In the last fifteen years, a growing number of theatre
historians have examined the relation between the British stage
and British Imperialism, suggesting that the theatre has both
reflected and helped constitute modern colonialism.Articles examining theatrical orientalism and
British Imperialism in Victorian and Edwardian periods include
Michael Booth, “Soldiers of the Queen: Drury Lane
Imperialism,” Melodrama: The Cultural Emergence of a
Genre, eds. Michael Hays and Anastasia Nikolopoulou
(New York: St. Martin's Press, 1996), 3–20; Heidi J.
Holder, “Melodrama, realism and empire on the British
stage,” Acts of Supremacy: the British Empire and the
stage, 1790–1930, eds. J.S. Bratton et al.
(Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1991),129–149;
J.S. Bratton, “Theatres of war: the Crimea on the London
stage 1854–5,” Performance and Politics in Popular
Drama: Aspects of Popular Entertainment in Theatre, Film and
Television, 1800–1976, eds. David Bradby, Louis James,
and Bernard Sharrat (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980),
119–138; and J. Ellen Gainor, “Bernard Shaw and the
Drama of Imperialism,” The Performance of Power:
Theatrical Discourse and Politics, eds. Sue-Ellen Case and
Janelle Reinelt (Iowa City: University of Iowa Press, 1991),
56–74. John M. Mackenzie provides a thorough overview of
nineteenth-century theatrical orientalism in Orientalism:
History, theory and the arts (Manchester: Manchester
University Press, 1995), 176–199, and Gary Jay Williams
examines orientalist images of colonial expansion in Covent
Garden's 1816 operatic adaptation of A Midsummer
Night's Dream in Our Moonlight Revels: A
Midsummer Night's Dream in the Theatre (Iowa City:
University of Iowa Press, 1997), 76–92. While scholars have
examined colonialism and theatre in a range of periods, studies of
Renaissance theatre are particularly rich in this area. Examples
include Paul Brown, “'This thing of darkness I acknowledge
mine': The Tempest and the Discourse of Colonialism,
” in Political Shakespeare: essays in cultural
materialism, eds. Jonathon Dollimore and Alan Sinfield
(Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1994), 48–71; Kim F.
Hall, “Sexual Politics and Cultural Identity in The Masque
of Blackness,” in The Performance of Power: Theatrical
Discourse and Politics, eds. Sue-Ellen Case and Janelle
Reinelt (Iowa City: University of Iowa Press, 1991), 3–18;
Patricia Parker, “Fantasies of 'Race' and
'Gender': Africa, Othello and Bringing to Light,
” in Women, “Race,” and Writing in the Early
Modern Period, eds. Margo Hendricks and Patricia Parker
(London: Routledge, 1994), 84–100; and Peter Hulme, Colonial Encounters: Europe and the native Caribbean,
1492–1797 (London: Methuen, 1986). At the same
time, there has been an equally prolific effort by historians of
the human sciences, examining a host of disciplines whose emergence
coincided with colonial expansion.See Felix Driver, “Geography's empire: histories of
geographical knowledge,” Society and Space, 10
(1992), 23–40; Brian Hudson, “The New Geography and
the New Imperialism: 1870–1918,” Antipode 9
(1977), 12–19; George W. Stocking, Jr., Victorian
Anthropology (New York: Free Press-Macmillan, 1987); Billie
Melman, Women's Orients: English Women and the Middle
East, 1718–1918 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan
Press, 1992); and Nicholas Thomas, Colonialism's Culture:
Anthropology, Travel and Government (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1994). Of course all of these works, like this
essay, are indebted to Edward Said's Orientalism
(New York: Vintage Books-Random House, 1979). If, as
Talal Asad has asserted, “the colonial power structure made
the object of anthropological study accessible and safe”
Talal Asad, Introduction,
Anthropology and the Colonial Encounter, ed. Talal Asad
(Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press, 1973), 17.
for the European researcher, it would seem by extension that this
same power structure made the object of anthropological study
accessible and safe to the British theatre-goer. As theatre
historians have pointed out, British theatre managers have
cited orientalist authorities ranging from Vivant Denon, who
accompanied the French expedition in Egypt, to the press artists
that accompanied British colonial armies.The Edinburgh Review attested to the
popularity of Denon's Voyages dans la Basse et la Haute
Egypte, asserting “Few publications, we believe, have
ever obtained so extensive a circulation in the same space of
time as these travels.” Cited in Patrick Conner, ed.,
The Inspiration of Egypt: Its Influence on British Artists,
Travelers and Designers, 1700–1900 (Brighton: Brighton
Museum, 1983), 29. Pieter van der Merwe argues in The
Spectacular Career of Clarkson Stanfield 1793–1867
that Voyages soon became “the theatre's
major source for Egyptian subjects” (Tyne and Wear County
Council Museums, 1979), 89. I argue elsewhere that Augustus
Harris's exhibition of artifacts and illustrations lent by
soldiers and press artists in the Sudan Campaign was intended to
lend credibility to his depiction of the region in his concurrent
production. See “From Geography to Landscape: Imperial
Theatre and the Domestication of Exotic Space” in Land
Scape Theatre: Views of the Twentieth Century, eds. Una
Chaudhuri and Elinor Fuchs (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan
Press, forthcoming). It was not simply that a new body o
f research generated in colonialism's shadow provided raw
material for Eastern plays, this research also served to
“license curiosity” about the Orient (to borrow
Nicholas Thomas's languageNicholas Thomas, “Licensed Curiosity: Cook's Pacific
Voyages,” The Cultures of Collecting, eds. John
Elsner and Roger Cardinal (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University
Press, 1994), 116–136.), transforming the
theatre's detailed representations of the East into a
scholarly and respectable undertaking that seemed, in some ways,
allied with Europe's Imperial goals.