1 This research was done while the writer held the Margaret Lee Wiley Fellowship of the American Association of University Women.

2 Champion, Pierre, “Introduction,” La danse macabre (Paris, 1925), p. 9.Google Scholar

3 Kurtz, Leonard P., The Dance of Death and the Macabre Spirit in European Literature (New York, 1934), pp. 52, 59-63.Google Scholar

4 Mâle, Emile, L'art religieux de la fin du moyen age en France (Paris, 1908), pp. 391-2CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Clark, James M., The Dance of Death in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance (Glasgow, 1950), pp. 94-5.Google Scholar

5 Mâle, pp. 412-3; filles de joie wandered among the graves at the Innocents. J. Huizinga feels that the danse macabre was essentially un-Christian: “… the macabre sentiment is self-seeking and earthly. It is hardly the absence of the departed dear ones that is deplored; it is fear of one's own death, and this seen only as the worst of evils” (The Waning of the Middle Ages, London, 1924, p. 134). Cf. Tenenti, Alberto, La vie et la mart à travers l'art du XV^e Sièele (Paris, 1952), pp. 11–15, 29-30, 38Google Scholar; Rosenfeld, Hellmut, Der mittelalterliche Totentanz: Entstehung, Entwicklung, Bedeutung (Münster, 1954).Google Scholar

6 Clark, p. 67.

7 La danse macabre (Paris: Guyot Marchant, 1486). Facsimile edition (Paris, 1925), A ii^r.

8 Ibid., A vii^r, A vi^r.

9 Tenenti, ch. II.

10 Kurtz, pp. 52, 59-63; Tenenti, pp. 48-61, 98-120; Mâle, pp. 413-420; La grant danse macabre des hommes et des femmes hystoriee et augmentee de beaulx dis en latin. Le debat du corps et de lame. La complainte de lame dampnee. Exortation de bien vivre et de bien mourir. La vie du maulvais antecrist. Les quinze signes. Le iugement (Lyon: Claude Nourry, 1501), copy in the Pierpont Morgan Library.

11 La danse macabre, A vi^r, A vi^v.

12 Ibid., A vii^r.

13 Ibid., A vi^r.

14 Ibid., A iii^r.

15 La danse des marts, comme elle est depeinte dans la louable et celebre ville de Basle … dessinée et gravée sur l'original de feu Mr Matthieu Merian (Basle, 1744), 5. This verse actually comes from the dance of death in the Dominican churchyard in Basle. Painted around 1480, it is a copy of the Klingenthal series, with verses almost identical except in dialect (Clark, 68). Clark mentions nothing about subsequent modification of the verses. He feels that the difference in the dialect of the two series attests to the temporal lag between them within the fifteenth century. On the other hand, Burckhardt-Biedermann states that the verses were modified in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (Über die Basler Totentänze, Basle, 1881, 75, as cited in Beerli, Conrad André, Le peintre poète Nicolas Manuel et l'évolution sociale de son temps, Geneva, 1953, 121, n. 4).Google Scholar Nevertheless, Beerli does believe that an unflattering reference to papal indulgences dates from the fifteenth century (p. 121, n. 5).

16 Clark, p. 60.

17 Les Simulachres et Historiees Faces de la Mort, autant elegamment pourtraictes, que artificiellement imaginées, A Lyon: Soubz l'escu de Coloigne. Excudebant Lugduni Melchior et Caspar Trechsel Fratres, 1538, B iv^v, C i^r, C i^v, C ii^v (Pierpont Morgan Library). These four cuts were also used in the Old Testament Pictures by Holbein (Historiarum Veteris Instrumenti Icones, Lugduni: Sub Scuto Coloniensi; Excudebant Lugduni Melchior et Gaspar Trechsel fratres, 1538, A ii^r, A ii^v, A iii^r, A iii^v, copy in the Pierpont Morgan Library).

18 Les Simulachres, G iv^r.

19 Beerli, figs, xiii-xx, and pp. 107-39.

20 Holbein had, of course, precursors in this development. For example, a certain amount of drama is found in the death illustrations for the manuscript Mors de la pomme, in those for the printed Heures edited by Simon Vostre in Paris, 1512, and in Nicolas Manuel's wall paintings in Berne, produced a few years before Holbein's work. Holbein must have been influenced by at least one of these (Mâle, pp. 410-1; Clark, p. 75).

21 Les Simulachres, D ii^v, E i^r, E i^v, E ii^r, C iii^v.

22 Ibid., C iii^r.

23 La danse macabre, A iii^v; Les Simulachres, C iv^v.

24 Les Simulachres, D iv^v.

25 Ibid., D ii^r, E iii^r. E ii^v.

26 La danse macabre, B ii^r, A v^r.

27 Beerli, op. cit., fig. xiv and p. 120.

28 Les Simulachres, D iii^r, D iii^v.

29 La danse macabre, A viii^v, A viii^r.

30 Les Simulachres, E iii^v, E iv^r.

31 Edouard His, “Hans Lützelburger, le graveur des Simulacres de la Mort, d'Holbein”, Gazette des beaux-arts, xxix (1870-71), 484-5.

32 Bibliographie lyonnaise. Recherches sur les imprimeurs, libraires, relieurs, et fondeurs de lettres de Lyon au XVIe Siècle, ed. H. and J. Baudrier (Lyons, 1895-1921), xii, 230-3.

33 Ibid., pp. 268-306.

34 Ibid., pp. 239, 241, 247.

35 Infra, pp. 119-120.

36 Bibliographie lyonnaise, xii, 242. These were later included with many other works by Melanchthon which were condemned by the theological faculty at the University of Paris (“Catalogus Librorum qui hactenus a Facultate Theologiae Parisiensi diligenter examinati, censuraque digni visi sunt, ob causes in calce superioris epistolae fusius declaratas, ab anno Domini 1544 usque ad annum 1551”, Collectio Judiciorum de novibus erroribus, ed. Charles du Plessis d'Argentré, Paris, 1728, 171).

37 Julien Baudrier, “Michel Servet, ses relations avec les libraires et les imprimeurs lyonnais”, Mélanges offerts à M. Emile Picot (Paris, 1913), i, 42-3; Bainton, Roland H., Hunted Heretic. The Life and Death of Michael Servetus. 1511-1553 (Boston, 1953), 84 Google Scholar. There is no indication at all, however, that Servetus had anything to do with the Trechsel edition of Holbein's Pictures of Death. He was not in Lyons in 1537 or in 1538, the year of publication. For his activities in those years, see Bainton, pp. 218—19.

38 An apparent exception is listed in Bibliographie lyonnaise, xii, 248, as coming from the presses of Gaspard and Melchior Trechsel in 1538: La forme des Prieres Ecclesiastiques: avec la maniere d'administrer les Sacremens, et celebrer le Mariage, et la visitation des Malades. This work was by Calvin and was the liturgy of the Genevan church (Calvini opera omnia, Brunswick, 1866, vi, 168-92). Actually, the work was not printed by the Trechsel brothers. Checking the source of the Bibliographie lyonnaise (Catalog 100 von Ludwig Rosenthal, Munich, 1897, no. 623), one discovers that the work there described lists neither printer, place, nor date. It was merely the editor's guess, based on similar decorative borders, that the brothers had printed it in 1538. In the first place, authorities on Calvin agree that this liturgy was not written until after Calvin's return from Strassburg and was first published in 1542 (Calvini opera omnia, vi, xiv—xviii; E. Doumergue, Jean Calvin, Lausanne, 1902, II, 498; bibliography of Protestant liturgy in William D. Maxwell, John Knox's Genevan Service Book, Edinburgh, 1931, p. 70). Secondly, the description of this work in Rosenthal's catalog, including all peculiarities of title, size, number of pages, and type of pagination, is identical with the description of a 1547 edition given by the editors of Calvin's works (Calvini opera omnia, vi, xvi). If indeed there is a similarity between the border of the Trechsels’ printing mark and the border around the title of this edition of Calvin's work, it probably means that the design passed into other hands after the brothers broke up their atelier in Lyons in 1540. The Bibliographie lyonnaise does not mention that Gaspard Trechsel used this mark after 1540 (xii, 256-63).

39 Although the Trechsels could not have predicted it, a work edited by Servetus and printed by Gaspard Trechsel for the libraire Hugues de la Porte was subsequently condemned by the theology faculty of the University of Louvain—the Santes Pagnini Bible (Lyons, 1542) (Mandament der Keyserlijcker Maiesteit vuytghegeuen int laer xlvi. Met Dintitulatie ende declaratie vanden gereprobeerde boecken gheschiet bijden Doctoren inde Faculteyt van Theologie in Duniuersiteyt van Loeuuen, Louvain, 1546, d ii^r). For a full discussion of Servetus’ work on this Bible, see Bainton, ch. v.

40 Bibliographie lyonnaise, xii, 250.

41 Woltmann, Alfred, Holbein and His Time, tr. Bunnett, F. E. (London, 1872), p. 272 Google Scholar; Lippmann, F., “Introduction”, The Dance of Death by Hans Holbein (London, 1886), pp. 3–4 Google Scholar; Clark, James M., “Introduction”, The Dance of Death by Hans Holbein (London, 1947), pp. 23-4Google Scholar; “Introduction”, Danse Macabre by Hans Holbein the Younger (New York, 1935), pp. 46-7.

42 Bibliographic lyonnaise, xii, 267. One authority, P. Ganz, believes that Holbein was in Lyons in the spring of 1524 (Handzeichnungen H. Holbeins des jüngern, Basle, 1943, p. 16). If so, could the Trechsel brothers have met him then?

43 Bibliographic lyonnaise, xii, 287-8.

44 Proof editions appeared in Basle up to 1530. Edouard His has speculated that they came from the press of Johannes Froben, also a creditor of Lützelburger, (op. cit. note 31, above, p. 487 Google Scholar and n. 2).

45 Lippmann, p. 4.

46 Bibliographie lyonnaise, xii, 233-48.

47 Francis I was taken in the midst of frivolity, while the emperor, drawn as Maximilian, was being awaited by Death as he rebuked a noble who has ignored a poor man's plea (Les Simulachres, C iii^v). Basle, of which Holbein was a citizen, was allied with the Emperor Charles and was worried about the activities of Francis I ( Clark, , “Notes”, The Dance of Death by Hans Holbein, p. 105 Google Scholar).

48 Woltmann, p. 272; Lippmann, pp. 3-4.

49 Bibliographie lyonnaise, xii, 244.

50 Les Simulachres, A iii^v.

51 Historiarum Veteris Testamenti Icones ad vivum expressae, Lugduni: sub scuto Coloniensi, Melchior et Gaspar Trechsel fratres excudebant, 1539, A ii^r-A ii^v (Houghton Library, Harvard University).

52 Bibliographic lyonnaise, v, 157.

53 The fact that only the ensign and not the names of the Frellon brothers appeared on this edition was not due to fear about the contents of the work. Their names were also left off an innocent edition of Terence's Comedies in 1537. In 1538, their names do appear as the publishers of the Protestant Precationes Biblicae (ibid., pp. 174, 177).

54 Green, Henry, “Introduction and Notes”, Les Simulachres et Historiees Faces de la Mort: commonly called ‘The Dance of Death’ (Holbein Society Facsimile Reprints, 1867, i), pp. xxiv–xxv.Google Scholar It is nowhere stated in the edition that Corrozet wrote the quatrains. V. L. Saulnier attributes them to de Vauzelles, Jean (Maurice Scève (ca. 1500-1560), Paris, 1948, II, 24).Google Scholar He does not give his reasons for this attribution. The arguments for Corrozet's authorship are quite strong. He was the stated author of similar quatrains in the 1539 edition of Holbein's Historiarum Veteris Testamenti Icones (A iii^r—A iii^v). His device, “Plus que moins”, appears in a poem at the end of that work. The simplicity of the quatrains in the Pictures of Death is unlike the pedantic and longwinded style of the poetry of Jean de Vauzelles. See Blasons, poésies anciennes, ed. D. M. Meon (Paris, 1807), pp. 119-23; Saulnier, i, 79, 361, ii, 41. On the other hand, emblematic poetry was the specialty of Corrozet. Saulnier calls him “le modèle du poète ‘emblématique’ ” (ii, 42).

65 On Corrozet: Paris, Paulin, “Préface”, Les blasons domestiques par Gilles Corrozet libraire de Paris (Paris, 1865), pp. xi–xiii Google Scholar; Lacroix, Paul, Recherches bibliographiques sur des livres rares et curieux (Paris, 1880), pp. 60 ff.Google Scholar; Ch. Oulmont, , “Preface”, Hecatomgraphie de Gilles Corrozet libraire parisien (Paris, 1905), pp. vii–xxi Google Scholar; Gohin, Ferdinand, “Introduction”, Le compte du rossignol par Gilles Corrozet (Paris, 1924).Google Scholar Lacroix thinks that Corrozet may have been attached “secrètement aux idées nouvelles dc la Réforme”. He bases his conjecture on the inscription on Corrozet's emblem—“In corde prudentis requiescit sapientia”—and on Corrozet's publication of “un certain nombre de livrets en prose et en vers, qui ont le caractère calvinique. Ce sont des instructions morales tirees de l'Ecriture sainte et surtout de l'Evangile” (pp. 64-5). Neither Paris, Oulmont, nor Gohin supports this conjecture. Oulmont finds a note of mystical Platonism in his Conte du rossignol (xv). Lacroix’ arguments would more appropriately relate Corrozet to those Erasmians and French intellectuals who wanted reform within the church.

56 Historiarum Veteris Testamenti Icones, A iii^r-A iii^v.

57 Reprinted in Blasons, poesies anciennes, pp. 98-100.

58 Les Simulachres, G iv^v.

59 Ibid., G iv^r.

60 Ibid., C iii^r.

61 Ibid., D iv^v.

62 Ibid., E ii^v.

63 La danse macabre, A ii^r; Clark, , The Dance of Death in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, pp. 94-5.Google Scholar The preacher in the dance of death of Nicolas Manuel is also treated with dignity (Beerli, fig. xx and p. 137).

64 Les Simulachres, D ii^r, E iii^r.

65 Ibid., C iv^v.

66 Ibid., D iii^r, D iii^v.

67 Ibid., E iii^v, E iv^r.

68 Their father Étienne was active in 1477 in the commune's efforts to restrict the secular pretensions of the archbishop and chapter of Lyons. On the life of Jean de Vauzelles, see de Vauzelles, Ludovic, “Notice sur Jean de Vauzelles”, Revue du Lyonnais, 3d ser., xiii (1872), 52–73 Google Scholar; and the chapter on him by Émile Picot in Les français italianisants an XVI^e siècle (Paris, 1906), i, 118 ff.

69 Police subsidaire a celle quasi infinie multitude des pouvres survenus à Lyon, Lyons: Claude Nourry dit le Prince, circa 1531 (Bibliographie lyonnaise, xii, 94-6).

70 Bibliographic lyonnaise, xii, 416.

71 La passion de Jesu Christ and Trois Livres de l'Humanité de Jesu Christ. Two other translations were published in 1540 and 1542 (Bibliographie lyonnaise, xii, 249; L. de Vauzelles, p. 71).

72 L. de Vauzelles, pp. 60, 62, and n. 25.

73 Ibid., pp. 56, 60-1.

74 For the ideas and activities of these literary groups, see Saulnier, particularly Vol. I, Chs. i, II, iv, vi.

75 Ibid., i, 77-9, 40-1.

76 Reprinted in Blasons, poésies anciennes, pp. 119-23.

77 Infra, p. 115

78 Vauzelles was not alone in his reaction. See Saulnier, i, 81.

79 Moore, W. G., La Réforme allemande et la littérature française (Strassburg, 1930), p. 155.Google Scholar

80 Jourda, Pierre, Marguerite d'Angoulême (Paris, 1930), i, 91-8Google Scholar; Doucet, Roger, “Le XVI^e siècle”, Histoire de Lyon, ed. Kleinclausz, A. (Lyons, 1939), i, 396.Google Scholar

81 Weiss, N., “Les débuts de la Réforme en France d'après quelques documents inédits. VII. Aimé Meigret, réformateur de Lyon et Grenoble, 1524”, Bulletin de la Société de l'histoire du protestantisme français, LXXIV (1925), pp. 1–20.Google Scholar Writing in 1529, Symphorien Champier said, “En leglise de Lyon a sept docteurs chevaliers de ladicte eglise pour deffendre les droys dicelle eglise et pour deffendre leglise des faulx infideles et heretiques dont leglise a este et est a present infestee …” ( Allut, P., Étude biographique et bibliographique sur Symphorien Champier, Lyons, 1859, pp. 377-8Google Scholar).

82 Hauser, Henri, “De l'humanisme et de la Réforme en France, 1512-1552,” Etudes sur la Réforme française (Paris, 1909), pp. 33-4, 41-2Google Scholar; La France protestante, by Eugene and Emile Haag, 2d ed., ed. Henri Bordier (Paris, 1877-88), v, 1129-31; Saulnier, V. L., “Recherches sur Nicolas Bourbon”, Bibliothèque d'Humanisme et Renaissance, xvi (1954), 178-9.Google Scholar

83 L. de Vauzelles, pp. 67-8.

84 Saulnier, “Nicolas Bourbon”, p. 179.

85 Hauser, pp. 41-2. Saulnier also admits “Il n'est pas moins vrai que sur certains points, le recueil ultérieur attenue les hardiesses de 1533” (“Nicolas Bourbon”, p. 179, n. 6). Bourbon's demonstration of orthodoxy stood him in good stead for a few years, but in the long run was not believed by either side. In a letter of 1540, Farel talks of Bourbon as an ally, albeit a weak one (Hauser, p. 42, n. 1). His Nugae were condemned without specification as to edition on the 1546 list of the Theological Faculty of the University of Louvain (Mandament, D v^r). On the Tridentine Index, he is among those authors all of whose works are condemned (Index Librorum Prohibitorum cum Regulis Confectis per Patres a Tridentina synodo, delectos … Cum appendice in Belgio, ex mandato Regiae Catholicae Maiestatis confecta, Antwerp, 1570, p. 43). For Protestant contacts in Bourbon's later life, see Saulnier, “Nicolas Bourbon”.

86 He wrote a poem to Louise Labé, and a poetic epitaph for Pernette, at whose deathbed he officiated (L. de Vauzelles, p. 64).

87 Signed with his device, “d'un vray zèle” (Les Simulachres, A ii^r).

88 Ibid., B i^r : “Diverses tables de Mort, non painctes, mais extraictes de l'escripture saincte.” H i^r : “Figures de la Mort moralement descriptes, et depeinctes selon l'authorité de l'escripture, et des sainctz Peres.” K i^r: “Les diverses Mors des Bons, et des maulvais, du viel et nouveau testament.” L iii^r: “Memorables Authoritez, et sentences des Philosophes, et orateurs Payens pour confermer les vivans a non craindre la Mort.” M iii^v: “De la Necessité de la Mort qui ne laisse riens estre pardurable.”

89 Tenenti notes classical references in De doctrina morienda of Josse Clichtove (1520) (p. 70). He and Vauzelles introduced humanist erudition into treatises about death.

90 Les Simulachres, A iv^r, A iv^v .

91 Ibid., K i^r-L ii^v.

92 Ibid., A iv^r, M iii^r.

93 Ibid., B ii^r-B ii^v.

94 This requirement shows Vauzelles as the intellectual!

95 Les Simulachres, B iii^r-B iii^v.

96 Ibid., N i^v-N ii^v.

97 Ibid., N iv^r.

98 Ibid., B ii^v-B iii^r.

99 See Buisson, Ferdinand, Séebastien Castellion. Sa vie et son oeuvre (Paris, 1892), i Google Scholar; Hauser, op. cit.; Saulnier, Maurice Scève, I, 114.

100 Les Simulachres, A iii^r-A iii^v. Interestingly enough, these same Biblical illustrations in the choir of Saint Jean were destroyed when the Protestants took over Lyons in 1562 ( Kleinclausz, A., Lyon, des origines à nos jours, Lyons, 1925, p. 114 Google Scholar).

101 Chamberlain, p. 211; Saulnier, “Nicolas Bourbon,” pp. 187-8.

102 On the convent of St. Pierre in the sixteenth century, see Coville, A., “Une visite de l'abbaye de Saint-Pierre de Lyon en 1503”, Revue d'histoire de Lyon, xi (1912), 241-72.Google Scholar

103 Le Laboureur, Claude, Les masures de l'Ile-Barbe (Lyons, 1887), II, ii 2.Google Scholar

104 de Montalembert, Adrien, La Merveilleuse Hystoire de Lesperit de Lyon (Paris, 1528)Google Scholar; facsimile edition (Lyons, 1887), J ii^v.

105 E.g., she explained that the pope could deliver her from purgatory “par son auctorité papal”. Fasts and pilgrimages could also help (ibid., J viii^v).

106 Les Simulachres, A ii^r.

107 “Introduction,” Danse Macabre (as above, note 41), p. 47.

108 Audin, Marius, “Les grèves dans l'imprimerie à Lyon, au seizième siècle”, Gutenberglahrbuch (1935), pp. 172-4.Google Scholar

109 Audin, p. 175; Bibliographie lyonnaise, xii, 233, 250.

110 d'Aubigne, Merle, “La Réforme a Lyon. Proces inquisitionnel contre Baudichon de la Maisonneuve, de Genève, pour cause d'hérésie”, Bulletin de la Société de l'histoire du protestantisme français, xv (1866), 113-24.Google Scholar

111 Crespin, Jean, Histoire des Martyrs Persecutez et Mis à Mort pour la verité de l'Evangile (Geneva, 1619), 106^v Google Scholar; Aeschimann, Alfred, Les origines et le développement de la Réforme à Lyon (Lyons, 1916), p. 36.Google Scholar

112 Covelle, Alfred, Le livre des bourgeois de l'ancienne république de Genève (Geneva, 1897), July, 1534; June, 1547; June, 1535.Google Scholar

113 Archives of the Chapter of Lyons, XLIII, 116, 12^v-13. This reference was kindly communicated to the author by M. Joly, librarian of the Bibliothèque Municipale of Lyons.

114 Doucet, , op. cit. (above, note 80), p. 402.Google Scholar

115 Vial, Eugène, “Jean Cléberger”, Revue d'histoire de Lyon, x (1912), 94, 99 n. 3.Google Scholar

116 Cartier, Alfred, “Les Dixains Catholiques et Jacques Estauge, imprimeur à Bâle”, Mélanges offerts à M. Émile Picot (Paris, 1913), i, 310-1.Google Scholar

117 Herminjard, A. L., Correspondance des Réformateurs dans les pays de langue française (Geneva, 1878-98), viii, 19–27.Google Scholar

118 La France protestante, v, 425. On whether Dolet was actually a Protestant or not, cf. Christie, Richard Copley, Étienne Dolet. The Martyr of the Renaissance (London, 1899)Google Scholar, Douen, O., “Etienne Dolet. Ses opinions religieuses”, Bulletin de la Société de l'histoire du protestantisme français (1881), xxx, 337 ff., 385 ff.Google Scholar, and the articles by Lucien Lefebvre and C. A. Mayer in Bibliothèque d'Humanisme et Renaissance vi (1943) and xvii (1955).

119 For details on the Frellon brothers, see Bibliographic lyonnaise, v, 154-64.

120 Ibid., v, 171-4.

121 Herminjard, v, 7-8.

122 Bibliographie lyonnaise, v, 177; Herminjard, v, 7. It was condemned by the faculty of theology of the University of Louvain in 1546 (Mandament, D vi^r-D vi^v).

123 Bibliographic lyonnaise, v, 169.

124 Ibid., v, 157.

125 Also his Latin Bibles of 1551 and 1555 were condemned by the Spanish inquisitor Valdès (Cathalogus librorum qui prohibentur mandato et Reverendi D.D. Ferdinandi de Valdes, Valladolid, 1559, p. 14). In an illustration for a Latin New Testament of 1553, the devil is drawn as a monk (Bibliographie lyonnaise, V, 159).

126 Baudrier, pp. 42, 51; Bainton, pp. 129, 144; Calvini opera omnia, viii, 834-5.

127 Archives municipalcs de Lyon, GG87, packet 1, pièce 2.

128 Historiarum veteris Instrumenti Icones ad vivum expressae, A i^v.

129 Bibliographic lyonnaise, v, 184-5. Jean Frellon later reported that the Latin edition appeared earlier in 1542 (Simolachri, Historie e Figure de la Morte … , Lyons: Jean Frellon, 1549, A 2^v, University of Michigan).

130 Bibliographie lyonnaise, v, 186.

131 The rare 1542 editions were unavailable to the writer. Instead the 1547 editions, published by Jean Frellon, have been used (Imagines Mortis, Duodecim Imaginibus praeter priores, totidemque Inscriptionibus, praeter epigrammata è Gallicis à Georgia Aemylio in Latinum versa, cumulatae. Quae his addita sunt, sequens pagina commonstrabit, Lugduni: sub scuto Coloniensi. Excudebat Joannes Frellonius, 1547, Houghton Library, Harvard University; Les Images de la Mort, Auxquelles sont adioustées douze figures. Davantage, la Medecine de l'Ame. La Consolation des Malades. Un Sermon de Mortalité par sainct Cyprian. Un Sermon de Patience par sainct Jehan Chrysostome, Newberry Library). Insofar as the essays and verses are concerned they are identical with the 1542 editions.

132 Imagines, A 2^r-A 2^v; infra, p. 127.

133 Images, A 2^r-A 2^v.

134 Imagines, D 6^r-E 3^v.

135 Images, D 6^r-E 4^r.

136 Ibid., E 4^r–E 5^v. This paragraph, considerably shortened, also appears in the Latin essay, although placed at a different and less logical point (Imagines, F 3^r-F 3^v).

137 Images, E 5^v-F 3^v.

138 Images, F 4^r-G 2^v, Imagines, E 4^r-F 2^v.

139 Imagines, E 6^v-E 7^r, Images, F 6^V. “Jesus Christ est venu au Monde pour sauver les pecheurs, desquelz ie suis le principal. Mon frere, aye foy en ses parolles, ainsi qu'a eu sainct Paul, et lors tu seras iustifie et sauvè.”

140 Imagines, F 3^v-G 1^r, Images, G 2^v-G 8^r.

141 Images, G 7^r, Imagines, G 1^r. “Homo christi misericordia fideus, propter fidem et Evangeli haustam, Christo domino suo, qui vera est vita, sic incorporatus est, ut ita dicam, et sic unitus et copulatus, ut ab eo separari et divelli non possit.”

142 Images, G 8^r-G 8^v, Imagines, G 2^r. “Stultissimum est et periculosum indulgere his cogitationibus de praedestinatione …”

143 Images, H 4^v-H 6^r, Imagines, G 7^r. “Siquidem haec duo, credere in Christum, et votis ardentibus fidem expetere, non multum inter se distant …”

144 Imagines, G 8^r-H 4^V.

145 Images, H 7^r-1 6^r.

146 Ibid., H 7^r.

147 Imagines, D 8^V-E 1^r.

148 Imagines, E 7^r, Images, F 6^v.

149 Images, H 7^V-H 8^r, Imagines, G 8^V. The Latin edition merely says “exomologesyn”.

150 Images, H 8^r-H 8^v, Imagines, H 1^r-H 1^v.

151 Images, I 7^r ff., Imagines, H 5^r ff.

152 The British Museum General Catalogue of Printed Books (1951), Vol. 47, p. 699; Fr. Reusch, Heinrich, Der Index der verbotenen Bücher (Bonn, 1853), 241–2.Google Scholar I wish to thank Mr. Frederick R. Goff of the Library of Congress for his aid in finding these attributions.

153 Ahlhorn, Gerhard, Urbanus Rhegius, Leben und ausgewählte Schriften (Elberfeld, 1861), p. 357, n. 16Google Scholar; British Museum Catalogue (1946), Vol. 45, “Rhegius”. First German edition: Seelen Artzney fur gesund und kranken zu diesen gefarlichen zeyten durch Urbanum Rhegium. i.f. Getruct zu Augsburg durch Alexander Weissenhorn bei sant Ursula Closter M.D. XXIX. First Low German edition: Seelen arstedie vor de gesunden unde kranken. Tho dessen darliken tyden, unde yn dodes noden, dorch Urbanum Rhegium. Gedrucket tho Magdeborch dorch Hans Walther. 1530. Johannes Freder's translation first appeared at Wittenberg in 1537, printed by N. Schirlentz.

154 On Rhegius, see Ahlhorn, op. cit.; Ch. Heimbürger, , Urbanus Rhegius (Hamburg, 1851)Google Scholar; Seitz, Otto, Die Theologie des Urbanus Rhegius (Gotha, 1898).Google Scholar

155 The following editions were used: Seelen Arstedie vor de gesunden unde krankcken Tho dessen varliken tiden dorch Urbanum Rhegium, Magdeburg: Hans Walther, 1532; “Medicina Animae” [tr. Joannes Frederus], Opera Urbani Regii Latine Edita, Impressa Noribergae, in offcina Joannis Montani et Ulrici Neuberi, 1562, ccccxii^r ff. A different Latin translation appeared in Frankfurt in 1548: Psychopharmacon, Hoc est: Medicina animae … Frankfurt apud Chr. Egenolphum. This is a collection of essays made by Reinhard Lorichius, who presumably also made the new translation of the Seelen artzney.

156 There are occasional very slight modifications in the Frellon edition. E.g., “fugit, et execratur supplicia” for “fugiat supplicia”, “Nemo” for “At cum nemo” (Imagines, D 6^r; Opera, ccccxii^v). The Lorichius translation is very different from that of Freder, being more rhetorical and expansive, though still adhering closely to Rhegius’ original essay.

157 It seems very likely that the described changes in the Medicine of the Soul originated with the Frellon editions. Except for the Lyons editions, the earliest edition outside of Germany that I know of is “La Medecine de l'Ame, imprimee a Geneve”, among the books condemned from December 1542 to March 1543 by the theology faculty of the University of Paris (“Catalogus Librorum Visitatorum et qualificatorum per facultatem theologiae Parisiensis e Festo Nativitatis Dominicae, anno Domini 1542 ad secundam diem Martii ejusdem anni”, Coilectio Judiciorum, ii, 134). Surely, the “Catholic sections” would not appear in the Genevan work. A. Cartier does not mention this edition in his Arrets du Conseil de Geneve sur le fait de l'imprimerie et de la libraire de 1541 à 1550.

158 The section on calling the doctor which was added in the French edition includes the following sentence: “Et pour dire le vray, il ny a rien qui decore plus une cité, que le medecin de bonne conscience et de ferme erudition” (Images, E 5^r). Was the writer inspired by Michel de Villeneuve, Jean Frellon's friend in 1542?

159 Born in 1517, Oemler went to the University of Wittenberg and moved with that institution to Jena, becoming a member of the faculty of arts in 1537. In 1540, he obtained a rectorship at Siegen. On him, see “Briefwechsel”, D. Martin Luthers Werke (Weimar, 1938), viii, 430 ff.

160 Ibid., viii, 431-2; Holbein's Historical Figures of the Old Testament (Holbein Society, 1869), pp. 86-7.

161 Imagines, B 6^r. Oddly enough, Oemler took his inspiration for this verse from the Biblical quotation over the nun's picture, “Est via quae videtur homini iusta …” and wrote for her a verse on a different theme (ibid., B 6^v).

162 Les Images de la Mort, auxquelles sont adiousties dixsept figures. Davantage, La Medecine de l'Ame. La Consolation des Malades. Vn Sermon de Mortalité, par Sainct Cyprian. Un Sermon de Patience, par Saint Jehan Chrysostome. A Lyon, par Jehan Frellon. A Lyon par Symphorien Barbier, 1562 (Fogg Museum). The Biblical quotations are in French, as in the 1547 edition. The “Catholic sections” of the Medecine de l'Ame are retained, even though the city was then in Protestant hands.

163 La Medecine de l'Ame, Fac. Theol., Univ. of Paris (Dec. 1542-March 1543), Collectio Judiciorum, ii, 134; Een medecyn der zielen voor den ghesonden, ende crancken in doots noot, ende allen menschen zeer profitelijck., Fac. Theol., Univ. of Louvain (1546), Mandament, e ii^v; Medicina del anima … traduzida de Latin en romance, Valdès’ list (1559), Cathalogus librorum, C vii^r. The last two are surely independent of the pictures of death as Holbein's woodcuts did not come out in Dutch or Spanish editions. Both essays appear on the Tridentine Index in Latin and Italian, Index Librorum Prohibitorum, 42, 43. Curiously enough, in no instance is Rhegius’ name associated with the Medicine of the Soul, although he appears in his own right on the various indexes, e.g., Index auctorum et Librorum, qui ab Officio sanctae Rom. et Universalis Inquisitionis caveri ab omnibus … mandantur … , Rome: Antonius Bladus, Jan. 1560 (n.s.).

164 Collectio Judiciorum, II, 177.

165 lndex Librorum Prohibitorum … Cum appendice in Belgio, ex mandato Regiae Catholicae Maiestatis confecta, 80.

166 Cathalogus Librorum, B v^r, B vii^v; Index Librorum Prohibitorum (Antwerp, 1570), 65; Index Librorum Prohibitorum (Vienna, 1595), 76, 65.

167 Simolachri, Historie, e Figure de la Morte, A 2^r-A 2^V.

168 Douce, Francis, The Dance of Death (London, 1833), p. 111.Google Scholar

169 On the Vaugris family, cf. Bibliographie lyonnaise, x, 457 ff.

170 Ibid., 455; His, Edouard, op. cit. (above, note 31), p. 485.Google Scholar

171 Both the Trechsel and the Frellon brothers knew Servetus. To add to the coincidences, Vincent Vaugris also had some contact with him, as he published the second edition of Servetus’ Syroporum universa ratio in Venice, 1545 (Baudrier, 44).

172 Simolachri, Historie, e Figure de la Morte, B 6^r : “Dal forfantar tenuti per usanza.”

173 Index Librorum Prohibitorum, p. 49.

174 See Meylan, Henri, “Bèze et les Italiens de Lyon”, Mélanges Augustin Renaudet, Bibliothèque d'Humanisme et Renaissance, xiv (1952), 234-49.Google Scholar