1. Forrest, Edwin, Oration Delivered at the Democratic Republican Celebration of the Sixty-Second Anniversary of the Independence of the United States, in the City of New-York, Fourth July, 1838 (New York: Jared W. Bell, 1838), 6Google Scholar. Subsequent citations will be given parenthetically in the text. The Broadway Tabernacle was a Presbyterian, antislavery church on Broadway between Worth Street and Catherine Lane; see note 54. The New York Evening Post published the event's “Order of Exercises,” 3 July 1838, 2.

2. Lincoln, Abraham, “Address Delivered at the Dedication of the Cemetery at Gettysburg,” “Final Text,” 19 November 1863, in Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, 8 vols., ed. Basler, Roy P. (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1953–6), 7: 22-3Google Scholar. Garry Wills explains the value of using this version, also known as the “Bliss Copy” (from the name of the family that owned it), in Lincoln at Gettysburg: The Words That Remade America (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1992), 203Google Scholar. All quotations herein from this speech are taken from this source.

3. Congdon, Charles T., Reminiscences of a Journalist (Boston: James R. Osgood, 1880), 190–1Google Scholar.

4. Wills, 78, conflated its “threescore years and ten, or even by reason of strength fourscore” to “fourscore and ten.”

5. Boritt, Gabor, The Gettysburg Gospel: The Lincoln Speech Nobody Knows (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2006), 113–14Google Scholar.

6. Fehrenbacher, Don E., Lincoln in Text and Context: Collected Essays (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1987), 285, 347Google Scholar.

7. Lind, Michael, What Lincoln Believed: The Values and Convictions of America's Greatest President (New York: Doubleday, 2004), 89Google Scholar.

8. Restad, Penne L., Christmas in America: A History (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1995)Google Scholar; Nissenbaum, Stephen, The Battle for Christmas (New York: Knopf, 1996)Google Scholar.

9. New York Daily Express, 4 July 1838, 2.

10. Boritt, 117.

11. Lind, 1–5.

12. Concern about the French Revolution pervaded antebellum America. See Cleves, Rachel Hope, The Reign of Terror in America: Visions of Violence from Anti-Jacobinism to Antislavery (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009)Google Scholar.

13. Lincoln, “First Lecture on Discoveries and Inventions,” 6 April 1858, in The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, 8 vols., ed. Basler, Roy P. (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1953–6), 3:357–63Google Scholar.

14. Herndon, William H. and Weik, Jesse W., Herndon's Lincoln: The True Story of a Great Life, 3 vols. (Chicago: Bedford-Clarke Co., 1890), 3:478Google Scholar.

15. Webster, Daniel, “The Reply to Hayne,” 26 and 27 January 1830, in The Great Speeches and Orations of Daniel Webster, ed. Whipple, Edwin P. (Boston: Little Brown, 1899), 257Google Scholar.

16. Quoted in Lind, 46.

17. John G. Nicolay, “Lincoln's Gettysburg Address,” Century 47.4 (February 1894): 596–608, esp. 607–8.

18. Boritt, 186. Having earlier repeated the mistake that John Wycliffe's fourteenth-century Bible used this triplet phrase, Boritt corrects it with humor, referring to “gullible scholars such as Gabor Boritt” (357). F. Lauriston Bullard identified usages as far back as the fourth century b.c.e.; see Bullard, “A Few Appropriate Remarks”: Lincoln's Gettysburg Address (Harrogate, TN: Lincoln Memorial University, 1944), 57–8Google Scholar. In Precious Nonsense: The Gettysburg Address, Ben Jonson's Epitaphs on His Children, and “Twelfth Night” (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1998), 33–4Google Scholar, Stephen Booth dismisses all those possible sources, instead curiously asserting that “the strongest confirming echo behind the triad is probably the form and substance of the last clause of the Lord's Prayer: ‘For thine is the kingdom, and the power, and the glory, for ever.’”

19. Abraham Lincoln, “Address before the Young Men's Lyceum of Springfield, Illinois,” 27 January 1838, in Basler 1:108–15.

20. Wilson, Douglas L., Lincoln's Sword: The Presidency and the Power of Words (New York: Knopf, 2006), 39Google Scholar. On the American lyceum generally, see Ray, Angela G., The Lyceum and Public Culture in the Nineteenth-Century United States (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 2005)Google Scholar; Scott, Donald M., “The Popular Lecture and the Creation of a Public in Mid-Nineteenth-Century America,” Journal of American History 66.4 (1980): 791–809CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bode, Carl, The American Lyceum: Town Meeting of the Mind (1956; repr. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1968)Google Scholar; Briggs, John Channing, Lincoln's Speeches Reconsidered (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2005), 184Google Scholar; Jaffa, Harry V., Crisis of the House Divided: An Interpretation of the Issues in the Lincoln–Douglas Debates (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1959), 183–232Google Scholar.

21. Miller, William Lee, Lincoln's Virtues: An Ethical Biography (New York: Knopf, 2002), 130Google Scholar.

22. Wills, 81–2.

23. Briggs, 30–1.

24. Wilson, Douglas L., Honor's Voice: The Transformation of Abraham Lincoln (New York: Knopf, 1998), 196Google Scholar.

25. Schwartz, Thomas F., “The Springfield Lyceums and Lincoln's 1838 Speech,” Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 83.1 (1990): 45–9Google Scholar.

26. Barr, Andrew, Drink: A Social History of America (New York: Carroll & Graf, 1999)Google Scholar; Salinger, Sharon V., Taverns and Drinking in Early America (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2002)Google Scholar.

27. New York Daily Express, 6 July 1838, 2.

28. Smith, Kimberly K., The Dominion of Voice: Riot, Reason, and Romance in Antebellum Politics (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1999)Google Scholar, esp. chap. 2, “Rioting in the Antebellum Era,” 51–83; Grimsted, David, American Mobbing, 1828–1861: Toward Civil War (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998)Google Scholar; and Grimsted, “Rioting in Its Jacksonian Setting,” American Historical Review 77.2 (1972): 361–97Google Scholar.

29. “Riot in the Sixth Ward”; and untitled article, The New York Daily Express, 6 July 1838, 2.

30. Frank Towers, “Violence in the Nineteenth Century: Introduction,” in “Violence in the Nineteenth Century,” ed. Towers, Frank, special issue, ATQ: 19th Century American Literature and Culture 17.3 (2003): 129–34Google Scholar, at 130.

31. Foner, Eric, The Fiery Trial: Abraham Lincoln and American Slavery (New York: W. W. Norton, 2010), 27Google Scholar; Feldberg, Michael, The Turbulent Era: Riot and Disorder in Jacksonian America (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1980), 3–6, 54–5Google Scholar, quotes at 4–5. See also Smith; Grimsted, American Mobbing; and Grimsted, “Rioting in Its Jacksonian Setting.”

32. Coup, W. C., Sawdust and Spangles: Stories and Secrets of the Circus (Chicago: Herbert S. Stone & Co., 1901), 7Google Scholar.

33. Carlyon, David, Dan Rice: The Most Famous Man You've Never Heard Of (New York: Public Affairs, 2001)Google Scholar, esp. chap. 20, “Hey Rube!,” 204–14.

34. Mielke, Laura L., “Edwin Forrest's July 4th Oration and the Specters of Provocative Eloquence,” American Literature 86.1 (2014): 1–30Google Scholar; the quotation (at 7) is from Rebhorn, Matthew, Pioneer Performances: Staging the Frontier (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012), 34Google Scholar. See also Nathans, Heather S., Slavery and Sentiment on the American Stage, 1787–1861: Lifting the Veil of Black (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 184Google Scholar; Fliegelman, Jay, Declaring Independence: Jefferson, Natural Language and the Culture of Performance (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1993)Google Scholar; McConachie, Bruce A., Melodramatic Formations: American Theatre and Society, 1820–1870 (Iowa City: University of Iowa Press, 1992)Google Scholar; and Cleves.

35. Timothy M. Roberts, “Now the Enemy Is within Our Borders: The Impact of European Revolutions on American Perceptions of Violence before the Civil War,” in “Violence in the Nineteenth Century,” ed. Towers, 197–214.

36. Ashworth, John, “Agrarians” and “Aristocrats”: Party Political Ideology in the United States, 1837–1846 (London: Boydell & Brewer, 1984), 61Google Scholar.

37. A detailed account of Lovejoy's killing is provided by Schmitz, Neil, “Murdered McIntosh, Murdered Lovejoy: Abraham Lincoln and the Problem of Jacksonian Address,” Arizona Quarterly 44.3 (1988): 15–39Google Scholar, at 23–4.

38. “To the Whig Young Men of Missouri,” Missouri Republican, 2 July 1838, 2.

39. Lincoln, “Young Men's Lyceum of Springfield,” 109.

40. Ibid., 113, emphasis in original.

41. Feldberg, 5.

42. Lincoln, “Young Men's Lyceum of Springfield,” 109–12.

43. Ibid., 110. In The Fiery Trial, 28, Foner omitted “upon every road side,” turning Lincoln's literal excess into something grandly metaphoric.

44. Lincoln, “Young Men's Lyceum of Springfield,” 110.

45. Briggs, 39–40.

46. Lincoln, “Young Men's Lyceum of Springfield,” 110. Michael Burlingame does refer to the “overheated rhetoric” yet diminishes it to a petty feud, “a characteristic exercise in partisan ridicule aimed at Stephen A. Douglas”; see Burlingame, The Inner World of Abraham Lincoln (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994), 254Google Scholar. For another taste of the era's heated rhetoric, consider the words of Lincoln's secretaries and friends, still agitated about Jackson and his Illinois adherents half a century later: “Nowhere had that despotic leader more violent and unscrupulous partisans than there.” Nicolay, John G. and Hay, John, Abraham Lincoln: A History, 10 vols. (New York: Century, 1886–90), 1:103Google Scholar.

47. Douglas Wilson, Lincoln's Sword, 27.

48. Jaffa, Crisis of the House Divided, 185.

49. Donald, David Herbert, Lincoln (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1995), 63, 75Google Scholar.

50. Lind, 12. For more on the politics of the lyceum speech, see Guelzo, Allen C., Abraham Lincoln: Redeemer President (Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans, 1999), 369–74Google Scholar; and Schmitz.

51. Baker, Jean H., “Lincoln's Narrative of American Exceptionalism,” in “We Cannot Escape History”: Lincoln and the Last Best Hope of Earth, ed. McPherson, James M. (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1995), 33–44Google Scholar, at 36.

52. Neely, Mark E. Jr., The Fate of Liberty: Abraham Lincoln and Civil Liberties (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991), 215Google Scholar.

53. Burrows, Edwin G. and Wallace, Mike, Gotham: A History of New York City to 1898 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), 607–9Google Scholar. For more on Leggett, see Mielke; and Sklansky, Jeffrey, “William Leggett and the Melodrama of the Market,” in Capitalism Takes Command: The Social Transformation of Nineteenth-Century America, ed. Zakim, Michael and Kornbluth, Gary J. (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 2012), 199–221Google Scholar.

54. Symbolism expands: The Broadway Tabernacle had hosted revival meetings during the Second Great Awakening, identified as Jacksonian with “the spiritual component of the same egalitarian wave that washed over the nation's politics”; McDougall, Walter A., Freedom Just around the Corner: A New American History, 1585–1828 (New York: HarperCollins, 2004), 507, 511Google Scholar.

55. Jaffa, Crisis of the House Divided, 182. Note that Forrest spoke during the same Fourth of July season that saw the 2 July 1838 Missouri Republican article on a Whig “Committee of Vigilance,” cited above, warning against “danger!” to the country, in the Democrats' “reckless and unprincipled” approach to the coming election.

56. Rees, James, The Life of Edwin Forrest (Philadelphia: Peterson, 1874), 302–11Google Scholar.

57. Alger, William Rounseville, Life of Edwin Forrest, the American Tragedian, 2 vols. (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott & Co., 1877), 1:339–50Google Scholar, quote at 340.

58. Barrett, Lawrence, Edwin Forrest (Boston: James R. Osgood & Co., 1881), 78–9Google Scholar. Barrett buried politics deeper, his index changing Forrest's oration to a reading of the Declaration (163). Barrett's biography was part of his goal to “elevate” theatre. See Davis, Peter A., “Lawrence Barrett and The Man o' Airlie: The Genteel Tradition in Performance,” Theatre History Studies 7 (1987): 61–72Google Scholar. Though historians have, ahistorically, accepted “elevation” at face value, such efforts remain embedded in their era, part of the larger aspirational project of the emerging middle class. See Levine, Lawrence, Highbrow/Lowbrow: The Emergence of Cultural Hierarchy in America (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1990)Google Scholar; and Carlyon, esp. pt. 4: “Something Higher,” 217–86.

59. Harrison, Gabriel, Edwin Forrest: The Actor and the Man (Brooklyn, NY: Brooklyn Eagle Publishing, 1889)Google Scholar.

60. Moses, Montrose, The Fabulous Forrest: The Record of an American Actor (Boston: Little, Brown, 1929), 166–93Google Scholar, at 170–1.

61. Moody, Richard, Edwin Forrest: First Star of the American Stage (New York: Knopf, 1960), 174–7Google Scholar. Not surprisingly, The Fourth of July: Political Oratory and Literary Reactions, 1776–1876, ed. Goetsch, Paul and Hurm, Gerd (Tübingen, Germany: Narr, 1992)Google Scholar, does not mention Forrest.

62. Mallett, Mark E., “‘The Game of Politics’: Edwin Forrest and the Jacksonian Democrats,” Journal of American Drama and Theatre 5.2 (Spring 1993): 31–46Google Scholar, at 32.

63. Mielke, “Edwin Forrest's July 4th Oration.”

64. Cliff, Nigel, The Shakespeare Riots: Revenge, Drama, and Death in Nineteenth-Century America (New York: Random House, 2007)Google Scholar.

65. Rebhorn, 24; Whitman, Walt, “The Gladiator—Mr. Forrest—Acting” (1846), in The American Theatre as Seen by Its Critics, 1752–1934, ed. Moses, Montrose J. and Brown, John Mason (New York: W. W. Norton, 1934), 69–70Google Scholar, at 69. On Forrest and masculinity, see Kippola, Karl M., Acts of Manhood: The Performance of Masculinity on the American Stage, 1828–1865 (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; on Forrest, class, and race, see Reed, Peter P., Rogue Performances: Staging the Underclasses in Early American Theatre Culture (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009)Google Scholar; and on Forrest and the rhetorical strategies of the time, see Mielke.

66. New York Evening Post for the Country, 5 July 1838, 2. The Post later claimed that demand for copies of Forrest's oration was so great that the “stereotype plates” wore out, requiring new ones for more printings, 21 July 1838, 2.

67. New-York Gazette and General Advertiser, 6 July 1838, 2.

68. Washington Daily National Intelligencer, 7 July 1838, 3. The Intelligencer repeatedly returned to jibes at “Loco Focos,” including the “Slam-Bang Locofocos,” 11 Oct. 1838, 3.

69. “Mr. Forrest,” New York Evening Post for the Country, 28 June 1838, 2.

70. “Democracy and Mr. Forrest,” Morning Courier and New-York Enquirer, 6 July 1838, 2.

71. “The Birth-Day of a Nation's Freedom,” New Yorker, 7 July 1838, 253.

72. New York Evening Post for the Country, 7 July 1838, 2. Leggett wrote that he altered that single word to avoid a “tautophonous expression.”

73. “Fracas in New York,” Peoria Register and North-Western Gazetteer, 11 August 1838, 2, qtg. New-York Whig.

74. The New Orleans Daily Picayune cried “Shame” on those who made the same claim against Forrest, 25 July 1838, 2.

75. Forrest's intense Democratic opposition continued unabated. In a letter after the election of 1864, he wrote that Lincoln “has usurped authority in defiance of constitutional law.” Forrest to James Lawson, 5 November 1864, 2. A week later, Forrest wrote, “It is to me one of the most unaccountable things, that our countrymen should be so blinded to their true interests as to vote for Lincoln, or is it, that those whom the Gods would surely destroy, first made mad, for madness like a corporal epidemic has fevered the minds of all. This has not been a war for the integrity of the Union, but a war against constitutional rights for the emancipation of the Negro.” Forrest to James Lawson, 11 November 1864, 4. Both letters are in the Forrest–Lawson Correspondence, Box II, Folder 11, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, University of Pennsylvania.

76. The publisher, Jared W. Bell, published a notice that Forrest's oration would be for sale for six cents a copy, four dollars for a hundred copies, New York Evening Post, 18 July 1838, 2; on the number of copies, 20 July 1838, 2.

77. Holzer, Harold, “The Campaign of 1860: Cooper Union, Mathew Brady, and the Campaign of Words and Images,” in Lincoln Revisited: New Insights from the Lincoln Forum, ed. Simon, John Y., Holzer, Harold, and Vogel, Dawn (New York: Fordham University Press, 2007), 57–67Google Scholar, at 65. See also Douglas Wilson, Lincoln's Sword, 43.

78. Donald, 74, 79.

79. Holzer, Harold, Lincoln at Cooper Union: The Speech That Made Abraham Lincoln President (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2004), 9–13Google Scholar (on Cooper Union) and 162, 169, 210–12 (on pamphlets).

80. Guelzo, Allen C., Lincoln and Douglas: The Debates That Defined America (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2008), 95–6Google Scholar.

81. Goodwin, Doris Kearns, Team of Rivals: The Political Genius of Abraham Lincoln (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2005), 14Google Scholar.

82. Oates, Stephen B., With Malice toward None: The Life of Abraham Lincoln (New York: Harper & Row, 1977), 46Google Scholar.

83. White, Ronald C. Jr., A. Lincoln: A Biography (New York: Random House, 2009), 169Google Scholar; Goodwin, 54. See also Mearns, David C., “Mr. Lincoln and the Books He Read,” in Bestor, Arthur, Mearns, David C., and Daniels, Jonathan, Three Presidents and Their Books: The Reading of Jefferson, Lincoln, and Franklin D. Roosevelt (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1955), 68Google Scholar.

84. Oates, 46.

85. Herndon and Weik, Herndon's Lincoln, 3:522.

86. Missouri Republican, 19 July 1838, 2.

87. “Mr. Forrest's Oration,” United States Magazine and Democratic Review 3.9 (September 1838): 51–7, at 51. A confusing footnote suggests the article is the speech itself.

88. “Mr. Forrest,” Illinois State Register and People's Advocate, 21 September 1838, 3. An advertisement showed that a Mr. Blake would deliver “The Oration … by Edwin Forrest” at New York's Franklin Theatre the following evening, New York Evening Post, 18 July 1838, 3.

89. “Mr. Forrest,” Illinois State Register and People's Advocate, 30 November 1838, 2. Though “Democrat” had become common, Forrest used the phrase “Democratic Republican,” as did the Register in its subheading for the letter. See also Alger, 1:348–9.

90. Joseph R. Fornieri, “Lincoln's Political Faith in the Peoria Address,” in Lincoln Revisited, 1–18, at 5.

91. Jaffa, A New Birth of Freedom: Abraham Lincoln and the Coming of the Civil War (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2000), 80Google Scholar.

92. Sean Wilentz suggests that Lincoln's evolving worldview incorporated Democratic ideas he had originally scorned; see “Abraham Lincoln and Jacksonian Democracy,” History Now 18 (December 2008), www.gilderlehrman.org/history-by-era/lincoln/essays/abraham-lincoln-and-jacksonian-democracy, accessed 24 September 2014.

93. Alger, 1:349.

94. The United States Constitution protected slavery by evading the subject, in effect a gentleman's agreement to avoid speaking the unspeakable. Frederick Douglass attacked those evasions head on. Invoking traditional rules of legal interpretation, especially that any diminution of rights must be explicitly expressed, he proposed that the Constitution should be read as an antislavery document. Though the era's racism thwarted consideration of the proposition in his own Independence Day speech (actually 5 July 1852), he made a fascinating legal case. Colaiaco, James, Frederick Douglass and the Fourth of July (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), 159–84Google Scholar.

95. Chicago Times, 20 Nov. 1863, qtd. White, Ronald C., The Eloquent President: A Portrait of Lincoln Through His Words. (New York: Random House, 2005), 257Google Scholar.

96. Boritt, 142.

97. The Patriot-News made national news by retracting in a 14 November 2013 editorial its century-and-a-half-old one: “Retraction for Our 1863 Editorial Calling Gettysburg Address ‘Silly Remarks,’” http://www.pennlive.com/opinion/index.ssf/2013/11/a_patriot-news_editorial_retraction_the_gettysburg_address.html, accessed 24 September 2014.

98. For a taste of the emergent Southern distaste for the Declaration and its promise of equality, consider George Fitzhugh: “All the bombastic absurdities in our Declaration of Independence about the inalienable rights of man, had about as much to do with the occasion, as would a sermon or an oration on the teething of a child or the kittening of a cat”; “The Revolutions of 1776 and 1861 Contrasted,” Southern Literary Messenger (Richmond) 87.11–12 (November–December 1863), 718–26, at 719.

99. McDougall, Walter A., Throes of Democracy: The American Civil War Era, 1829–1877 (New York: HarperCollins, 2008), 472, 724–5Google Scholar. Replying to the South and Democrats, Lincoln at Gettysburg may also have been replying to his younger self. At the lyceum he had praised self-government, not equality, as the country's core “proposition.” Some have suggested that when he spoke of ambitious men, those who “belong not to the family of the lion, or the tribe of the eagle,” Lincoln was favoring inequality. See Jaffa, Crisis of the House Divided, 210–11; Strozier, Charles B., Lincoln's Quest for Union: Public and Private Meanings (New York: Basic Books, 1982), 56–61Google Scholar. Edmund Wilson saw in this statement not just a preference for inequality but a quest for tyrannical control, like a Napoleon; see his Patriotic Gore: Studies in the Literature of the American Civil War (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1962), 103–30Google Scholar. In “Lincoln's Lyceum Speech and the Origins of a Modern Myth,” an article divided between successive journal issues, Mark E. Neely Jr. argues that Wilson revived old Copperhead protests about Lincolnian tyranny because, caught dodging taxes, he was angry at the “tyranny” of the Internal Revenue Service; Lincoln Lore, no. 1776 (February 1987): 1–3 and no. 1777 (March 1987): 1–3.

100. The debate continues over the meaning of Lincoln's assertion of rebirth. For an overview, see Lind, 1–28. Wills, in Lincoln at Gettysburg, reiterates the assertion that, as his subtitle puts it, Lincoln's words were “The Words That Remade America.” Fletcher, George P., Our Secret Constitution: How Lincoln Redefined American Democracy (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 4Google Scholar, claims that equality and popular democracy overcame freedom and republican elitism. Willmoore Kendall agrees with their observations but deems that remake a mistake, replacing the (conservative) wisdom of founding fathers with naive fondness for the egalitarian Declaration; Kendall, The Conservative Affirmation (Chicago: Henry Regnery Co., 1963)Google Scholar. Lind counters that Kendall “popularized a theory … held by apologists for the Confederacy” that Lincoln forced the war to increase federal power (13–14). That was Forrest's opinion in 1864; see his letter quoted in note 76. Boritt proposes that Lincoln's speech could not remake America because it was “not heard distinctly in its own day” (200). In American Scripture: Making the Declaration of Independence (New York: Knopf, 1997)Google Scholar, Pauline Maier objects that all this made too much of Lincoln, that he was simply part of an ongoing national transformation (206–7).

101. Jaffa, Crisis of the House Divided, 183.

102. Douglas Wilson, Lincoln's Sword, 208, 233–4.

103. Donald, 461.

104. Abby Yochelson, reference specialist, Library of Congress, e-mails to author, 30 June and 2 July 2004.

105. Douglas Wilson, Lincoln's Sword, 208.

106. Boritt, 186. While Boritt dismisses the notion of plagiarism, he also dismisses the notion that anyone could have influenced Lincoln at Gettysburg.

107. Douglas Wilson, Lincoln's Sword, 236, 3–7, 162.

108. Michael Vorenberg, “After Emancipation: Abraham Lincoln's Black Dream,” in Lincoln Revisited, 215–30, at 224.

109. Wills, 112–13, 158. Douglas Wilson wrote that Lincoln “recycled” Seward's words; Lincoln's Sword, 67