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¹ The letters of Charlemagne are published in various volumes of the MGH: Epistolae 4 and 5; Concilia 2.1; Capitularia 1; for the letters addressed to Amalarius of Trèves, see now the edition by Hanssens, I. M., in his Amalarii Episcopi Opera Liturgica I (Studi e Testi 138; Città del Vaticano 1948); for his letter to Pope Hadrian I, see the ed. by Munding, E., Königsbrief Karls d. Gr. an Papst Hadrian (Texte und Arbeiten ed. Beuron, Erzabtei 1.6, Leipzig 1920; cf. also Levison in Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde 43 [1920] 464ff.; Erben, W., ibid. 46 [1926] 11-13, and Historische Zeitschrift 127 [1923] 289-291). Cf. also von den Steinen, W., Karl der Grosse: Leben und Briefe (Breslau 1928).Google Scholar

² Bresslau, , Handbuch der Urkundenlehre für Deutschland und Italien I (2nd ed. Leipzig 1912) 381–382; Paoli, C., Diplomatica (ed. Bascape, G. S.; Florence 1942) 34-35. Ganshof, F. L., ‘Charlemagne et l’usage de l’écrit en matière administrative,’ Le Moyen Age 57 (1951) 18.Google Scholar

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⁵ So Erdmann, C., Archiv für Urkundanforschung 16 (1939) 184; we are better informed on later collections of letters. See Erdmann, , ‘Briefsammlungen,’ in Wattenbach, Wilhelm, Deutschlands Geschichtsquellen im Mittelalter I (ed. Holtzmann, Robert; Tübingen 1948) 415-542, 836-837.Google Scholar

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¹⁰ Barion, H., ‘Der kirchenrechtliche Charakter des Konzils von Frankfurt 794,’ Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, Kanon. Abt. 19 (1930) 139–170; id., Das Fränkisch-Deutsche Synodalrecht des Frühmittelalters (Bonn-Köln 1931); Ganshof, F. L., ‘Observations sur le synode de Francfort de 794,’ Miscellanea historica in honorem Alberti de Meyer I (Brussels 1946) 306ff.Google Scholar

¹¹ Cf. Rivera, J. F., Elipando de Toledo: Nueva aportación a los estudios Mozárabes (Toledo 1940); de Robles, C. S., Elipando y San Beato de Liébana (Madrid 1935); Amann, Émile, ‘L'adoptionisme espagnol du viii^e siècle,’ Revue des sciences religieuses 16 (1936) 281-317; de Abadal y de Vinyals, R., La batalla del adopcionismo en la disintegración de la Iglesia visigoda (Real Academia de Buenas Letras de Barcelona 1949); cf. also Augusto Pascual in Revue d'histoire ecclésiastique 45 (1950) 339-340.Google Scholar

¹² MGH Concilia 2 (ed. Werminghoff, A. = Conc. aevi Karolini 1; 1906) nos. 19 A-G, pp. 110–171.Google Scholar

¹³ Halphen, L., Charlemagne et l'empire carolingien (Paris 1947) 213ff.; Voigt, K., Staat und Kirche von Konstantin dem Grossen bis zum Ende der Karolingerzeit (Stuttgart 1936) 320, 344.Google Scholar

¹⁴ He participated at Frankfurt, and edited the Italian synodica, the ‘Libellus Sacrosyllabus Episcoporum Italiae,’ MGH Concilia 2 no. 19D, pp. 130–142. He wrote against Felix of Urgel, PL 99; cf. Wilmart, A., ‘L'ordre des parties dans le traité de Paulin d’Aquilée contre Félix d’Urgel,’ Journal of Theological Studies 39 (1938) 22-37.Google Scholar

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¹⁶ Cf. Alcuin, , Libellus adversus Felicis haeresin, PL 101.85-119, written in 797; Libri septem adversus Felicem (of 798) col. 127-230; Adversus Elipandum libri quattuor (about 800) col. 243-300.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Alcuin’s letters to Felix of Urgel, ed. Dümmler, Ernst, MGH Epist. 4 nos. 5 and 23; to Elipand no. 166, with Elipand’s answer no. 182; Felix to Charlemagne no. 199, and Elipand to Felix no. 183.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Cf. Leo the Great, Epistola dogmatica ad Flavianum, ed. Hahn, August, Bibliothek der Symbole und Glaubensregeln der alten Kirche (3rd ed. Breslau 1897) no. 36 p. 322: ‘et ideo magistri erroris existunt, quia veritatis discipuli non fuerunt’; ed. Schwartz, E., Acta Con. Oecum. II.ii.1 (Berlin-Leipzig 1932) no. 5 p. 25.4; JK 423.Google Scholar

¹⁹ MGH Epist. 4 nos. 23, 41, 117, 137, 149, 184, 186, 193, 209, 281; Comment. in Eccles. PL 100.696B; Dialogus de dialectica c. 11, PL 101.963D; Vita Richarii , ed. Krusch, , MGH Scriptores Rerum Merovingicarum 4.392.25-27.Google Scholar

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²² Cf. 1. Ortiz de Urbina. ‘La struttura del simbolo Costantinopolitano,’ Orientalia Christiana Periodica 12 (1946) 275–285; El Simbolo Niceno (Madrid 1947); d’Alès, A., ‘Nicée-Constantinople. Les premiers Symboles de Foi,’ Recherches des sciences religieuses 26 (1936) 85-93.Google Scholar

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²⁴ During the Middle Ages ascribed to Jerome and Augustine; cf. Levison, W., England and the Continent in the Eighth Century (Oxford 1946) 237.Google Scholar

²⁵ Madoz, J., Le Symbole du XI ^e Concile de Tolède (Spicilegium Sacrum Lovaniense 19; Louvain 1938).Google Scholar

²⁶ Comparable to the one edited by Künstle, K., Eine Bibliothek der Symbole (Mainz 1900), from a MS of the ninth century.Google Scholar

²⁷ And not the Athanasian Creed, as is stated by Hefele-Leclercq, , Histoire des Conciles 3 (Paris 1910) 1059 note 1.Google Scholar

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²⁹ Cf. Jungmann, J. A., Missarum Sollemnia 1 (2nd ed Wien 1949) 578–579; Neyron, Gustave, ‘Charlemagne, les Papes et l’Orient,’ Orientalia Christiana Periodica 13 (1947) 260-63.Google Scholar

³⁰ See the references collected by von den Steinen, W., Neues Archiv 49 (1930-1932) 217; Bastgen, , ibidem 37 (1912) 516-524.Google Scholar

³¹ Hauek, A., Kirchengeschichte Deutschlands 2 (3rd-4th ed Leipzig 1912) 313.Google Scholar

³² von Schubert, H., Geschichte der christlichen Kirche im Frühmittelalter (Tübingen 1921) 387.Google Scholar

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³⁵ See the summary by Ganshof, F. L., The Imperial Coronation of Charlemagne: Theories and Facts (Glasgow University Publications 1949).Google Scholar

³⁶ MGH Conc. 2.143-157, no. 19E.Google Scholar

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⁴¹ Harnack, A., Lehrbuch der Dogmengeschichte 3 (4th ed. Tübingen 1910) 281; Turmel, J., Histoire des dogmes 2 (Paris 1932) 447-448; Tixeront, J., Histoire des dogmes 3 (Paris 1922) 526 ff.Google Scholar

^41a Haddan-Stubbs, , Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents Relating to Great Britain and Ireland 3 (Oxford 1871) 481–482; what is said on p. 483 must be corrected after Ernst Dümmler, MGH Epistolae 4 316-317 no. 189.Google Scholar

⁴² Hauck, (above, note 31) 311; von Schubert, (n. 32) 387; de Clercq, (n. 38) 185; Levison, (n. 24) 112; Ganshof, (n. 10) 310.Google Scholar

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⁴⁴ Amann, (above, note 40) 142.Google Scholar

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⁴⁷ Alcuin, , Epist. 43 (Dümmler 38.4-6); Adversus Elipandum 1.16 (PL 101.251C-D); Alcuin, to Charlemagne, , Epist. 229 (D. 373.11) of Sept. or Oct. 801: ‘atque ex diversis mundi partibus amatores illius vestrae bonae voluntati adiutores convocare studuistis’; cf. Epist. 220 (D. 322.28).Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Gaskoin, , Alcuin 87; Kleinclausz, , Alcuin 88-89, 302.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Correctly mentioned by Kleinclausz, p. 79; Alcuin left England between April and June, 793.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Alcuin, , Adv. Elipandum 1.16 (PL. 101.251-252) says clearly that he did not attend the Frankish Synod of Regensburg which was held in 792: ‘Antequam ego rege Carolo iubente venissem in Francia’ (from England); see above, note 49, and Boehmer-Mühlbacher, , Regesta Imperii no. 318a.Google Scholar

⁵¹ MGH Epistolae 4 No. 137 (D. 211.18) written in 798: ‘ex auctoritate synodali habetis responsum,’ a reference to the Frankish synodica. Google Scholar

⁵² Alcuin to Arno of Salzburg, Epist. 208 (D. 346.10) from the year 800: ‘Nam quidam Elipandus, Toletanae civitatis—nomine non dignitate episcopus in damnata synodali auctoritate et apostolica censura herese permanens’; Kleinclausz mentions Epist. 208 on p. 233 without realizing that it contains a reference to the Frankfurt Synod.Google Scholar

⁵³ Libri Carolini sive Caroli Magni Capitulare de Imaginibus, ed. Bastgen, H. (MGH Concilia 2: Supplementum; Hannover and Leipzig 1924); see also Bastgen in Lexikon für Theologie und Kirche 6 (1934) 553-554.Google Scholar

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⁵⁹ MGH Concilia 2.163-164. Buchner, Max, ‘Rom oder Reims: Die Heimat des Constitutum Constantini,’ Historisches Jahrbuch der Görresgesellschaft 53 (1933) 161–164, construes a connection between F and the notorious forgery, which is not convincing to me.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Listed by von den Steinen, , Neues Archiv 49 (1932) 211. I read summe (instead of summa) as suggested by Mentz, A., ‘Die Tironischen Noten,’ Archiv für Urkundenforschung (1942) 262.Google Scholar

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^62a This interdependence remained unknown to Dom Capelle, B., ‘L'introduction du symbole à la messe,’ Mélanges Joseph de Ghellinck 2 (Gembloux 1951) 1009–1015, who suggests Alcuin’s possible authorship of F on the basis of the occurrence of the identical, unique (even incorrect) variants in the text of the symbol and in that of the Irish Stowe Missal, which had been adopted by the Saxon.Google Scholar

⁶³ Ed. Bastgen, 5.29-6.1; 102.16.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ See above, note 19.Google Scholar

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⁶⁸ Cf. Hannemann, Otto, Die Kanonikerregeln Chrodegangs von Metz und der Aachener Synode von 816 (Greifswald 1914), overlooked by Napier; Morhain, E., in Miscellanea Pio Paschini I (Rome 1948) 173-185.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Ed. Dümmler, , MGH Epistolae 4 no. 74 pp. 116–117; cf. note 80, below, on another edition of the same letter.Google Scholar

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⁸⁴ Cf. Lorenz, , ‘Fruitio Dei bei Augustin,’ Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte 63 (1950) 75–132.Google Scholar

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⁸⁷ This fact cancels out the assumption of Sickel, Th., Historische Zeitschrift 32 (1874) 365, that the repetition of ‘certain ideas, formulae, and quotations’ in the letters of Alcuin is indicative of their respective dates.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ Or his notaries; see Alcuin, , Vita Richarii, ed. Krusch, , MGH Script. Rer. Merov. 4 (1902) 389; Epist. 242 (D. 387.30): ‘vocato notario’ and ‘aceito notario.’ On the functions of the notarius see Wattenbach, Wilhelm, Das Schriftwesen im Mittelalter (3rd ed. Leipzig 1896) 421.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ See Ramackers, J., ‘Eine unbekannte Handschrift der Alchuinbriefe,’ Neues Archiv 50 (1935) 425–428. — A revised dating is suggested by Nestler, H, ‘Ein Beitrag zur Datierung der Briefe Alkuins,’ Verhandlungen des historischen Vereins der Oberpfalz 77 pp. 48-52, for Epist. 264 (autumn, 799) and 265 (Easter, 804).Google Scholar

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⁹¹ Edited in MGH Epistolae 5.579 as a letter by Grimold of St. Gall; but see Bäumer, , Historisches Jahrbuch der Görresgesellschaft 14 (1893) 259; Lietzmann, Hans, Petrus und Paulus (2nd ed. Berlin-Leipzig 1927) 50-51.Google Scholar

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⁹³ ‘Una lettera inedita di Alcuino,’ Benedictina 2 (Rome 1948) 227–230, from MS 3 of La Cava, saec. xi, f. 318-319. Considerations of style and diction, however, militate against accepting Alcuin’s authorship of this letter without a note of doubt.Google Scholar