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The Correspondence of Rodolfo de Sanctis, Canon of Patras, 1386
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 29 July 2016
Extract
In the winter of 1384–1385 Rodolfo de Sanctis, who had recently received his doctorate in Canon Law, set sail from Venice to take up residence as a member of the cathedral chapter of Patras in Greece. Before his death four years later, Rodolfo had accomplished nothing of great importance and would be of little interest to scholars were it not for a few letters he wrote from Greece to a friend in Venice. Although these letters deal chiefly with personal matters, they contain several items of historical interest and, more important, they provide a glimpse into the life and activities of a Latin cleric in Greece during the late Middle Ages. Not only do they paint a portrait of Rodolfo himself, but they also tell us a great deal about the type of man who staffed the remote Eastern dioceses. In this lies their value, for our knowledge of the Western Church in the Levant during this period is so imperfect that any added documentation assumes an importance sometimes out of proportion to its intrinsic worth.
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References
1 I would like to express my appreciation to Miss Bianca Strina of the State Archives in Venice for her kindness in informing me of the documents published here and for her assistance in discovering other relevant material. — The following abbreviations will be used in these notes:Google Scholar
Arch. Ven. = Venice, Archivio di Stato.
Cicogna, Inscrizioni Veneziane = Emmanuele Cicogna, Inscrizioni Veneziane raccolte ed illustrate (6 vols. Venice 1824–1853).
Cornelius, Eccl. Ven. = Flaminius Cornelius (Corner), Ecclesiae Venetae antiquis monumentis illustratae (14 vols. Venice 1749 ss.).
Eubel, Hier. Cath. = Conrad Eubel, Hierarchia Catholica medii aevi I (2nd ed. L. Münster 1913).
Gerland, Neue Quellen = Ernst Gerland, Neue Quellen zur Geschichte des lateinischen Erzbistums Patras (Leipzig 1903).
Thiriet, Régestes = Freddy Thiriet, Régestes des délibérations du Sénat de Venise concernant la Romanie, I (Paris-La Haye 1958).
2 Cf. Wolff, Robert, ‘The Organization of the Latin Patriarchate of Constantinople, 1204–1261,’ Traditio 6 (1948) 33–60; Loenertz, R. J., ‘Athènes et Néopatras, Regestes et Documents pour servir à l'histoire ecclésiastique des Duchés Catalans (1311–1395),’ Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum 28 (1958) 5–91, esp. 5–6.Google Scholar
3 For example, during the second half of the fourteenth century: Nicola de Mercatellis, Canon of Patras, Paolo de Planta, Canon of Patras, Bartolomeo de Roma, Canon of Negropont, Bartolomeo de Thomariis, Canon of Smyrna and Candia, Antonio, Canon of Corfu, Nicola de Baris, Canon of Crete, Guglielmo de Fragapani, Canon of Lepanto.Google Scholar
4 The basic work on Latin Patras is still Gerland, Neue Quellen. Google Scholar
5 At present, and for some time to come, this series is in process of reclassification, so that the above citation cannot be considered definitive.Google Scholar
6 ‘Ego enim iam in dies procedo’: Letter I 4.Google Scholar
7 Gloria, A., Monumenti della Università di Padova (1318–1405) (Padua 1888) II 130. A ‘Magister Iohannes de Sanctis,’ who died in 1392, is buried in the Church of Maria, S. dell’ Orto in Venice: Cicogna, Inscrizioni Veneziane 2.277. Near the Arsenale in Venice is a Sottoportico dei Santi and there is a Corte dei Santi in the sestiere San Marco and another in the Giudecca.Google Scholar
8 He is listed as pievano in Cornelius, Eccl. Ven. 2.233. Upon receiving a parochial benefice a cleric was required by canon law to be ordained to the priesthood within a year (Sext. 1.6.14). To defer ordination, a dispensation was necessary which, if he wished to pursue his studies, was always granted (Sext. 1.6.34). Rodolfo, however, held a parochial benefice from 1365 on and began his studies only in 1378. According to the law, then, he should have been ordained in 1365–1366, but in view of the lax discipline of the age it is possible that he never fulfilled this obligation.Google Scholar
9 ‘Quando prima vice veni vobiscum Avinionensi meis expensis’: Letter V. In 1377 Pope Gregory XI returned to Rome, and the Great Western Schism, which broke out in the following year, precludes any subsequent visit of Foscari, a staunch supporter of the Roman Pope.Google Scholar
10 Gloria, Monumenti II 130. A cleric entering upon the study of Theology or Law was expected to have income from a benefice (without the obligation of residence or with a dispensation therefrom; cf. Decr. Greg. IX 5.5.5). — There is a very brief mention of Rodolfo de Sanctis in Cecchetti, B., ‘Libri, scuole, maestri, sussidi allo studio in Venezia nei secoli xiv e xv’ Archivio Veneto 32 (1886) 329–364, esp. 335 n. 1.Google Scholar
11 Busta 62, Note di Conto 3. On 25 July 1381 Rodolfo paid one ducat for a pair of shoes for Franzeschina: ibid. The relationship between the two has been briefly noted by Cecchetti, B., ‘La Donna nel medioevo a Venezia,’ Archivio Veneto 31 (1886) 33–69, esp. 53–55.Google Scholar
12 Gloria, Monumenti II 173. On this examination at Bologna, whose statutes, with minor variations, were followed by Padua, and on the role played by the presenting doctor (doctor presentans or promotor) cf. Rashdall, H., Powicke, F. M. and Emden, A. B., The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages (Oxford 1936) I 224ff.Google Scholar
13 On 14 August 1384, Foscari was expected to arrive in Venice soon: Arch. Ven. Senato, Misti 38, fol. 155v. Paolo Foscari came from a prominent patrician family of Venice whose house may still be seen where the Rio Foscari joins the Grand Canal, while nearby is the Cà Foscari. Paolo, who held a doctorate in utroque lege, began his ecclesiastical career as parish rector of San Pantaleone in Venice: Cornelius, Eccl. Ven. 2.349, 395. Also cf. ibid. 10.182, 13.43, 14.461–2. On 19 August 1365 the Venetian Senate decided to ask the Pope to nominate Foscari to the see of Patras: Arch. Ven. Senato, Misti 31, fol. 107. The following year, however, he was appointed Bishop of Coron and in 1367 of Castello (Venice): Eubel, Hier. Cath. 212, 171. On 25 November 1375 he became Archbishop of Patras: ibid. 394. On 17 December of the same year, however, he was still acting as Bishop of Castello, granting permission for the erection of the Church of Corpus Domini in Venice: Cicogna, Inscrizioni Veneziane 2.5. Foscari died about the end of 1393 or beginning of 1394, for in a legal document of 23 February 1394 he is already referred to as deceased: Busta 62, Parch. Doc. 10.Google Scholar
14 ‘Contra voluntatem meorum ivi ut servirem vobis’: Letter V.Google Scholar
15 ‘Nunquam enim, Deo teste et Sancto Andrea, libenter steti Patrassii nisi propter vos’: ibid. Google Scholar
16 On learning that Franzeschina had a child on 18 September 1385, Rodolfo was surprised at the late date, since while he was still in Venice she claimed to be pregnant for a month already: Letter I 18.Google Scholar
17 In 1376 or 1377 Queen Joanna of Naples had designated him as Bailie, i.e., governor in her name, of the Principality of Achaia: Libro de los Fechos et Conquistas del Principado de la Morea, ed. Morel, A.-Fatio (Publications de la Société de l'Orient Latin; Geneva 1885) p. 159, no. 723. On Foscari's activity in the Morea cf. Gerland, Neue Quellen 42–49. A decade later (6 September 1387) Pope Urban VI, who claimed Achaia after the death of Joanna, made Foscari his vicar and governor (in temporalibus generalem vicarium et gubernatorem) of the Principality: Raynaldus, O., Annales Ecclesiastici VII (Lucca 1752) ad an. 1387 viii; reprinted in Gerland, Neue Quellen 132–4.Google Scholar
18 For example: in September 1381 the Senate voted to supply him with a well armed galley ‘pro conservacione, deffensione et tutela locorum domini archiepiscopi’: Arch. Ven. Senato, Misti 37, fol. 25v. In March 1382 they allowed him to transport ten soldiers ‘ad loca sua pro custodia et conservacione eorum’: ibid. fol. 66v. Two years later twenty more men were provided: Misti 38, fol. 107.Google Scholar
19 On the adventures of Carlo Zeno in Patras cf. Iacobus Zeno, Vita Caroli Zeni, ed. Zonta, G., RIS2 19.6 (Bologna 1940). A shorter account is given in Miller, W., The Latins in the Levant, a History of Frankish Greece (London 1908) 287–90.Google Scholar
20 Letter II 1; also cf. Letter I 2.Google Scholar
21 On 8 July (1387?) Marco Gradenigo wrote to Rodolfo from Modon: ‘Daspuo io fu in canpo contra Grexi con la çente de monsignor de Modo, et Çan da Roma fo con quela del Signior de Patras’: Lettere a Rodolfo 4. Grexi could refer to the forces of the Byzantine Despotate of Mistra, although a few years later (1393) the Venetian Senate expressed its astonishment at learning that the Archbishop of Patras was aiding the Byzantine Despot, Theodore I Palaeologus, against the Navarrese in the Morea: Thiriet, Régestes no. 826, p. 197.Google Scholar
22 Letter I 5.Google Scholar
23 Letter I 8.Google Scholar
24 Letter III 1.Google Scholar
25 ‘Quandoque etiam pro vobis ivi pro episcopatu Venetiis… . quando misistis me ad Papam’: Letter V.Google Scholar
26 ‘Eram enim administrator familiarium meorum et <…> ecclesie Patracensis… . bene ecclesie Patracensi si omnes canonici res modis expenderent quibus ego feci. expendi enim, et hoc bene et sufficienter probare possem, quicquid habui de ecclesia Patracensi pro honore et statu ipsius’: Letter V.+ecclesie+Patracensis…+.+bene+ecclesie+Patracensi+si+omnes+canonici+res+modis+expenderent+quibus+ego+feci.+expendi+enim,+et+hoc+bene+et+sufficienter+probare+possem,+quicquid+habui+de+ecclesia+Patracensi+pro+honore+et+statu+ipsius’:+Letter+V.>Google Scholar
27 Letter II 2.Google Scholar
28 On the judicial activity of the canons in Patras, particularly of those who held the degree, decretorum doctor, cf. Gerland, Neue Quellen 97–100.Google Scholar
29 He was named Legate before 26 September 1384, when Clement VII declared him deposed because of his adherence to Urban VI: ‘… publice et notorie adheserat et adherebat prout adheret de presenti, dando ei in occupacionem huiusmodi auxilium, consilium et favorem, legationis ipsius officium dampnabile exercendo, fidelesque nostros et ecclesie Romane graviter persequendo, et quosdam ex ipsis diris carceribus mancipando …’: Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Reg. Aven. 237, fol. 431v.Google Scholar
30 Also called de Mercadantibus: cf. Halecki, O., ‘Rome et Byzance au temps du grand schisme d'Occident,’ Collectanea Theologica (Lwów) 18 (1937) 477–532, esp. 481ff.Google Scholar
31 Cf. Dennis, G., The Reign of Manuel II Palaeologus in Thessalonica, 1382–1387 (Orientalia Christiana Analecta 159; Rome 1960) 142–150.Google Scholar
32 Busta 62, Parch. Doc. 1. On the feudal lands of the canons in Patras cf. Gerland, Neue Quellen 81ff.Google Scholar
32a Cf. Letter III 3.Google Scholar
33 Letter III 1.Google Scholar
34 Letter IV 3.Google Scholar
35 In a letter (Lettere a Rodolfo 2) of 2 July (1387?). Nicola Agapito informed Rodolfo that a certain Sofia had just had a child whose father, as far as one can judge from the context, was Rodolfo.Google Scholar
36 ‘Io mando questa letera a misser lo plevan de San Bernaba perchè magino vuy sie andado in chortte, e lluy ve scriverà per haver de ve tute choxe’: Lettera a Pietro Chorozatis. Google Scholar
37 Lettere a Rodolfo 1–4. Although no year is given, these letters were probably written in 1387. They all speak of a child just having been born to Sofia, who would seem to be the same individual mentioned by Rodolfo in Letter V: ‘Puto quod iuvenis illa que mecum stabat iam enixa sit.’ Letter V is Rodolfo's reply to the serious charges made against him by the Archbishop; the relations between the two must have become strained in 1387, for in Letter IV, dated 24 September 1386, there is no hint at all of such difficulties. — As far as Rodolfo's whereabouts are concerned, these four letters make it clear that he was not at the papal court, nor in Venice, Patras, Candia or Modon. Perhaps he spent part of this time in Coron; at least, Agapito arranged for money to be given to him there; cf. below, n. 43.Google Scholar
38 Lettere a Rodolfo 1. Lo Trissuriero is the treasurer of Patras, Nicola Agapito; messer Tobia, Dimitri Papadopoulos and Sofia are mentioned in Lettere a Rodolfo 2–3, but are otherwise unknown. Vostra altra may possibly be referred to by Agapito in his letter of 2 July: ‘Per la Chaquea che vui me scrivete che io ve la debia mandare a Venexia, ella dixe in brieve che ananci se la saria taliare per peçe che ella andasse in Venexia mai. e io dubitandomi che ella non me schampasse de casa mia, la o cofortata che non andarà in Venexia. se vui volite li dinari che ella ve chustò, io ve li farò dare, e se vui no volite li dinari e volite puri essa, scriveteme a chi volite che io la consegno et io la consegniarò voluntieri.’ Lo Grezo is unknown; Nepanto is Lepanto (Nafpaktos); Zoane da Roma is the Giovanni da Roma who was connected with the military forces of Patras; cf. above, n. 21.Google Scholar
39 Lettere a Rodolfo 2.Google Scholar
40 ‘Scrivetime che io ve faça a saver se fu vero che vui devenate esere mandato a messer Raineri. de questo io non sso la verità.’ Raineri may be Nerio I (Rainerio) Acciajuoli, Lord of Corinth and soon to be Duke of Athens.Google Scholar
41 ‘De qui in aveì farò lo melio che io porò sequundo vui me scrivete, e lo simille farò de la aptacione de la casa.’Google Scholar
42 ‘Item. per lo fato de li tue beneficii, … io parlay con lo Signore de questo et eciadio de quello canonichato che vacha a Modon sequundo vui me scrivete. e de tuto questo lo Signore ve responde dentro a la letera che ve scrive.’Google Scholar
43 ‘Li dite denari, no me confidando tropu bene de lo vostro famelio, intanto che vui non me scrivete a chi io li debia consegniare, e li o fate chanbio con ser Bernardo de la Mulla, che ve siano date a Coron per uno ser Gasparino Longo, sequundo vui vederite la cetulla de lo chanbio.’Google Scholar
44 ‘Lo parochiano me responde che lo fu ingana et a dito de vui e che da chi a cento anni non vedaria vostro tornexe. so par questo fato, a me pare che vui li scrivate che me daga lecencia che io me possa pagare sopra li fruti sue.’Google Scholar
45 Lettere a Rodolfo 3.Google Scholar
46 ‘De la fameia me dise como lo tresurier con voluntade del Signor mançava omni cosa, e che la mamola e'l puto stava in casa del tresurier mal confortade’: Lettere a Rodolfo 4.Google Scholar
47 Letter V.Google Scholar
46 On 28 August 1386 the Venetian Senate wrote to the Duke and counsellors of Crete: it has been reported that for the past two years they had not been giving the usual tithes (decimas) to the archbishop and canons of Crete; the Senate ordered them to begin doing so immediately: Arch. Ven. Senato, Misti 40, fol. 43.Google Scholar
49 In his will, made on 9 July 1388, he left money to the child expected by Dorotea Gigli, ‘qui ad presens dicit se pregnantem’: Busta 62, Commissaria fol. 4.Google Scholar
50 ‘Ego, Rodulphus de Sanctis de Venetiis, decretorum doctor, sanus corpore et mente, in Cretensem insulam profecturus, nolens humanis eximi meo incondito et testamento ac bona mea inordinata relinquere …’: ibid. Google Scholar
51 ‘Item. dimitto Lucie filie mee, ut dicitur, ducatos centum aure, quos habere debeat pro sua dote cum fuerit etatis annorum tresdecim ut tunc maritetur, ita tamen quod nulo unquam tempore ipsa Lucia possit aliquid de dictis ducatis centum vel de sua dote dare, donare, vel legare Francischine matri sue vel alicui consanguineo, attinenti vel affini ipsius Francischine’: ibid. Google Scholar
52 On 20 September 1389 Donato Mergolo asked the executors of Rodolfo's estate for ten gold ducats, ‘pro resto afficionis unius anni completi et finiti quinto mensis augusti de presenti millesimo ad rationem ducatorum sexdecim in anno de una sua domo per dictum defunctum [Rodolfo] adaffictum … in confinio Sancte Marie Iubanico’: Busta 62, Parch. Doc. 2.Google Scholar
53 On fol. 1 of the Commissaria of Rodolfo is a note: ‘… Rodulphus de Sanctis, decretorum doctor, obiit de m°iiiclxxxviii mensis <…> cuius commissarii in <…> die xvi mensis augusti antedicti mo.’ Unfortunately, the two places omitted here were left blank in the original. According to Venetian reckoning, the year 1388 extended to the last day of February 1389.+cuius+commissarii+in+<…>+die+xvi+mensis+augusti+antedicti+mo.’+Unfortunately,+the+two+places+omitted+here+were+left+blank+in+the+original.+According+to+Venetian+reckoning,+the+year+1388+extended+to+the+last+day+of+February+1389.>Google Scholar
54 On 27 April 1390 they paid ‘pro nabulo duorum chopharorum conductorum cum panis et libris de Chandida’: Busta 62, Commissaria fol. 5v; and again on 27 June 1391, ‘pro nabulo unius choffari quem apportavit de Chandida Venetiis’: ibid. Google Scholar
55 Cornelius, Eccl. Ven. 10.288. There still exists a Calle dei Spiriti in Venice not far from the present Piazzale Roma.Google Scholar
56 Cornelius, Eccl. Ven. 14.463, 1.301.Google Scholar
57 ‘… Providebit venerabili viro presbytero Petro Spirito de abbatia Marie, S. de la Folina, et ipse ser Petrus habeat quoddam beneficium canonicatus in partibus Crete, quod in dicto casu veniet ad vacandum in curia’: Arch. Ven. Senato, Misti 41, fol. 138. It remains uncertain whether Pietro received the abbey in Folina; at least, there is no mention of him in the work of Bernardi, J., Vaimarino e Foliina (Venice 1866).Google Scholar
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60 Busta 62, Commissaria fol. 4.Google Scholar
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64 Busta 62, Parch. Doc. 12.Google Scholar
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78 Busta 62, Note di Conto 3.Google Scholar
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81 Eubel, Hier. Cath. 362, lists Juan de Reyo, appointed in 1382 by Clement VII, a fact which would make it most unlikely that he was on friendly terms with the supporters of Urban VI in Patras.Google Scholar
82 Ibid. 362. Also cf. Loenertz, ‘Athènes et Néopatras’ (supra, n. 2) passim. Google Scholar
83 Cornelius, Eccl. Ven. 8.166, 9.351–2.Google Scholar
84 Ibid. 10.183–5.Google Scholar
85 Sanudo, Vite de’ Duchi 749 C; Arch. Ven. Senato, Secreta Ε fol. 22. Cf. Barbaro, Genealogia, cod. Marcian. it. VII 928 (coll. 8597) fol. 191v.Google Scholar
86 Caroldo, Chronicle, cod. cit. (n. 73 supra) fol. 366.Google Scholar
87 Cornelius, Eccl. Ven. 10.288.Google Scholar
88 Caresini, Chronica 12. Some five streets in Venice still bear the name Loredan.Google Scholar
89 Thiriet, Régestes no. 467, p. 119; no. 917, p. 214.Google Scholar
90 Cornelius, Eccl. Ven. 1.301, 10.291.Google Scholar
91 Busta 62, Note di Conto 3; also cf. Commissaria fol. 5v, Parch. Doc. 6 (23 January 1392) and Parch. Doc. 11 (7 July 1394). For the name cf. Cicogna, Inscrizioni Veneziane 1.75, 2.26.Google Scholar
92 Busta 62, Note di Conto 3.Google Scholar
93 Busta 62, Commissaria fol. 4v. The two books referred to as ‘Berengarii’ are the Inventarium iuris canonici and the Inventarium speculi iudicialis (iuris), both written by Berengarius Fredoli. Cf. Viollet, P., ‘Bérenger Frédol, canoniste,’ Histoire littéraire de la France 34 (1914) 165, 174.Google Scholar
93a Cf. von Schulte, J. F., Die Geschichte der Quellen und Literatur des canonischen Rechts von Gratian bis auf die Gegenwart (3 vols. Stuttgart 1875–1880) II 217.Google Scholar
94 Deliberation of the Venetian Senate for 15 March 1384: Arch. Ven. Senato, Misti 38, fol. 107 (missing in Thiriet).Google Scholar
95 Busta 62, Parch. Doc. 1.Google Scholar
96 Cf. Thiriet, La Romanie vénitienne 250–251.Google Scholar
97 Ibid. 248–9.Google Scholar
98 Thiriet, Régestes no. 621, p. 152; no. 720, p. 174; no. 795, p. 191.Google Scholar
99 Caroldo, Chronicle, cod. cit. fol. 402v, 414v; Sanudo, Vite de’ Duchi 744 E, 779 D; Caresini, Chronica 49.Google Scholar
100 Caroldo fol. 410v, 421; Caresini 39.Google Scholar
101 Sanudo, Vite de’ Duchi 769 A.Google Scholar
102 On 12 March and 29 May 1387 he was referred to by the Senate as ‘olim castellano Coroni et Mothoni’: Arch. Ven. Senato, Misti 40, fol. 62v. 69v.Google Scholar
103 Arch. Ven. Senato, Secreta E fol. 22.Google Scholar
104 Eubel, Hier. Cath. 215.Google Scholar
105 Thiriet, Régestes no. 725, p. 175.Google Scholar
106 Sanudo, Vite de’ Duchi 687 A, 674 C. Another Giovanni Gradenigo had been Doge of Venice (1355–1356).Google Scholar
107 Liber iurium Reipublicae Genuensis, ed. Ricciotti, H. (Patriae historiae Monumenta 9; Turin 1857) II 891a.Google Scholar
108 Caresini, Chronica 60; Sanudo, Vita de’ Duchi 746 D, 749 A.Google Scholar
109 Thiriet, Régestes no. 748, p. 180.Google Scholar
110 Eubel, Hier. Cath. 201. On 12 August and 19 December 1386 the Venetian Senate decided to recommend him to the Pope: Arch. Ven. Senato, Misti 40, fol. 41, 53.Google Scholar
111 His name appears as a notary in 1343 and 1360: Cornelius, Eccl. Ven. 1.111, 3.377. On 3 June 1382 he was sent to the Prince of Taranto in connection with the negotiations regarding Corfu: Thiriet, Régestes no. 626, p. 153; Caroldo, Chronicle, cod. cit. fol. 448v.Google Scholar
112 Busta 62, Commissaria fol. 4–5; Note di Conto 6 (22 June 1389); Parch. Doc. 4 (28 February 1390).Google Scholar
113 Busta 62, Note di Conto 6; Parch. Doc. 8 (8 February 1392).Google Scholar
114 Thiriet, , Régestes no. 712, p. 172.Google Scholar
115 Chronica 62. Cf. Romanin, S., Storia documentata di Venezia (2nd ed. Venice 1913) III 315–16; he gives the same date as Rodolfo, 20 May 1386.Google Scholar
116 Caroldo, Chronicle, cod. cit. fol. 414, 424v, 456.Google Scholar
117 Thiriet, Régestes no. 712, p. 172.Google Scholar
118 Ibid. no. 720. p. 174.Google Scholar
119 Cf. Bautier, A. M., ‘Contribution à un vocabulaire économique du midi de la France’ Archivum latinitatis medii aevi (Bulletin Du Cange) 26 (1956) 5–74, esp. 6–7.Google Scholar
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