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³ 'Itinerarium Burdigalense ,’ in Itinera Hierosolymitana saeculi IV–VIII, ed. Geyer, P. (Leipzig 1898; hereafter Itinera) 21–22.Google Scholar

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⁶ Wilkinson, J., Jerusalem Pilgrims before the Crusades (Jerusalem 1977) 36.Google Scholar

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¹² See nn. 23–26 below. Google Scholar

¹³ So, e.g., new holy traditions were assigned during the thirteenth century to various sites along the coast of the Crusader Kingdom, traditions which had not existed before. See the inventory in the French text of ca. 1280 known as 'Pelrinages et Pardouns de Acre,’ in Itinéraires à Jérusalem et descriptions de la Terre Sainte, edd. H. Micheiant and G. Raynaud (Paris 1882; hereafter Itinéraires) 229. Google Scholar

¹⁴ Prawer, J., Histoire du royaume latin de Jérusalem (Paris 1969) I 222.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Prawer, J., 'The Settlement of the Latins in Jerusalem,’ Speculum 27 (1952) 490–97; B. Hamilton, 'Rebuilding Sion: The Holy Places of Jerusalem in the Twelfth Century,’ Studies in Church History 14 (1977) 105–16.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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¹⁷ 'Gesta Francorum et aliorum Hierosolimitanorum,’ RHC HOcc III 519. The paragraph cited here does not appear in the new edition of the Gesta (n. 38 below). See also M. de Vogüé, Les Eglises de la Terre Sainte (Paris 1860; repr. Jerusalem 1973) 281 and n. 2; J. Prawer, The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem: European Colonialism in the Middle Ages (London 1972) 110–111 and n. 2. According to the 'Citez de Jherusalem,’ 'Si rois avoit III riches manoirs, I. en haut à la Tor Davi[d], et I. en bas devant la Tor Davi[d], et le tierc devant le temple u Dex fu offers, cel manoir apele on le temple Salemon. C'estoit li plus riches': Vogüé, Eglises 281 n. 2.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Tyrensis, Tyrensis, Historia rerum in partibus transmarinis gestarum 20.7 (RHC HOcc I 520); M. L. Bulst-Thiele, Sacrae domus militiae Templi Hierosolymitani magistri (Göttingen 1974) 19–21.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Fulcheri Carnotensis Historia Hierosolimitana, ed. Hagenmayer, H. (Heidelberg 1913) 291–92 and n. 30.Google Scholar

²⁰ Theodoricus, , Libellus de Locis Sanctis, edd. M. L. and W. Bulst (Heidelberg 1976) 22–23, 26–27; John of Würzburg 129–30; The Travels of Benjamin of Tudela (ca. 1170), ed. Adler, W. (London 1907) 36; Vogüé, Eglises 288–90; B. Mazar et al., The Mountain of the Lord (New York 1975) 274–75. The Claustrum Salomonis appears in a number of twelfth-century Crusader maps of Jerusalem. See R. Röhricht, 'Karten und Pläne zur Palästinakunde aus dem 7. bis 16. Jahrhundert,’ Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palästinavereins (hereafter ZPDV) 15 (1982) maps 1–5.Google Scholar

²¹ de Arroasia, Acardus, Tractatus super Templo Salomonis, in Corona Quernea, Festgabe Karl Strecker, ed. Lehman, P.; Schriften der Monumenta Germaniae Historica 6 (Leipzig 1941) 329. Busse 24–25. Achard points out that he knew the people who possessed the stolen treasures during the period of the conquest. This may refer to the time of Baldwin I (1110–1118), rather than to that of his successor Baldwin II (1118–1131): Acardus de Arroasia 307–20. For a different opinion, see Lehman 300.Google Scholar

²² The foundation of the Templum Domini is attributed to Godfrey of Bouillon by William of Tyre 9.9 (RHC HOcc I 376–77). The earliest evidence of canons there, however, dates from 1112. Cf. H. E. Mayer, Bistümer, Klöster und Stifte im Königreich Jerusalem, Schriften der Monumenta Germaniae Historica 26 (Stuttgart 1977) 222–29; B. Hamilton, The Latin Church in the Crusader States: The Secular Church (London 1980) 96–97, 99, 147. The anonymous author of the ‘Citez de Jherusalem’ (ca. 1187) describes the house of the canons as follows: 'A mein senestre du haut pavement du temple, estoit d'offecine de l'abbe et de chanoines': Vogüé, Eglises 439. Google Scholar

²³ '“Item notandum quod Templum Domini fuit primo sedes episcopalis”: The Treaty of Tell-'Ajul-Jaffa ( 1229 ),’ in Histoire de l'ile de Chypre, ed. de Mas-Latrie, M. L. (Paris 1855) III 628.Google Scholar

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³¹ Fulcher of Chartres 831–37. For this interpolation (Codex L) see Hagenmeyer's edition (n. 19 above) 831–34. This was printed in the RHC HOcc edition of Fulk of Chartres' chronicle as the version of Bartolf de Nangis: RHC HOcc III 321–418n. The story of the events of 1101 was known to Guibert of Nogent, who wrote his Gesta Dei per Francos ca. 1108. See RHC HOcc IV 255–56. Google Scholar

³² RHC HOcc II 386–87. See also Palestine Pilgrims Texts Society (hereafter PPTS) 4 Appendix V 106–108; B. McGinn, 'Iter Sancti Sepulchri: The Piety of the First Crusaders,’ in Essays in Medieval Civilization (The Walter Prescott Webb Memoriai Lectures 12; Austin and London 1978) 33–71 esp. 33–38.Google Scholar

³³ 'Livre de Jean d'Ibelin,’ RHC Lois I 31; Cartulaire, no. 122; Prawer, The Latin Kingdom 111–15.Google Scholar

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³⁵ Kohler 312–13, 315–17, 328; John of Würzburg 128–29, 190–91. The procession of Palm Sunday continued to be celebrated in Jerusalem also after the termination of Crusader rule, but its route changed: Niccolo da Poggibonsi, Libro d'Oltramare (1346–1350), ed. Bagatti, P. B. (Jerusalem 1945) 29. Felix Faber, Evagatorium (1480–1483) in PPTS 7/8. 460–61.Google Scholar

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⁴¹ 'Peregrinatio Sæwulfi ad Hierosolymam et Terram Sanctam' (PPTS 4.40–42). For the sanctity of the holy rock, see also Albert of Aix 480 who refers to it as santa sanctorum of the Temple of the Lord. For the tradition of the annunciation to Zacharia see also ‘De Situ Urbis Jerusalem’ 413. For the holy rock as the place of the Ark of the Covenant, the manna, Aaron's rod, the dream of Jacob, and the death of Zacharia, see also ‘Qualiter sita est Civitas Jerusalem’ (ca. 1095–1105), in Itinera Hierosolymitana. edd. T. Tobler and A. Molinier (Paris 1819) 348; Chronicon universale Anonymi Laudunensis, edd. A. Carteilieri and W. Stechele (Leipzig and Paris 1909) 43–44.Google Scholar

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⁴³ Fulcher of Chartres 285–90. Google Scholar

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⁴⁸ John of Würzburg 120, 124. The tradition of pinnaculum templi is mentioned by Theodosius (518) as well as in the ‘Breviarius’ (ca. 550): Itinera 142, 155; H. Vincent and F. M. Abel, Jérusalem nouvelle (Paris 1914–1926) 841–45. Google Scholar

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⁵⁰ Sæwulf 41–42. This tradition derives from the sixth-century 'Pseudo-Matthaei Evangelium Epistula,’ in Evangelia Apocrypha, ed. von Tischendorf, C. (Leipzig 1876) 60.Google Scholar

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⁵⁸ Antoninus 170–71; Beda 392; Sæwulf 40; Daniel 21; Petrus Diaconus 108; Vincent and Abel 832–36. Google Scholar

⁵⁴ The Ludus de Antichristo depends heavily on the earlier versions of the vision, on pseudo-Methodius and Adso of Montier-en-Der. See Adso, Epistola … de Ortu et Tempore Antichristo' (CCL CM 45.24); cf. C. Erdmann, 'Endkaiserglaube und Kreuzzugsgedanke im 11. Jahrhundert,’ Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte 51 (1932) 384–414; P. J. Alexander, 'Byzantium and the Migration of Literary Works and Motifs: The Legend of the Last Roman Emperor,’ Medievalia et Humanistica 2 (1971) 47–68; for the Ludus de Antichristo see B. McGinn, Visions of the End: Apocalyptic Traditions in the Middle Ages (New York 1979) 117–21.Google Scholar

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