Google Scholar

¹⁵¹ Declaratio 176; and see the references to Ubertino, his opponents, and Angelo in the preceding note.Google Scholar

¹⁵² Constitutiones Ordinis Fratrum Praedicatorum 1.10, revised by Raymond de Peñafort, ed. Denifle, Heinrich, ALKM 5 (1889) 540; original version 1.19, ibid. 1 (1885) 204. For such references to Dominic himself, see Quetif-Echard1 passim — for example Jordan of Saxony, Vita b. Dominici 46 (ibid. 1.23): ‘Verus erat amator paupertatis, vilibus utens indumentis’; and the testimony of John of Spain, Sect. 3 (ibid. 1.50): ‘… quia vilibus vestibus gloriabatur … ‘; and Paul of Venice, Sect. 2 (ibid. 1.54): ‘… habitum vilissimum portabat … ‘Google Scholar

¹⁵³ See the modern descriptions of habits still preserved, by Leone Bracalone, O.F.M., ‘Le sacre reliquie della Basilica di Chiara, S. in Assisi,’ Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 12 (1919) 415 nn. 2–3; and Alençon, ‘Il colore’ 5. The remarkably felt-like appearance of the habit in the pictures reproduced by Don Pulignani, M. F., ‘L'ultima tonaca di San Francesco,’ Misc. Francisc. 14 (1913) 90–3, is worth noting, though it is probably due to age and deterioration.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁴ See n. 2 supra. Google Scholar

¹⁵⁵ For the Dioscuri as fratres, see for example Rendel Harris, J., The Cult of the Heavenly Twins (Cambridge 1906) 68; and the inscription on an astrological illustration reproduced by Fritz Saxl and Hans Meier, Verzeichnis astrologischer und mythologischer illustrierter Handschriften des lateinischen Mittelalters 3.1 (London 1953) lxiv, fig. 31.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁶ Ed. Benedict, Reichert, M., O.P., Litterae encyclicae magistrorum generalium Ordinis Praedicatorum, ab anno 1233 usque ad annum 1376 (Monumenta Ord. Frat. Praed. historica 5; Rome 1900) 8; for this reference, as well as for the references to the letter of John and Humbert in the following note and to Thomas of Celano in note 158 below, I am indebted to Father Ignatius Brady, O.F.M., of the Catholic University of America. See also the Joachistic commentary on Jeremias, pref., ed. cit. (supra n. 66) 3: ‘… et forte inde vtramque geminam prolem salutis [ecclesia] proferet … ’; and Ch. 2 (p. 33): ‘… siue pro eo, quod Christus est Deus et homo, geminus ordo erit duorum.’ The abiding popularity of ‘twin’ saints is demonstrated — though almost accidentally — by Harris, op. cit. and The Dioscuri in the Christian Legends (Cambridge 1903); and see Albert, Maurice, Le culte de Castor et Pollux en Italie (Bibl. des Écoles françaises d'Athènes et de Rome 31; Paris 1883) 30 n. 3.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁷ Vaticinium Sibille Erithree, ed. Holder-Egger, , ‘Italienische Prophetieen’ (cit supra n. 38) I p. 165. See also pp. 162–3; another version, ibid. II p. 331; the similar prophecies entitled ‘Excepta de libro qui dicitur Vasiliographus …,’ MS Vat. lat. 3822, fols. 20^r, 24^v, 25^r; the Joachistic commentary on Jer. 31.35, ed. cit. p. 361: ‘… [datis] aliis, quasi “stellis,” praedicantibus verbum Dei, designatis in Moyse et Christo, et quasi in Enoch et Helia, duobus testibus et ordinibus affuturis’; and the quotation from an encyclical of John of Parma and Humbert of Romans, p. 250 below. In the Sibylline prophecies, both the two stars and the two future ordines are figuratively connected also with Peter and Paul (Holder-Egger, I 162, 165; III, 160), who elsewhere show signs of association with or opposition to the Dioscuri, particularly in Italy; see Albert, op. cit. 47–8. Arator's De actibus Apostolorum 2.1219–21, 1238–9, 1247 (ed. McKinlay, A. P., CSEL 72 [Vienna 1951] 147–9), may imply a similar association by way of an allusion to Acts 28.11.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁸ For the Gemini, see Olschki, , Myth of Felt 40, 45, and Poeta Veltro fig. 3. For Dominic, see for example the vilae by Jordan and Constantine, Quetif-Echard 1.3, 25; and Heinrich Detzel, Christliche Ikonographie (Freiburg i.B. 1896) II 297–300. An extremely popular association of Francis with a star is exemplified in Thomas of Celano's Vita prima 110 (Analecta Franciscana 10.86).Google Scholar

¹⁵⁹ John Ridewall (himself a Franciscan), Fulgentius metaforalis 2, ed. Liebeschütz, Hans (Studien der Bibliothek Warburg 4; Leipzig 1926) 73. The love of Castor and Pollux is variously illustrated by their shared immortality (n. 163a infra); by comments like that of the supposed Lactantius Placidus on Theb. 4.215 (ed. Jahnke, Richard [Leipzig 1898] 205); and by medieval iconography of the Zodiac (see PICA, ‘Zodiac’).Google Scholar

¹⁶⁰ 8.2442, 2373–4, 2385–2436, ed. cit. (supra n. 103) 3.166–8; Castor and Pollux themselves are mentioned in 8.2054, 2199, pp. 158, 162. The arguments for Franciscan authorship of the Ovide itself are presented by Joseph Engels, Études sur l'Ovide moralisé (Groningen 1945) 45–50.Google Scholar

¹⁶¹ Ed. L. W. Laistner, M. (Med. Acad. Publ. 35; Cambridge, Mass. 1939) 88 — repeated for example by Peter Comestor, Hist. schol., Act. Apost. 119 (PL 198.1719); and in the commentaries on Acts by Hugh of St. Cher, ed. cit. 7 fol. 309^r, and Olivi, MS Padua, Bibl. Universitaria 1510, fol. 200^v. For the history of the theme generally, see Jaisle, Karl, Die Dioskuren als Retter zur See … und ihr Fortleben in christlichen Legenden (Diss., Tübingen 1907). With regard to the role of heralds of good, Ubertino, Arb. vit. (cit. supra n. 49) 5.8 fol. 230^r (461), calls Francis and Dominic ‘precones secundi aduentus Christi’; in 5.3 fol. 217^r (435), the Franciscans are ‘mundo predicatores et nuntios.’Google Scholar

¹⁶² See further lines 37–45, particularly the ‘due campioni’ of line 44. For the theme of likeness and interchangeability between the Dioscuri, see for example the long comment of Lactantius Placidus on Theb. 6.306 (ed. cit. 314), including the quotation, ‘Castor uterque bonus.’ For the conception of them as warriors, see Olschki, passim, and the iconography of the Zodiac — particularly a thirteenth-century Italian example reproduced by Eric Millar, G., The Library of Chester Beatty, A.: A Descriptive Catalogue of the Western MSS (Oxford 1930) II pl. 113-f.Google Scholar

¹⁶³ For the sun's special connection with the sign of Gemini, see the ‘third Vatican mythographer’ 15.3 (ed. Bode, G. H., Scriptores rerum mythicarum latini tres [Celle 1834] 1.254); and Honorius of Autun, De imagine mundi 1.94 (PL 172.142). Macrobius, Sat. 1.21.22 (ed. Eyssenhardt, F. [Leipzig 1893] 120), makes the Gemini signify the sun through their alternation in the heavens. If Dante does intend the Gemini to carry overtones of the fraternal orders, their prominence in Par. 22.110ff., along with Benedict as the representative of monasticism, may be an allusive juxtaposition of these two great programs of religious life; note Dante's mention of Benedict, Francis, and Dominic (and Augustine, as the supposed author of a monastic rule) in Conv. 4.28.9, in close connection with the habit.Google Scholar

^163a This commonplace is exemplified by the third Vatican mythographer, loc. cit. A joint encyclical of John of Parma and Humbert of Romans, ed. Reichert, , Litterae encyclicae (cit. supra n. 166) 27, speaks of Francis and Dominic as ‘suscipiendo se invicem sicut Christum, honore se ipsos proveniendo, profectui mutui congaudendo, alternis se preconiis extollendo … ’Google Scholar

¹⁶⁴ Arb. vit. 5.3, ed. cit. fol. 211^r-v (423–4). See also Bonaventura, , De perf. vit. ad sor. 2, ed. cit. 8.110: ‘Sicut enim “principium omnis peccati est superbia” [Ecclus. 10.15], sic fundamentum omnium virtutum est humilitas’; and the Compendium de virtute humilitatis printed with the works of Bonaventura, ibid. 8.658–62.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁵ Commentum Bernardi Silvestris super sex libros Eneidos Virgilii, ed. Riedel, W. (Greifswald 1924) 20–1; I have repunctuated here and there in the interest of accuracy.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁶ Ibid. 74. The physical details are from Aen. 3.216–8.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁷ This correspondence gains substantially from the interpretation by Freccero, ‘Dante's Firm Foot’ (cit. supra n. 68) 280–1.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁸ See n. 122 supra. Google Scholar

¹⁶⁹ Noted in the Servian commentary, ed. cit. II 567, 649.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁰ Camilla, 11.778–84; Turnus, 10.500–5, 12.941ff.; Euryalus and Nisus, 9.365–6, 373–4, 384ff.Google Scholar

¹⁷¹ Camilla, 11.648, 685–9, 709, 720–4; Turnus, 7.456ff., 9 passim; Nisus, 9.339–41; Euryalus, 9.354.Google Scholar

¹⁷² Ed. cit. II 564; the further reference is to the rage of Amata.Google Scholar

¹⁷³ Expositio Virgilianae continentiae, ed. Helm, Rudolf, Fulgentii … opera (Leipzig 1898) 105–6; note also the correspondence between the sapientia et virtus according to which Fulgentius analyzes the Aeneid, and the ‘sapienza … e virtute’ of Inf. 1.104. See also the Servian commentary on Aen. 12.941 (ed. cit. II 649); and Alanus of Lille, Anticlaudianus 1.148–9 (ed. Bossuat, R. [Paris 1955] 61).Google Scholar

¹⁷⁴ Ed. cit. II 326; see also the third Vatican mythographer 6.19 (ed. cit. 1.184).Google Scholar

¹⁷⁵ ‘Dante's Firm Foot’ 275. In line 107, the literal meaning of ‘per cui’ seems to be ‘for possession of which’; as an allegorical overtone, however, I would suggest something closer to ‘in an unrealized longing toward which.’Google Scholar

¹⁷⁶ Aquinas, Summa theol. 1–2.85.3. For the relation of the concept to the three beasts of Inf. 1, see Freccero, , ‘Dante's Firm Foot’ 276ff.; in Inf. 14.112–4, it is apparently allegorized as the fessura in the Old Man of Crete. Note the inevitable figurative connection — whether part of Dante's conscious design, or not — between the vulnera naturae and the medicinal tongue of the dog-as-preacher (note 133 supra).Google Scholar

¹⁷⁷ Ch. 14 of the Franciscan Regula has the suggestive title, ‘Quomodo fratres debeant ire per mundum.’ Along with the obvious wealth of generally pertinent references, it may be worth noticing that a description of the radical sects of Segarelli and Dolcino by Bernardo Gui, ed. Segarizzi, A. (Rer. ital. script., ed. Muratori, , rev. ed. 9.5.17–36), includes the contemptuous expression ‘discurrendo de villa ad viliam’ (p. 30), in a context that may imply some currency for it as a stock description of mendicants.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁸ See Hugh of Newcastle, op. cit. (supra n. 22) 2.14; and particularly Malvenda, op. cit. (supra n. 27) 107–80.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁹ See for example Hugh of St. Cher, ed. cit. 7 fols. 391^v, 394^v, 398^r, 399^v; and for the status Ecclesie corresponding to the seven seals, fols. 385^r ff. See also Richard of St. Victor’ In Apoc. 3.7–8 (PL 196.790–7); and for further traditional examples Kamlah, op. cit. (supra n. 47) particularly 45–70. On Enoch and Elias, see especially Malvenda, , op. cit. 452–79.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁰ Hugh of St. Cher, 7 fol. 390^r.Google Scholar

¹⁸¹ Ed. Sackur, , Sibyllinische Texte p. 113 (PL 101.1298). Adso's period of 40 days is evidently an error for the more usual 45 days, obtained by subtracting the 1290 days of Dan. 12.11 from the 1335 days of Dan. 12.12; the statement about the impossibility of man's knowing the length of time is a commonplace. In the early fourteenth century, Nicolas of Lyra, Postilla super totam Bibliam (Venice 1488) on Ezech. 39, speculates not only about an indefinite period following the 45 days, but also about periods of 7 and 45 years. See also Malvenda, , op. cit. 537–9.Google Scholar

¹⁸² See for example William of St. Amour, De Ant. 4.7 col. 1423, quoting the Glossa on Zach. 14.5: ‘Unde Glossa dicit, cum tanta erit in toto orbe duorum populorum divisio, ut illi ad dexteram qui stant, scilicet pro Christo, alii a sinistra, qui stabunt pro antichristo, separentur … ‘Google Scholar

¹⁸³ MS Berlin, Deutsche Staatsbibl. Phill. 1728, fol. 33^r-^v; the MS bears an erroneous attribution to Anselm of Canterbury. On this commentary generally, see Kamlah, , op . cit. 35–6; concerning our present passage he remarks, 63 n. 13: ‘Ecclesia triumphans ist die Kirche in diesem endzeitlichen Sieg ihrer Predigt (der Ausdruck meint hier also keineswegs eine unberührt im Himmel schwebende ecclesia!). ’Google Scholar

¹⁸⁴ PL 196.794–5. See also Bonaventura, , Coll. in hex. 3.16 (ed. cit. 5.408); and the De preambulis ad judicium once attributed to Aquinas, ed. cit. 28.629–30.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁵ Note Richard of St. Victor on Apoc. 11.15 (PL 196.795), closely following the passage quoted above: ‘Mundus, cujus diabolus princeps est, intelligitur universalis concupiscentia saeculi, de qua dicitur: “Nolite diligere mundum, neque ea quae in mundo sunt” [1 John 2.15] … Hujus igitur mundi regnum tunc perfecte et manifeste fiet Dei, quando sancta et universalis Ecclesia penitus in omnibus filiis liberatur a tentatione et persecutione diaboli, et etiam in tempore sub tuba videlicet septimi angeli sive potius in aeternitate vacabit divinae laudi et contemplationi.’Google Scholar

¹⁸⁶ For a possible relation between the preceding footnote and Dante's lines, for example, see Richard, on Apoc. 6.1ff. (PL 196.762–3): ‘Postquam diabolus genus humanum ejus invidia in primis parentibus deceptum de paradisi jocunditate in hanc miseriam projectum (promissione redemptionis jam exhibita) mysteriis sacrae Scripturae incipientibus jam aperire, ad summum et invisibile bonum unde ipse corruit per Redemptoris gratiam resurgere conspexit …’ followed by an account of the devil's continuing envy, and an interpretation of the animalia of Apoc. 6 as ordines praedicatorum. And on Apoc. 11.15 once more (PL 196.295): ‘Unde apte septimo angelo canente, et sanctorum coetu de justorum salvatione et malorum certissime praecognita damnatione, gratias referente, jam dicitur non fiat, sed factum est, quia extunc fraudulentia et saevitia diaboli penitus deficit, et Deus in suis fidelibus universis perpetua pace et tranquillitate regnabit …’ In line 111, the immediate reference is of course to Sap. 2.24.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁷ For Olivi, see Manselli, Raoul, La ‘Lectura super Apocalipsim’ di Pietro di Giovanni Olivi (Istituto Storico Italiano per il Medio Evo, Studi storici 19–21; Rome 1955) 210–35; and Baluze, n. 108 supra. For Ubertino, see Arb. vit. 5.1 fols. 204^r-209^v (409–20); 5.8 fols. 229^r-239^v (459–70); 5.11–2 fols. 237^v-242^r (476–85). Note also Arnold of Villanova on the Apocalypse, quoted by Benz, ‘Geschichtstheologie’ (cit. supra n. 146) 106 n. 42. For the ecclesia spiritualis, see Benz, , Ecclesia Spiritualis: Kirchenidee und Geschichtstheologie der franziskanischen Reformation (Stuttgart 1934).Google Scholar

¹⁸⁸ Arb. vit. 5.11 fols. 237^v-238^r (476–7). See also 5.1 fol. 209^v (420); and Clareno, Angelo, Historia, ALKM 2.136–8. Olivi on Apoc. 8.2, MS Bibl. Laur. Conv. Soppr. 397, fol. 102^r (old 100^r), makes the angels with the seven trumpets signify ‘doctrinalem predicationem et eruditionem vii statuum ecclesiasticorum.’Google Scholar

¹⁸⁹ Arb. vit. 5.12 fol. 240^r (483); and Davis, Idea of Rome (cit. supra n. 51) 204.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁰ See Davis, , ibid. 220.Google Scholar

¹⁹¹ Ubertino, Arb. vit. 5.1 fol. 208^r (417); and 5.3 fol. 210^r (421), in a passage certainly read by Dante. Olivi on the opening verses of Apoc. 10, MS Bibl. Laur., Conv. Soppr. 397, fol. 128^v (old 126^v): ‘Quia vero hec et sequentia in futuris eius operibus et discipulis clarius innotescent, idcirco sciendum quod a tempore solempnis impugnationis et condempnationis evangelice vite et regule sub mistico antichristo et sub magno amplius consumande, spiritualiter descendet Christus et eius servus Franciscus et angelicus discipulorum eius cetus contra omnes errores et malicias mundi, et contra exercitum demonum et pravorum hominum constans et fortis et impavidus sicut leo tam ad invadendum quam ad paciendum.’Google Scholar

¹⁹² Ed. Reichert, , Litterae encyclicae 26. See also Salimbene's Cronica, ed. Holder, O.-Egger (MGH, Scriptores 32; Hanover 1905–13) 266; the Sibylline prophecies and the Joachistic commentary on Jeremias as cited in n. 157 supra; and the related prophecy by von Roes, Alexander, Noticia seculi, ed. cit. (supra n. 85) 88. For two striking pictorial illustrations of the friars’ eschatological role, see Little, A. G., Franciscan History and Legend in Medieval Art (British Society of Franciscan Studies 19; Manchester 1937) ch. 4 pl. 2–3. Note particularly, however, the descriptions (ibid. 72–5) of the illustrations in the former MS Henry Yates Thompson 55, completed in Italy; from the description on 74, the illustration on fol. 58^v — obviously a close parallel to Little's pl. 2 — evidently represents friars about to strike the Antichrist with a cross. For a general account, see Benz, , Ecclesia Spiritualis 181ff.Google Scholar

¹⁹³ Note the similar conclusions by Grundmann, ‘Dante und Joachim’ (cit. supra n. 41) 255–6; and by Davis, Idea of Rome 229–33.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁴ Note also the De bestiis 2.20 (PL 177.67): ‘Lupus … a rapacitate dicitur. Unde et meretrices lupas vocitamus, quia amatorum bona devastant.’Google Scholar

¹⁹⁵ De Ant. 1.11 col. 1315. For the Antichrist and his ministers as lupi, see William, , ibid. 3.5 cols. 1379–81; and Arnold of Villanova, ed. cit. (supra n. 58) p. cxxxvii: ‘Christus est pastor et alius lupus, Christus est custos et alius fur, Christus est sponsus et amicus, alius vero adulter, et inimicus’ — along with the reference to himself as ‘catulus … ecclesie’ in the De cimbalis ecclesie, quoted ibid. 216 n. 2. For an opposition between canes predicantes and the Antichrist, see Die Chronica Novella des Hermann Korner, ed. Schwalm, J. (Gottingen 1895) 41.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁶ In the light of the correspondences suggested earlier, such an association seems at least possible by way of the familiar ‘amicti saccis’ of Apoc. 11.3, along with the frequent use of ‘saccus’ to describe the fraternal habit. A gloss on Herrad of Landsberg (Du Cange 3.429 col. 3) makes the connection — literally irrelevant, but perhaps imaginatively suggestive — between German filze and saga cilicina. Google Scholar

¹⁹⁷ Dialogi 1.12 (PL 188.1158). See also Raoul of Flavigny, Super Leviticum Moysi 18.1, ed. cit. 17.220: ‘… solque sit niger tanquam saccus cilicinus, quia fulgens vita praedicantium, ante reproborum oculos aspera et despecta monstrabitur … ‘Google Scholar

¹⁹⁸ De Ant. 1.12 col. 1318; see also his interpretation of the ‘vallis montium’ of Zach. 14.5, ibid. 4.7 col. 1423.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁹ See also Fig. 13; and examples H and HH, p. 439.Google Scholar

²⁰⁰ See for example Micheli, , op. cit. (n. 5 supra) passim; and Paleografia artistica (appendix infra, QQ) 3 passim. Google Scholar